Peace

The purpose of this document is to outline why and how universities must both transform and mobilise to avert the worst impacts of the global crises faced by humanity. The first section addresses the justification for transformation and how academia can and must transform. In the second section, the document highlights the need for a peaceful mobilisation of student and staff bodies to make effective the transformation advocated for. The document then outlines a blueprint as to action that must be (...) taken in order to initiate the required transformation and mobilisation. (2020). (shrink)

Plato said that as long as wisdom and power, or philosophy and politics, are separated, “there can be no rest from troubles.”1 In The Republic, he sought to forge such a union. For over two millennia, from Plato through John Rawls, philosophers have put forward models for the just state.2 Despite these ongoing efforts, W. B. Gallie contends, “No political philosopher has ever dreamed of looking for the criteria of a good state viz-à-viz [sic] other states.”3 I will argue that (...) as long as wisdom and power are separated in international relations, we will continue to have problems. We need to forge a normative framework capable of addressing global issues. I further maintain that, in order to advance a global normative framework, achieving peace, or at least the “outlawry of war” championed by John Dewey, may well be the precondition for success in addressing the myriad global problems facing humanity.4 I agree with Ronald Glossop that among all the global issues we need to address, war is “humanity’s most pressing problem.”5 How can we adequately protect everyone’s human rights, secure economic well-being for all persons, preserve this planet’s rich biological diversity, and attend to other serious global concerns if we fail to end war? The structure of my argument is as follows: I will begin by reviewing the parochial and warist implications of the focus on national sovereignty within Enlightenment political philosophy from Thomas Hobbes through Immanuel Kant. Then, after indicating how Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Karl Marx point beyond the modern state in a way that would allow for the global application of normative principles, I will note that the Hegelian and Marxian traditions have not made this normative prospect focal. Finally, in order to develop a global normative framework, I will connect the efforts within twentieth-century philosophy to develop arenas of applied ethics to recent efforts in political science to develop a model of a humane world community.. (shrink)

Peace ( salm/silm/salam ) and peacemaking ( sulh ) are essential concepts within the foundational texts of Islam. In these texts, peace is idealized as the state that governs the life of the faithful and defines their relationship with the Creator and His creation. Particularly within the worldview of the Qur’an (the central scripture of Islam, which Muslims believe to be directly revealed by God), peace is the ultimate desideratum, the achievement of which is the noblest and loftiest objective of (...) human striving and existence on earth. This article provides an overview of the contents of these foundational texts and discusses two significant concepts – human stewardship of the earth and justice tempered by mercy – the adoption of which leads to positive peace that addresses the root causes of structural violence and conflict. (shrink)

This essay presents an analysis of Levinas’ and Qisong’s perceptions of the peace as an awakening to the other and its context. Based on an analysis of their views, it suggests that we as a society need to develop an ethical sensitivity, and also to base it otherwise than on an ethically neutral ontology. The first section examines Levinas’ perception of the Western ideal of peace and presents its ontological presupposition of the “sufficiency of being.” The second section interprets his (...) conception of peace as relationship with the other grounded in a “nondual transcendent.” In the third part, a parallel analysis of Levinas’ Chan Buddhist counterpart is presented: Qisong’s peace as relationship with the other grounded in a “nondual transcendent.” The last part explores a second parallel: between Levinas’ peace as disinterestedness and Qisong’s no-form good deeds. (shrink)

Samkhya Philosophy: The Ancient Wisdom for Attaining Profound Tranquillity and Deep Peace Samkhya philosophy, one of the six orthodox systems of Indian thought, offers a profound framework for achieving tranquillity and deep peace through self-realization and liberation. Rooted in ancient Vedic traditions, Samkhya provides a dualistic metaphysics, distinguishing between Purusha (consciousness) and Prakriti (matter), and elucidates the path to transcend suffering by understanding their interplay. This paper explores Samkhya’s core principles, including the three gunas (sattva, rajas, tamas), the twenty-five tattvas (...) (elements of existence), and the process of discriminative knowledge (viveka). By discerning the eternal Purusha from the transient Prakriti, individuals can attain kaivalya (liberation), a state of profound peace free from material entanglements. The philosophy’s emphasis on introspection, meditation, and self-awareness aligns with modern mindfulness practices, making it relevant for contemporary seekers of inner calm. This study highlights how Samkhya’s timeless wisdom fosters mental clarity, emotional balance, and spiritual freedom, offering practical insights for navigating life’s complexities. By integrating its teachings, individuals can cultivate enduring tranquillity, transcending the fluctuations of the material world. (shrink)

