Conflict Resolution

This essay will attempt to inspect and discuss what ‘efforts’ have been made to recover from the apartheid regime, to explore the status quaestionis of peacebuilding and conflict transformation theories that have been formulated and consulted to advance and assess these efforts and to consider the reasons for the impact—or lack thereof—that these efforts have had on South Africa's recovery from apartheid era policies and transgressions. The central question towards which these points of focus are directed, is: are South Africa’s (...) various recovery and reconciliation initiatives to be considered more of a success than a failure or vice versa? (shrink)

In Greek mythology the Muses –patron goddesses of fine arts, history, humanities, and sciences– are tellingly portrayed as the daughters of Zeus and Mnemosyne, the goddess Memory, who is of the race of Titans, older still than Zeus and other Olympian deities. The relationship between memory and such fields as epic poetry, history, music and dance is easily recognizable to moderns. But bards/poets like Homer and Hesiod, who began oral storytelling by “invoking the Muses” with their audience, knew well that (...) remembering, forgetting, and imagining are each to be esteemed as, in Hesiod’s words, “gifts of the goddesses.” The economy of memory is an important concern for moral psychology, philosophy of emotions, and philosophy of imagination. This chapter examines ways that amusements, both classically and today, can function to educate moral emotions in and though their multi-faceted engagements with the economy of memory. (shrink)

Conflict is inevitable in the workplace and manifests in different ways. It is a common dysfunction when working in teams. A diversity of thoughts, ideologies, and beliefs always creates a risk of disagreement and misalignment. When examining identity and positionality in the workplace, conflict is usually resolved in favor of those who have identities within the dominant White culture. In light of this common reality, an opportunity is created to examine and determine how conflict can be resolved from an inclusive (...) and equitable approach. This case study is designed to outline the tools and resources the Center for Equity and Inclusion uses with its clients when guiding organizations to resolve conflict, advance equity, and center Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) in the workplace. (shrink)

This article treats rituals of apology and reconciliation as responses to social discontent, specifically to expressions of anger and resentment. A standard account of social discontent, found both in the literature on transitional justice and in the social theory of Axel Honneth, has it that these emotional expressions are evidence of an underlying psychic need for recognition. In this framework, the appropriate response to expressions of anger and discontent is a recognitive one that includes victims of injustice in the political (...) community by showing them that they are valued members. In the aftermath of injustices, such recognitive responses are thought to include acknowledgments of victim suffering, reconciliatory gestures, and rituals of contrition. I will argue, against this narrative, that treating victim anger as evidence of an underlying need for recognition threatens to depoliticize emotional responses to injustice by treating them as symptoms of psychic injuries instead of intelligible political claims. Discussing mainly the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation process set up to deal with the history of the Indian Residential School system, I show how rituals of reconciliation and apology, in the context of settler-colonial states and neoliberal politics, serve as a biopolitical management of “bad” emotions. This will serve as a critique both of the politics of reconciliation and of social–theoretic approaches that treat expressions of discontent exclusively through a lens of recognition. Instead, I argue, in politics as well as theory, we need to engage with emotional expressions as intelligible political claims that exceed the psychic need for recognition. (shrink)

What are we to make of the fact that world leaders, such as Canada’s Justin Trudeau, have, within the last few decades, offered official apologies for a whole host of past injustices? Scholars have largely dealt with this phenomenon as a moral question, seeing in these expressions of contrition a radical disruption of contemporary neoliberal individualism, a promise of a more humane world. Focusing on Canadian apology politics, this essay instead proposes a nonideal approach to state apologies, sidestepping questions of (...) what they ought to do and focusing instead on their actual functioning as political acts. Through a sociologically informed speech act theory and Foucault’s work on power, apology is conceptualized as a speech act with an essentially relational nature. The state, through apologizing, reaffirms the norms governing its relationship to its subjects at a moment when a past transgression threatens to destabilize this relation. From a Foucauldian point of view, the state’s power inheres in the very stability of the state–citizen relation, and we should therefore see apologies as defensive moves to protect state hegemony. In the context of Western liberal democracies, such as Canada, apologies embody, rather than challenge, the logic of neoliberal governmentality by suggesting that everything, including resentment against the state, can be managed within the current status quo. Nevertheless, total cynicism about apology politics is not warranted. In many indigenous apology campaigners’ demands for contrition we see another side of apologies: their potential to bring about change by enacting counterhegemonic relations to the state. (shrink)