Although Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès remains amongst the most studied thinkers of the French Revolution, his views on international politics remain largely unexplored, despite his significant role in shaping the foreign policy of the French republic after 1794. This article provides a new account of Sieyès as an international political thinker and actor, drawing on published and archival materials to reconstruct Sieyès' diplomatic programme and its intellectual roots. In so doing, it challenges both the notion that Sieyès was a committed practitioner of (...) an unideological realopolitik and the common assertion that Sieyès was a follower of Immanuel Kant's famous project for perpetual peace. Instead, this article shows that Sieyès charted a distinct course, based on a plan for the ‘republicanisation’ of Europe and its reorganisation into a league of militarily and economically linked states under French hegemony, oriented towards the preservation of republicanism in a hostile world. On this basis it re-evaluates the relationship between Sieyès' and Kant's conceptions of a confederation of republican states, presenting a new account of Kant's Perpetual Peace as a curtailment of his earlier cosmopolitan and pacifist idealism in response to the international situation of the 1790s and the foreign policy pursued by Sieyès and his allies. (shrink)

Just war theory has long held that the aim of a just war is peace, and not victory. Peace, however, does not feature in either of the two traditional pillars of just war theory: jus ad bellum (which governs the conditions under which we may go to war) and jus in bello (which governs the scope and manner of killing in war). This paper examines the question, which has so far been ignored in the literature, of how exactly just war (...) theory orients a war towards peace. Establishing this foundational claim, which I will refer to as the Peace Claim, is crucial in order for just war theory to hold the middle ground between its two main rivals, realism (which holds that we must pragmatically pursue victory) and pacifism (which holds that we must nonviolently pursue peace). (shrink)

This introduction to a Special Issue of Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) – dedicated to showcasing scholarly research into the language of conflict and peace, describes the general conceptual character of language in conflict initiation as well as in peace process. It further examines the potentials of linguistic representation in the construction of social and political realities that have strong implications for conflicts not only at the interpersonal level but also have consequences in terms of national and global security. It argues (...) that critical discourse analysis provides sufficient and interesting methodological resource for analyzing conflict and peace discourses. Then, it briefly summarizes the various topics covered in the Special Issue highlighting the approaches adopted by the authors. Drawing from different contexts and scenarios, the authors demonstrate how methods in linguistics and discourse studies are applied to analyzing conflict and peace processes. Hence, this introductory piece, shows how this Special Issue contributes to scholarly understanding of the roles of language within the context of conflict or peace, as well as illustrate in some interesting extent, how to research the language of conflict and peace in discourse studies. (shrink)

The present paper is rooted in an older concern, regarding Augustine’s contradictions[1]. In the history of ideas there is a common place that authors contradict themselves and that their ideas migrate from one pole to another. This paper aims to present the case study regarding Augustine’s contradictions. I propose to focus on an issue that interfered later with the Church’s politics, namely the subject of peace and war, as we find them in De Civitate Dei and Epistola 185. Even though (...) the issue of peace and war appears in several of his writings, those mentioned before seem more relevant for the topic, as they were also approached previously by other authors. I equally propose to highlight that Augustine echoes some ideas on war that can be read under Plato’s pen, although he was more of a Plotinus’s follower. But, as a personal touch, I would try to incorporate it within the entire dual thought of Augustine, that was echoed in the following centuries in the thought of the scholastics and the policy of The Catholic Church. [1] I’m aiming to speak about the ideological contradictions in the present article (the good peace/the bad peace, the good war/the bad war, connected to the good love/the bad love etc). (shrink)

The aspiration for peace has been a recurring theme in human history, yet war remains a persistent reality. This paradox raises fundamental questions: Can war be rendered impossible? How do historical enemies transition into allies? The international friend-enemy polarization threatens global stability, with contemporary political divisions exacerbating internal national conflicts. We offer a collection of papers and debates that presented at the 2024 Dublin conference ‘Dreams of Peace and Realities of War. The Friend-Enemy Polarization’. The first section examines political polarization (...) and enmity: Jacob Rogozinski’s analysis of absolute hostility in democratic societies questions whether democratic agonism can contain enmity without leading to destructive divisions. Nicholas Hayes-Mota revisits Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic democracy, comparing it with Saul Alinsky’s community organizing to assess its practical viability. Nadia Urbinati critiques the decline of political intermediation, linking it to socio-economic inequalities and the erosion of democratic deliberation. Mauro Magatti explores globalization’s failure, arguing that it has fueled instability, reinforcing nationalistic and religious divisions. The second section focuses on inclusion and exclusion in politics, tradition, and religion. Seán Golden discusses Confucianism’s historical role as a counterbalance to militaristic realpolitik. Asma Afsaruddin explores Islamic peacemaking traditions, highlighting Quranic and Hadith-based principles of justice and mercy. Chandra Mallampalli analyzes India’s anti-conversion laws and Hindu nationalism, while Brian Levy examines South Africa’s struggle with economic inequality and identity politics. The final section addresses globalization and polarization in the digital age. Fulvia Giachetti critiques the neoliberal belief that free markets promote peace, while Assaf Sharon interrogates how authoritarian demagogues manipulate public discourse. Marina Calloni discusses algorithmic-driven political enmity, and Chiara Giaccardi advocates for ‘inter-independence’ as a framework for sustainable global relations. As history oscillates between peace and conflict, this collection of essays offers critical insights into the challenges of reconciliation, urging renewed efforts to institutionalize peace amid rising global tensions. (shrink)

In this article, the author aims to demonstrate how Agamben’s concept of Homo Sacer is ideally epitomized by a soldier in war. A soldier in war holds a peculiar position, as killing of soldiers is considered neither illegal by laws nor immoral by ethics, and so a soldier is not considered to be legally or morally “guilty” in the usual sense of the word if he or she kills another soldier in war. The author analyzes the notion of Homo Sacer (...) – a figure representing a human that can be killed without the killer being punished, but at the same time someone who cannot be sacrificed – and further demonstrates that a soldier in war can be said to hold precisely such a status. The reason why a soldier cannot be sacrificed resides in the fact that he has already been “sacrificed to war” by his own society, in exchange for the safety of all other members of society. Perceiving a soldier as Homo Sacer provides a novel explanation and an additional argument for the moral symmetry of combatants, one of the pillars of non-revisionist Just War Theory, as all soldiers can be understood as persons sacrificed by their own societies. (shrink)

The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the formation of the canonical two-evening edition of S. S. Prokofiev's opera "War and Peace" and the influence on this process of the authors of the first production of the composition at the Maly Opera House in 1946 - the musical and stage version of conductor S. A. Samosud, director B. A. Pokrovsky and artist V. V. Dmitriev. The main purpose of the work is to identify the key aspects of the (...) impact of the theater and the production process on the appearance of the legendary opera epic S. S. Prokofiev. The methodology of work is based on the principle of historicism in the study of musical drama and the stage fabric of the performance, developed by the domestic theater school. A study of the first edition of the 1943 opera, a detailed analysis of the rehearsal and staging process for preparing the premiere performance at the Maly Opera House, preserved letters and memoirs, periodicals, as well as a number of archival materials reveal a significant role for the authors of the production - conductor S. A. Samosud and director B. A. Pokrovsky - in a revision of the composer's originally created composition, explain the work of S. S. Prokofiev in order to create additional musical and dramatic episodes, which later became the climax of the canonical version of the opera. The author examines the little-known facts of the history of the creation of the opera "War and Peace" by S. S. Prokofiev - the influence of the theater on the appearance of the work formed as a result of work on the production of 1946-1947. (shrink)

This essay examines novel threats to peace – social and political threats as well as military and technological. It worries that familiar conceptions of state sovereignty cannot sustain a legal order capable of meeting those threats, not even if we understand sovereignty as responsibility to protect human rights. The essay tentatively proposes that recent efforts to reformulate state sovereignty as responsibility to humanity – ‘R2H’ for short – offer a better hope. Under this reformulation, states must take into account the (...) interests of those outside their sovereign territory as well as those of the of their own people – in particular, the shared interest in subduing dire threats to world peace. Responsibility to humanity raises practical as well as philosophical questions. Some may fear that R2H would become a Trojan horse for powerful interests wishing to impose their will on the less powerful. The essay argues that these fears misunderstand what R2H requires. Alternatively, R2H may sound preposterously utopian, in an era of waning trust in internationalism and an upsurge of reactionary nationalism. In response, I argue that reactionary nationalism is itself a dire mistake – a symptom of our current ills, not a cure. (shrink)

This article argues that a joke about the demagogue Hyperbolus in Aristophanes’ Peace (685–7) can be illuminated by a reconsideration of the meaning of the little-attested word περιζωσάμενος in the Aristotelian Constitution of the Athenians (Athênaiôn Politeia 28.3), where it describes how Cleon dressed in an unconventional manner when appearing before the assembly. In recent translation of and commentary on the Aristotelian text there appears to have been no investigation of the meaning of περιζωσάμενος in Greek comedy: readers are informed (...) that Cleon either hitched up his (unspecified) clothing or somehow fastened his cloak to allow him to make gestures with both hands. However, the philological and material-cultural evidence presented here points to something more specific and more dramatic. Elsewhere in classical and later Greek the word περιζώννυσθαι means belting or knotting something around the waist and is most frequently found in contexts of manual labour. Here, it is argued that the import of Athênaiôn Politeia 28.3 is that Cleon spoke to the assembly dressed for work in his family’s tannery—a powerful symbol of his allegiance to the manual-labouring demos and his antagonism towards the aristocratic elite. It is to his unconventional self-fashioning that Aristophanes alludes in Peace when he jokes that after Cleon’s death the naked demos has wrapped itself (περιεζώσατο) in Hyperbolus, the new leader of the people. (shrink)