This book explores the implications of agonistic democratic theory for political practice. Fuat Gürsözlü argues that at a time when political parties exacerbate political division, political protesters are characterized as looters and terrorists, and extreme partisanship and authoritarian tendencies are on the rise, the agonistic approach offers a much-needed rethinking of political practice to critically understand challenges to democracy and envision more democratic, inclusive, and peaceful alternatives. Inspired by Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory and drawing on insights of other prominent agonistic (...) scholars, Gürsözlü offers a distinctive approach that develops the connections between the agonistic approach and political practice. His main claim is that approaching democratic politics from an agonistic perspective changes the way we understand the nature of democratic society, the place of political protest in democracy, the nature of adversarial engagement, and the democratic function of political parties. The book also advances an account of agonistic peace that is best fitted to the pluralistic and inherently conflictual nature of democratic societies. This book should be of interest to anyone working in the field of contemporary political theory, political philosophy, peace studies, and philosophy of peace. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue that one approach to normative political theory, namely contextualism, can benefit from a specific kind of historical inquiry, namely genealogy, because the latter provides a solution to a deep-seated problem for the former. This problem consists in a lack of critical distance and originates from the justificatory role that contextualist approaches attribute to contextual facts. I compare two approaches to genealogical reconstruction, namely the historiographical method pioneered by Foucault and the hybrid method of pragmatic genealogy (...) as practiced by Bernard Williams, arguing that they both ensure an increase in critical distance while preserving contextualism’s distinctiveness. I also show, however, that only the latter provides normative action-guidance and can thus assist the contextualist theorist in the crucial task of discerning how far certain contextual facts deserve their justificatory role. I prove this point by showing how a pragmatic genealogy of the practice of punishment can inform the contextualist’s reflection about the role this practice should play in a transitional scenario, i.e. in the set of circumstances societies go through in the aftermath of large-scale violence and human rights violations. (shrink)

The fog of war—poor intelligence about the enemy—can frustrate even a well-prepared military force. Something similar can happen in intellectual debate. What I call the *fog of debate* is a useful metaphor for grappling with failures and dysfunctions of argumentative persuasion that stem from poor information about our opponents. It is distressingly easy to make mistakes about our opponents’ thinking, as well as to fail to comprehend their understanding of and reactions to our arguments. After describing the fog of debate (...) and outlining its sources in cognition and communication, I consider a few policies we might adopt upon learning we are in this fog. (shrink)

Recent studies of peacebuilding highlight the importance of attending to people’s local experiences of conflict and cooperation. This trend, however, raises the fundamental questions of how the local is and should be constituted and what the relationship is between institutions and individual actors of peace at the local level of politics. I turn to Hannah Arendt’s thoughts to address these issues. Arendt’s thinking provides a distinctive form of realism that calls for stable institutions but never depletes the spirit of resistance. (...) Peacebuilding guided by this insight seeks to enable parties in conflict to voice their competing opinions by acting agonistically in public and to help them align their disruptive yet creative voices with a desire to establish and sustain common institutions. Thus, Arendt’s thinking not only offers a way to increase sensitivity to local differences but also to provide direction to the politics of resistance. In the end, it offers a balanced insight into peacebuilding and local agency beyond the contemporary liberal and critical approaches to peace. (shrink)

Many believe that a peaceful, tolerant and respectful coexistence among religions is not compatible with the conviction that only one of them is true. I argue that this ‘incompatibility problem’ (IP) is grounded in a ‘naturalistic assumption’ (NA), that is, the assumption that every subject, including religion, should be treated without taking into account that a super‐natural being may exist and reveal to us an unexpected way to deal with our experience. I then argue that in matters of religion, NA (...) is untenable and that its very opposite, which I call ‘super‐naturalistic assumption’ (SA), should be adopted. My thesis is that, once SA is adopted, IP can be dismissed and that it is plausible to maintain that a peaceful, tolerant and respectful coexistence among religions is compatible with the conviction that only one of them is true. (shrink)