This paper reviews briefly the main approaches in the literature on ethics of war and suggests the need to move beyond an _ethic of justice_ towards an _ethic of care_. The analysis problematizes dominant understandings of “just war” and “just peace” in the literature and highlights that incorporating elements of an ethic of care, our understanding of ethics of war and peace can be redefined, sharpened, and redeployed through an enlarged ethical lens. The author suggests that scholars and practitioners in (...) different fields of study and domains of social and political life can make important contributions by defining, elucidating, and advocating why both perspectives, those of ethic of justice and care, _together_ allow us to capture the prospects of a broader understanding and the practice of peace. (shrink)

In his monumental work, “War and Peace,” Leo Tolstoy boldly confronts the traditional depiction of heroism in the context of war. He meticulously deconstructs the archetype of the flawless leader, replacing it with a diverse ensemble of characters who redefine heroism through their actions, motivations, and in some instances, their pursuit of a meaningful life. This essay delves into Tolstoy’s innovative portrayal of heroism through an array of characters, both historical figures like Napoleon Bonaparte and Mikhail Kutuzov, and fictional personas (...) such as Prince Andrew Bolkonsky, Nicholas Rostov, Feodor Dolokhov, Captain Tushin, Pierre Buzukhov, and Platon Karataev. Tolstoy invites readers to perceive heroism not as grandiose acts or military prowess, but as the quiet strength, resilience, and moral compass exhibited by unsung heroes. The essay explores this theme through a diverse cast of characters, from unassuming soldiers like Captain Tushin to self-serving figures like Dolokhov, and disillusioned idealists like Pierre and Andrei. Contrary to the image of the glory-seeking conqueror, Tolstoy portrays heroism as the right way of being, embodied by ordinary people. The essay argues that true heroes prioritize duty, empathy, and a commitment to a greater purpose. The analysis extends beyond the battlefield, underscoring the heroism of resilience and compassion embodied by the peaceful survivor Platon Karataev. Lastly, the essay scrutinizes the complexities of heroism, acknowledging the imperfections of some heroes and the power of collective action. By dismantling the myth of the infallible leader, “War and Peace” urges us to recognize the various forms heroism can take and to celebrate the unsung heroes who shape our world. This essay encapsulates the essence of Tolstoy’s view of individual character and ethical and religio-philosophical views of individuals by providing a comprehensive overview of its key arguments and themes. Keywords: Leo Tolstoy (the author), Heroism (central concept), Redefinition (how Tolstoy challenges traditional views), Ordinary Individuals (focus on non-traditional heroes), Quiet Strength (inner fortitude over outward displays), Resilience (ability to bounce back from adversity), Empathy (capacity to understand and share feelings), Moral Compass (strong sense of right and wrong), Duty (fulfilling obligations), Greater Purpose (contributing to something larger than oneself), Deconstructing the Myth (breaking down the idea of the infallible leader), UnsungHeroes (those who deserve recognition but are often overlooked), Flaws of Heroes (heroes are not perfect), Collective Action (heroism emerging from a group), War and Peace (the specific literary work analyzed). (shrink)

Combining historical analysis and contemporary interviews with Muslim peace advocates, this book develops an empirically-grounded survey of Islamic philosophies of nonviolence and a general analysis of the phenomenon. Woerner-Powell sheds light on how Islamic thought might play a larger role in secular and inter-religious debates.

The article examines the principles of stability and civil disobedience in unity to contrast them with a current idea that the principle of peace is a formal ideal of law, while justice is its substantive but relative ideal. The proposed alternative, emphasizing the problems of stability, highlights its conceptual uniqueness and its political significance, which theories of justice and theories of peace, but also theories of law, do not pay attention to.

The relevance of the study lies in the need to assess the influence and significance of socio-political movements in stimulating political and social changes, in this case, the anti-nuclear movement in Kazakhstan. This will allow for a deeper understanding of the complexity and multidimensional nature of organised collective actions and may inform future research and policy development related to nuclear testing, environmental issues, and public health. The article aims to define the philosophy of the international anti-nuclear movement, “Nevada-Semey” (“Struggle for (...) peace, on their own land”). The authors point to the causal link that the researched international anti-nuclear campaign is a social phenomenon that emerged as a consequence of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site activity. Therefore, the academic writings, and normative documents concerning the work of this nuclear testing ground and its consequences for the environment and human health are analysed first of all. Journalistic studies, scientific articles, and monographs on the international anti-nuclear movement “Nevada-Semey” are studied and analysed. The authors of the article found and investigated that the studied campaign had its philosophy, along with the main goal it was concerned with humanitarian aid and legal provision for residents of settlements affected by the polygon. (shrink)

Glowacki argues that the human capacity for peace emerged 100,000 years ago, and that the logic of peace is such that the traits and technologies that enable peace are the same that are used to wage war. In my commentary I raise some concerns about these points as well as about Glowacki's understanding of peace.

How can philosophy interpret the phenomenon of contemporary war in the light of radical changes in international relations? How to redefine the concepts of different philosophical-political traditions? Is philosophy now condemned to the role of spectator, only able to describe the phenomenon of war, or can it still suggest ways of overcoming it and achieving peace? This monographic issue of Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica aims, through four articles that address the phenomenon of war from different perspectives, to answer these (...) urgent questions. (shrink)

In this research, I tried to collect and study Qur’anic verses related to the topic of tolerance temper in the prophets’ calling to their people, through the calling of the Prophet Muhammad, may God bless him and grant him peace, to his people. At the end of the research, it concluded with results, the most prominent of which were: that the Holy Qur’an is the constitution of morals and etiquettes, and it includes sublime etiquettes and refined morals, and that the (...) Prophet, may God bless him, was the most prominent worker of divine directives, especially with regard to tolerance temper with his people when calling them to Islam. The research also ended with a recommendation to conduct specialized studies on tolerance temper among the prophets in the rest of the Qur’anic surahs. (shrink)

Glowacki's work meshes well with our view of human nature as having evolved to use culture to improve survival and reproduction. Peace is a cultural achievement, requiring advances in social organization and control, including leaders who can implement policies to benefit the group, third-party mediation, and intergroup cooperation. Cultural advances shift intergroup interactions from negative-sum (war) to positive-sum (trade).

Pope Francis both grants the right to use armed force in self-defense and regards all war as ‘a defeat for humanity’. This seeming paradox can be explained by the fact that what is a theoretically just use of force (according to the criteria of just war theory) inevitably results in unjust violence when carried out in practice. The undertaking, processes and practices of war are highly susceptible to what Augustine called the libido dominandi. The theory of just war is carried (...) forward in institutions of actual war-making that foster escalation, discourage restraint, and adapt the theory itself to accommodate increasing violence. ‘Just war’ fails to embody the social and institutional virtue of justice. Thus, as Pope Francis exhorts, the Christian ethics of war and peace should prioritize the theory of just peace and the cultivation of peacebuilding dispositions, practices, and institutions. These strategies favor justice, but success is not guaranteed. (shrink)

We examine three business-related initiatives designed to achieve peace positive impacts in the Cape Town township of Langa. Each was seemingly straightforward in its purpose, logic, and implementation. However, their positive intent was frustrated and their impacts ultimately harmful to their articulated goals. Understanding why this is so can be difficult in violent, turbulent, and information-poor environments such as Langa, confounding progress even by actors with ethical intentions. To aid in sense making and to provide insight for more positive future (...) action, we develop from 125 interviews conducted for this study causal loop models for these initiatives within their conflict subsystems. These explain the perverse impacts of these initiatives by illuminating their (lack of) salience to key conflict factors, their (in)sufficiency to effect positive change in light of competing systems dynamics, and their (in)attentiveness to interdependencies with the intentions and actions of others. We thus contribute to understanding of the factors required to achieve positive social outcomes in more extreme contexts. More generally, we demonstrate the value of systems analysis both for scholarship related to business and peace and for reducing blind spots that can inhibit sound planning for ethical business action amidst complexity. (shrink)