Так как Гинтис является старшим экономистом, и я читал некоторые из его предыдущих книг с интересом, я ожидал еще несколько понимание поведения. Ксожалению, он делает мертвые руки группового отбора и меноменологии в центральными его теории поведения, и это в значительной степени недействительными работы. Хуже того, так как он показывает такие плохие суждения здесь, это ставит под сомнение все его предыдущие работы. Попытка воскресить выбор группы его друзьями в Гарварде, Новаком и Уилсоном, Несколько лет назад был одним из главных скандалов в (...) биологии в последнее десятилетие, и я рассказал печальную историю в моей статье "Альтруизм, Иисус и конец света, как Templeton Фонд купил Профессорство Гарварда и напали Эволюция, Рациональность и цивилизация - Обзор Э. О. Уилсон "Социальное завоевание Земли" (2012) и Новак филд и High 'SuperCooperators' (201) В отличие от Новака, Гинтис, кажется, не мотивирован религиозным фанатизмом, а сильным желанием создать альтернативу мрачным реалиям человеческой природы, упрощаемым (почти всеобщим) непониманием фундаментальной человеческой биологии и пустым сланцизмом поведенческих ученых, других ученых и широкой общественности. Гинтис справедливо атакует (как он уже много раз) экономистов, социологов и других поведенческих ученых за отсутствие последовательной основы для описания поведения. Конечно,рамки, необходимые для понимания поведения, эволюционные. К сожалению, он не в состоянии обеспечить один сам (в соответствии с его многочисленными критиками, и я согласен), и попытка привить гнилой труп группы отбора на любые экономические и психологические теории он породил в своей десятилетия работы, просто недействительными весь его проект. Хотя Гинтис прилагает доблестные усилия, чтобы понять и объяснить генетику, как Уилсон и Новак, он далек от эксперта, и, как они, математика просто ослепляет его биологических невозможностей и, конечно, это норма в науке. Как Витгенштейн лихо отметил на первой странице культуры и ценности "Существует нет религиозной конфессии, в которой злоупотребление метафизических выражений несет ответственность за столько греха, как это было в математике". Всегда было кристально ясно, что ген, который вызывает поведение, которое уменьшает свою собственную частоту, не может сохраняться, но это ядро понятия группового отбора. Кроме того, было хорошо известно, и часто демонстрируется, что групповой выбор просто сводится к инклюзивной фитнес (выбор родственников), который, как Докинз отметил, это просто еще одно название для эволюции естественного отбора. Как и Уилсон, Гинтис проработал в этой сфере около 50 лет и до сих пор не понял ее, но после того, как разразился скандал, мне понадобилось всего 3 дня, чтобы найти, прочитать и понять наиболее актуальную профессиональную работу, как подробно описано в моей статье. Это ум boggling понять, что Гинтис и Уилсон были не в состоянии сделать это в почти полвека. Я обсуждаю ошибки группового отбора и феномологии, которые являются нормой в академических кругах, как особые случаи почти всеобщего непонимания человеческой природы, которые разрушают Америку и мир. Те, кто желает всеобъемлющего до современных рамок для человеческого поведения из современных двух systEms зрения могут проконсультироваться с моей книгой"Логическая структура философии, психологии, Минd иязык в Людвиг Витгенштейн и Джон Сирл" второй ред (2019). Те, кто заинтересован в более моих работ могут увидеть "Говоря обезьян --Философия, Психология, Наука, Религия и Политика на обреченной. (shrink)