The article examines Kant’s philosophical legacy with an emphasis on the political and legal plane of the innovative and currently extremely relevant research of the German thinker. In particular, both systematic and historical ways of posing the question of the possibilities of achieving and establishing long-term peace are highlighted. Regarding the historical aspect, two paradigms of Western political and legal thinking are distinguished: Aristotelian and Machiavellian; the first – with an emphasis on values, the second – on pragmatic interest, conditionally (...) speaking, the «confrontational model». It is shown that Kant, among his modern predecessors, was more inclined towards the French spiritual tradition, in particular, to the approaches of J.-J. Rousseau. It is emphasized that for Kant, based on his moral and ethical approaches, the idea of individual freedom is key – it is also relevant for Kant’s research on political and legal issues. It is demonstrated that, interpreting man not only as an inhabitant of the natural world, but also as an inhabitant of the world of free will, Kant interprets freedom as a political category. The peculiarity of Kant’s intellectual efforts aimed at finding a mechanism that would make it possible to prevent wars is emphasized, although the philosopher understood that peace is not a natural human state. It is revealed that the philosopher’s key intention was a call for such a general legal civil state, within the framework of which a state of perpetual peace should be established between all states, while the main hopes were placed on states that profess a republican system and are ready, in particular, to conduct intensive trade with each other. It is noted that this approach of Kant, albeit only locally, was successfully demonstrated in the second half of the twentieth century in Western Europe. Special attention is paid to the so-called «preliminary» articles of Kant and their relevance for modernity is shown, in particular, in the case of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The continuity in the issues of war and peace between Kant and Karl Jaspers is emphasized, thus demonstrating the significance of the Protestant spiritual culture, which is based on the «ethics of responsibility». The correct idea of Kant is also emphasized, according to which, in contrast to countries with a republican form of government, tyrannies and dictatorships, not being accountable to their population, are much more inclined to unleash wars of aggression, therefore, they are, in fact, ready not for «perpetual peace», but for «perpetual war». In this sense, the question of the relationship between different civilizational types, of the «clash of civilizations» has become quite logical. (shrink)

Historically, Yogyakarta had enjoyed the reputation of being a bastion of interreligious tolerance in Indonesia. Still, a growing spate of events that were manifestations of religious intolerance calls for a rethinking of that narrative. This paper examines public space civility, peace spirituality, and interreligious engagement in Yogyakarta. Through a quantitative survey approach, it is found that there is a statistically significant positive relationship between positive public space civility and peace spirituality. Apart from the positive correlations of public behaviour and peace (...) spirituality, there is also a theory-practice gap, in that most measures seemed to make the Muslim and Christian participants alike appear very insecure. The current study extends earlier research and underlines how grassroots interreligious engagement can stand in front in peace-making, enhancing spirituality, and religious tolerance. (shrink)

We elaborate on Glowacki's claim that humans are more capable of establishing peace than other mammals. We present three aspects suggesting caution. First, the social capabilities of nonhuman primates should not be underestimated. Second, the effect of these capabilities on peace establishment is nonmonotonous. Third, defining peace by human-centered values introduces a fallacy.

Paul Ricœur considered the theme of non-peace in self-affirmation to have such existential and phenomenological bearing that he devoted his intellectual capacity to explore the self that is never immediately present to oneself or at immediate peace with oneself. Not all reasons for such originating non-peace are well observed in Ricœur scholarship. This article proposes that Ricœur approaches the self by means of occupied spatiality or under the notion of “having” the self. The argument is made that self-affirmation is reliant (...) on objectification that, subsequently, results in the self “having” or possessing itself as an object. Such necessary structure for the process of self-affirmation leads the self to grasp a notion of itself as an expropriated appropriator; this achievement leaves the self in a perpetuated state of non-peace. Here the analysis—complementary to those already presented in Ricœur scholarship—approaches religious question-setting. Making a reference to Augustine the article accords with his personal assessment considering his “unfinished state” of needing to wait and hope for “that utter peace” when the problems of human existence do not disturb him any more. (shrink)

Persistent and newly emerging conflicts around the world have made the search for successful conflict resolution imperative. We need insights into how to prevent violent clashes, and how to find ways to peace and reconciliation. Since the 1970s, an increasing number of institutions have started to work on topics such as “peace studies”, “conflict resolution/transformation”, “transitional justice”, and “reconciliation”. The articles published in this issue are based on keynote lectures and presentations held at the workshop “Peace and Understanding: A Ricœurian (...) View” that took place at Åbo Akademi University in Finland in September 2023. The workshop focused on the French philosopher Paul Ricœur’s contribution to the questions of war, power, violence, social justice, interreligious understanding and peace and reconciliation. (shrink)

Two recent lines of inquiry that have emerged in educational philosophy and research are the turn to affect theory and the call for decolonising education. Although there have been some efforts to bring these two lines of inquiry together and inform educational philosophy and research, there is still important conceptual work to be done, especially in the context of peace education, our focus in this paper. To initiate this work, we consider the concepts of affective atmospheres and atmospheric attunements that (...) have been discussed within the context of affect theory. Drawing on these two concepts, we argue that fundamental to any attempts to decolonising peace education is elucidating the coloniality of affects. This is a necessary step towards dismantling the colonial affects that permeate peace education praxis and are maintained through perceptions of peace and conflict embedded within a Western, Eurocentric frame. The paper analyses the theoretical insights emerging from bringing these concepts together to bear on the decolonisation of peace education and discusses some political possibilities that are also enabled. (shrink)

In the following article I will discuss the context in which Kant used the theological concept of chiliasm. Kant introduced the concept of chiliasm to reflect the complexity of the feasibility of the idea of the highest good in the world. To achieve this, Kant made an effort to liberate chiliasm from an exclusively theological meaning and gave it a meaning consistent with his own philosophy. The introduction of the concept of “philosophical chiliasm” represents an alternative to the strategy of (...) the realization of the idea of the highest good presented in Critique of Practical Reason. We need not think of the feasibility of the highest goals of morality as those guaranteed by God alone. Since at least 1784 Kant has made it clear that the feasibility of these goals is also conceivable on the basis of the guarantees of nature itself. Philosophical chiliasm is thus Kant’s original answer to the question of the feasibility of the idea of the highest good in the world. The final answer is given in Towards Perpetual Peace. (shrink)

This article scrutinizes discourse surrounding the Russia-Ukraine war in Western nations, where, despite widespread support for Ukraine, a contingent advocates for peace by rejecting military aid. This “pacifist” stance gains traction through public demonstrations in European countries and political endorsement. However, by opposing military aid while advocating peace, these messages, while ostensibly altruistic, distort genuine efforts for establishing peace in Ukraine. The article argues that recent developments from the philosophy of language, combined with the realities of Russia’s invasion and main (...) war objectives, provide clarity on this phenomenon, making a case for considering such calls for peace as propagandistic, perverting the meaning of the word. (shrink)

Judith Butler’s 2021 essay “Bodies That Still Matter” offers a compressed rehearsal of themes and moves that are developed in more detail in their 2020 book, The Force of Nonviolence: An Ethico-Political Bind. In both projects, Butler spotlights the term feminicidio as an instructive indicator of brutality and violence against feminized individuals, including trans women. Feminicidio exemplifies the violence of “unequal grievability” that Butler’s recent work seeks to overcome; therefore, in particular relation to their recent work on nonviolence, Butler insists (...) that the horror of feminicidio should be closely linked to analysis that mobilizes against the full social force of the crimes. Following the work of Montserrat Sagot, Butler calls for analysis that links the brutality of the killings with a structure of social domination and terror. Additionally, Butler introduces questions for further exploration about representation, social organization, and the relation of sexual terror to domination, extermination, or a general theory of sexuality and violence. In this article, I make a start on the set of questions that come along with the term feminicidio in the work of some of its key theorists such as Diana Russell, Marcela Lagarde, Monserrat Sagot, and Alicia Schmidt Camacho. Here, in support of Butler’s claim that feminicidio should be analyzed in ways that mobilize comprehensive resistance, this article (1) defends Lagarde’s definition of feminicidio as an institutionalized crime, especially against Russell’s objection; (2) develops Sagot’s analysis of femicide in relation to Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics, (3) considers Schmidt Camacho’s critique of the term in the context of maquiladora labor in Mexico, and (4) excavates the salience of Foucault’s concept of biopower as an important model for Butler’s analysis. Finally, this article (5) argues that Butler’s work challenges nonviolence researchers to expand their interest and understanding of grieving as a form of resistance. (shrink)

Glowacki recognizes the importance of norms in enabling war and peace, but does not focus on the cultural evolutionary mechanisms by which these norms are maintained. We highlight how group-structured cultural selection shapes the scale and nature of peaceful intergroup interactions. The mechanistic perspective reveals that there are many more cases of peaceful intergroup relations than the current account implies.

On the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Ursula Le Guin’s novella The Word for World is Forest, the Anarres Project for Alternative Futures posed a question: what can this text offer to activists engaged in environmental and social movements today? In this response I propose we can learn from this book by noticing the ecofeminist perspective underlying its morality. In The Word for World is Forest, Le Guin demonstrates clear links between behaviours that discriminate against women and “others,” including (...) indigenous people, and the degradation of the environment. But by tracing this ecofeminist ethic out from the content of the text to its form, I show that, despite the ecofeminist ideas within the text, the novella is still structured according to the masculinist patterns of thought it seeks to challenge. I consider this text in the context of Le Guin’s own critical engagement with the genres of science fiction and utopia through her essays and later fiction. Just as Le Guin deconstructed then remade these genres in order that her writing might better present her ideas without contradiction, I invite activists to explore how their practice might change if they consciously rescind the logic of man’s mastery over nature and others that has shaped the Western worldview for centuries. I speculate that if in our work we use our “mother tongue” and speak from outside of the masculinist paradigm that Le Guin critiques in The Word for World is Forest, it may set a course to enacting real change. (shrink)