私たちが最初に留意しなければならないのは、中国がこれを言うか、中国がそうしていると言うとき、我々は中国の人々について話すのではなく、CCPを支配する社会主義者、すなわちCCPの常任委員会の7人の老人社 会病連続殺人犯(SSSSK)または政治局の25人のメンバーについて話しているということです。 CCPの第一次世界大戦と完全支配の計画は、中国政府の出版物や演説で非常に明確にレイアウトされており、これは習近平の「チャイナドリーム」です。中国を支配する小さな少数派(おそらく数十人から数百人)と他の 誰にとっても悪夢(14億人の中国人を含む)にとっては夢です。年間100億ドルは、彼らまたは彼らの人形が毎日どこでもほとんどの主要メディアにフェイクニュースを置き、新聞、雑誌、テレビ、ラジオチャンネルを 所有または制御し、置くことを可能にします。 さらに、彼らはより多くのプロパガンダを置き、正当な解説(50セントの軍隊)をかき消すすべてのメディアを荒らす軍隊(おそらく何百万人もの人々)を持っています。 第3の資源を取り除くことに加えて、数兆ドルの一帯一路イニシアチブの大きな推力は、世界中に軍事基地を建設しています。彼らは自由な世界をソ連との冷戦をピクニックのように見せる大規模なハイテク軍拡競争に追い 込んでいます。 SSSSKと世界の軍隊の残りの部分は、高度なハードウェアに巨額を費やしていますが、WW3(またはそれに至るまでの小規模なエンゲージメント)がソフトウェア支配になる可能性が高いです。SSSSKは、おそら くより多くのハッカー(コーダー)が彼らのために働き、世界の他のすべての部分を組み合わせることで、ネットを介して敵を麻痺させることによって、最小限の物理的な紛争で将来の戦争に勝つことは問題外ではありませ ん。衛星、電話、通信、金融取引、電力網、インターネット、高度な武器、車両、電車、船、飛行機はありません。 CCPを削除し、14億人の中国人囚人を解放し、第三次世界大戦への狂気の行進を終わらせるための2つの主要な道しかありません。 平和的なものは、軍がうんざりしてCCPを打ち切るまで、中国経済を荒廃させるために全面的な貿易戦争を開始することです。 中国経済を閉鎖する代わりに、CCPの第20回議会で50機の熱圧ドローンが1か所に位置する場合、標的型ストライキなど、限られた戦争であるが、2022年まで行われないので、年次本会議に当たる可能性がある。 中国人は、攻撃が起こったように、彼らは腕を下ろし、民主的な選挙を行うか、石器時代にヌックされる準備をしなければならないと知らされるだろう。もう一つの選択肢は、全面的な核攻撃です。 軍事的対立は、CCPの現在のコースを考えると避けられない。 南シナ海や台湾の島々で数十年以内に起こる可能性が高いが、世界中に軍事基地を設置するにつれて、どこでも起こり得る(クラウチング・タイガーなど参照)。 将来の紛争は、すべての軍事および産業通信、機器、発電所、衛星、インターネット、銀行、およびネットに接続されたデバイスまたは車両の制御システムをハッキングし、麻痺させることによってサイバー戦争を強調する ために、CCPの述べられた目的とハードキルとソフトキルの側面を持つことになります。 SSは、中国からの信号を待っているか、あるいは米国の船や飛行機の署名を探している場合でも、休眠状態にある可能性のある通常兵器や核兵器を打ち上げることができる有人および自律的な表面および水中潜水艦または ドローンの世界的な配列をゆっくりとフィールド化しています。 私たちの衛星を破壊し、したがって、世界中のアメリカと我々の軍隊との間の通信を排除しながら、彼らは私たちの現在優れた海軍を標的にし、破壊するためにドローンと一緒に、彼ら自身を使用します。 もちろん、このすべてがAIによってますます自動的に行われます。 CCPの最大の同盟国はアメリカの民主党です。 選択は、今CCPを停止するか、彼らは全世界に中国の刑務所を拡張として見てです。 .