John Meinert outlines Aquinas's historical predecessors, then provides an exposition and interpretation of the full scope of Aquinas's thought on peace: metaphysics, Trinitarian theology, Christology, Pneumatology, ecclesiology, natural theology, ethics, and sacramental theology. What emerges from this extended study is a new vision of Aquinas's work. Peace in the Thought of Thomas Aquinas establishes Aquinas as an indispensable dialogue partner for anyone thinking rigorously about the theology, philosophy, and ethics of peace. As Aquinas himself says, "observe peace and you will (...) come to salvation.". (shrink)

The first part of the study is devoted to a comparative analysis of the concepts of the Ethics of War and Peace in Russian philosophy and its influence on the world practice of nonviolence. The second part of the study is devoted to analyzing the impact of changes in legislation and law enforcement practice on the moral state of society concerning the Armed Forces and military operations after the collapse of the USSR. In conclusion, a summary of the research is (...) given. The relevance of the ideas of Russian thinkers about the need for a clear definition of the concepts with which we describe reality, the relevance of non-violent conflict resolution, the priority of preserving and developing human-oriented culture, law and morality for the formation of a healthy society with the conditions of the Noosphere are drawn. (shrink)

Between 1494 and 1498, Savonarola was involved in a wide range of actions and challenges: exposition of his theological doctrine, reformist activities, moral and political preaching and prophetic announcements. Initially, much of this activity was dominated by a rhetoric of peace, an idea closely linked to the Christian and scholastic tradition. Under the auspices of Savonarola, Florence promulgated the Legge della pace, a law designed to moderate executive power and ensure the reconciliation of citizens. However, the severe Florentine crisis and (...) the polarisation around his figure led Savonarola to change his discourse according to the practical needs of the moment. The scholastic notion of peace, understood as the harmonious unity of plurality, in fact allowed for a friend-foe logic; however, it was far removed from the civic-republican approach to politics. (shrink)

In The Force of Nonviolence, Judith Butler argues that Walter Benjamin’s concept of divine violence can be related to a technique of nonviolent civil government. To make the argument, Butler relies on Benjamin’s philosophy of translation. This article reviews Benjamin’s concept of divine violence as presented in “Toward the Critique of Violence” in order to show that divine violence is violence. While some forms of nonviolence identified by Butler share common traits with Benjamin’s divine violence in the fact that they (...) may have real force and be “pure means,” nevertheless, the means of Benjamin’s divine violence are violent ones. This article argues that conceiving divine violence as violence is necessary to a rigorous understanding of violence and nonviolence, especially in their revolutionary forms. Appeal is made to recent works by Avram Alpert, Idris Robinson, and Billie Murray who argue against suppressing the study of violence in liberation movements. (shrink)

In this paper I aim to postulate which are the conditions for a future peace—if it is at all possible—between Israel and Palestine, in the light of the events of 7 October 2023, the unprecedented attack on civilians of Israel, mostly women, elderly people and children, by members of the terrorist group Hamas, and the counterattack by Israeli forces, which, unfortunately, killed many civilians too. Taking as a starting point mainly the theoretical grounds of Kant and Rawls, I intend to (...) discuss the conditions for a future peace between the people of Israel and Palestine, and for the establishment of the UN’s proposal for two states—the State of Israel and the State of Palestine. I wish to consider whether the present events prejudice or even exclude that solution, in the short, medium and long term. (shrink)

Glowacki's detailed account of small-scale societies’ endogenously emerging tendencies to oscillate between phases of peace and war highlights a need for understanding better the incentives governing “internal” policing for “external” peacekeeping. Here, I sketch some of these incentives and point out a resulting dilemma which Glowacki's account leaves unresolved for the time being.

It’s a compact yet thoughtful read for those seeking peace through curiosity and understanding. The use of the ancient paradox with the sage and the king highlights the power of language and thought, while the book’s broader themes delve into how our brain, though small, plays a significant role in shaping our understanding of the world. With references to the author’s innovative research, including mindsponge theory and BMF analytics, the book offers both practical wisdom and food for thought. Its concise (...) yet rich content provides a calm space for reflection amid today’s overwhelming information chaos. Ideal for those seeking intellectual nourishment, this book is a refreshing and insightful read. (shrink)

The current study has four objectives to examine whether: -/- The family’s provisions of cultural-historical knowledge of other countries, communication methods with people in different cultures, and encouragement to learn foreign languages are associated with students’ willingness to exchange historical and cultural information with other people. Students’ willingness to exchange historical and cultural information with others is associated with their awareness of cultural diversity. Students’ willingness to exchange historical and cultural information with others is associated with their awareness of global (...) interdependence. Students’ willingness to exchange historical and cultural information with others is associated with their awareness of peace protection. (shrink)