Gintisはシニアエコノミストで、私は興味を持って彼の以前の本のいくつかを読んだので、私は行動にいくつかのより多くの洞察を期待していました。悲しいことに、彼はグループ選択と現象学の死んだ手を行動理論 の中心にし、これは主に仕事を無効にします。さらに悪いことに、彼はここでそのような悪い判断を示しているので、それは彼のすべての前の仕事に疑問を呼びかけます。ハーバード大学で彼の友人によるグループ選択を復 活させようとする試みは、 ノワクとウィルソンは、数年前に生物学の主要なスキャンダルの一つであり、私は私の記事「利他主義、イエスと世界の終わり--テンプルトン財団がハーバード大学教授職を買収し、進化、合理性と文明を攻撃した方法- E.O.ウィルソンのレビュー」(2012年)とノワクとスーパーフィールド(2012)で悲しい話を述べました。ノワクとは異なり、ギンティスは宗教的狂信によって動機づけられているようには見えないが、基本的 な人間の生物学と行動科学者、他の学者、および一般市民の空白のスレート主義の(ほぼ普遍的な)理解の欠如によって容易になった人間性の厳しい現実に代わるものを生み出したいという強い願望によって。 ギンティスは、行動を記述するための一貫した枠組みを持っていないために、エコノミスト、社会学者、その他の行動科学者を正しく攻撃します。もちろん、行動を理解するために必要なフレームワークは進化的なものです 。残念ながら、彼は自分自身を提供することができず(彼の多くの批評家と私は同意します)、彼が何十年もの仕事で生み出した経済的、心理的理論にグループ選択の腐った死体を移植しようとする試みは、単に彼のプロジ ェクト全体を無効にします。 Gintisはウィルソンやノワクのような遺伝学を理解し、説明するために勇敢な努力をしていますが、彼は専門家から遠く離れており、彼らのように、数学は生物学的不可能に彼を盲目にし、もちろんこれは科学の標準 です。ヴィトゲンシュタインが文化と価値の最初のページで有名に指摘したように、「形而上学的表現の誤用が数学ほど多くの罪を引き起こし続けている宗教的宗派はありません。 自らの頻度を低下させる行動を引き起こす遺伝子は持続できないことは常に明らかでしたが、これはグループ選択の概念の中核です。さらに、グループの選択は、ドーキンスが指摘したように、自然選択による進化のもう一 つの名前である包括的なフィットネス(親族選択)に減少することがよく知られており、しばしば実証されています。ウィルソンのように、Gintisは約50年間この分野で働いてきましたが、スキャンダルが起こった 後、私の記事に詳述されているように、最も関連性の高い専門的な仕事を見つけ、読み、理解するのに3日しかかかりませんでした。ギンティスとウィルソンが半世紀近くでこれを達成できなかったことに気づくのは気が遠 くなる。 アメリカと世界を破壊している人間性を理解する普遍的な失敗の特別なケースとして、アカデミアで当たり前であるグループ選択と表現論の誤りについて議論します。 現代の2つのシス・エムスの見解から人間の行動のための包括的な最新の枠組みを望む人は、私の著書「ルートヴィヒ・ヴィトゲンシュタインとジョン・サールの第2回(2019)における哲学、心理学、ミンと言語の論 理的構造」を参照することができます。私の著作の多くにご興味がある人は、「話す猿--運命の惑星における哲学、心理学、科学、宗教、政治--記事とレビュー2006-2019第3回(2019)と自殺ユートピア 妄想21世紀4日(2019))を参照してください。 .

Questo non è un libro perfetto, ma è unico, e se scorri le prime 400 pagine o giù di lì, le ultime 300 (circa 700) sono un buon tentativo di applicare ciò che è noto sul comportamento ai cambiamenti sociali nella violenza e nelle maniere nel tempo. L'argomento di base è: come fa la nostra genetica a controllare e limitare il cambiamento sociale? Sorprendentemente non riesce a descrivere la natura della selezione dei parenti (idoneità inclusiva) che spiega gran parte della (...) vita sociale animale e umana. Egli manca anche (come quasi tutti) manca di un quadro chiaro per descrivere la struttura logica della razionalità (termine preferito di John Searle) che preferisco chiamare la Psicologia descrittiva del Pensiero dell'Ordine Superiore (DPHOT). Avrebbe dovuto dire qualcosa sui molti altri modi di abusare e sfruttare le persone e il pianeta, dal momento che questi sono ora molto più gravi da rendere quasi irrilevanti altre forme di violenza. Estendere il concetto di violenza per includere leconseguenze globali a lungoterminedella replicazione dei geni diqualcuno, e avere una comprensione della natura di come funziona l'evoluzione (cioè la selezione dei parenti) fornirà una prospettiva molto diversa sulla storia, gli eventi attuali e come le cose probabilmente andranno nei prossimi centinaia di anni. Si potrebbe iniziare notando che la diminuzione della violenza fisica nel corso della storia è stata abbinata (e resa possibile) dallo stupro spietato in costante aumento del pianeta (cioè dalla distruzione del futuro del proprio discendente).’ Pinker (come la maggior parte delle persone) è spesso distratto dalle superficialità della cultura quando è la biologia che conta. Guarda le mie recenti recensioni di Wilson 'The Social Conquest of Earth' e 'SuperCooperators' di Nowak e Highfield qui e in rete per un breve riassunto della vacuità del 'vero altruismo'(selezione di gruppo), e l'operazione di selezione dei parenti e l'inutilità e la superficialità di descrivere il comportamento in termini culturali. Questo è il classico problema della natura/nutrimento e la natura vince nutrita --infinitamente. Ciò che conta veramente è la violenza fatta sulla terra dall'incessante aumento della popolazione e della distruzione delle risorse (a causa della medicina e della tecnologia e della repressione dei conflitti da parte della polizia e dei militari). Circa 200.000 persone in più al giorno (un altro Las Vegas ogni 10 giorni, un'altra Los Angeles ogni mese), le 6 tonnellate o giù di lì di pisolino che vanno in mare / persona / anno – circa l'1% del totale del mondo che scompare ogni anno, ecc. significa che se qualche miracolo accadrà la biosfera e la civiltà crollerà in gran parte durante i prossimi due secoli, e ci sarà fame, violenza e violenza di ogni tipo su scala impressionante. Le maniere, le opinioni e le tendenze delle persone a commettere atti violenti non hanno alcuna importanza a meno che non possano fare qualcosa per evitare questa catastrofe, e non vedo come ciò accadrà. Non c'è spazio per gli argomenti, e nessun punto sia (sì io sono un fatalista), quindi mi limiterò a fare alcuni commenti come se fossero fatti. Non immaginate di avere un'informazione personale nel promuovere un gruppo a spese degli altri. Io sono 78, nonhanno discendenti e non hanno parenti stretti e non si identificano con alcun gruppo politico, nazionale o religioso e considerano quelli a cui appartengo di default come ripugnanti come tutti gli altri. I genitori sono i peggiori nemici della vita sulla Terra e, tenendo la vista generale delle cose, le donne sono violente come gli uomini se si considera il fatto che la violenza delle donne (come la maggior parte di quella fatta dagli uomini) è in gran parte fatta al rallentatore, a distanza nel tempo e nello spazio e per lo più effettuata per procura dai loro discendenti e dagli uomini. Sempre più spesso, le donne portano figli indipendentemente dal fatto che abbiano un compagno e l'effetto di impedire a una donna di riprodursi è in media molto maggiore dell'arresto di un uomo, poiché sono il collo di bottiglia riproduttivo. Si può ritenere che le persone e la loro prole meritino riccamente qualsiasi miseria arrivi la loro strada e (con rare eccezioni) i ricchi e famosi sono i peggiori trasgressori. Meryl Streep o Bill Gates o J.K Rowling e ognuno dei loro figli può distruggere 50 tonnellate di suolo ogni anno per generazioni nel futuro, mentre un contadino indiano e il suo possono distruggere 1 tonnellata. Se qualcuno nega che va bene, e ai loro discendenti dico "Benvenuti all'inferno sulla Terra" (WTHOE). Oggi l'accento è sempre posto sui diritti dell'uomo, ma è chiaro che se si vuole che la civiltà abbia una possibilità, le responsabilità umane devono sostituire i diritti umani. Nessuno ottiene diritti senza essere un cittadino responsabile e la prima cosa che ciò significa è ladistruzione ambientalemi nimal. La responsabilità più fondamentale non è quella dei bambini a meno che la vostra società non vi chieda di produrli. Una società o un mondo che permette alle persone di allevare a caso sarà sempre sfruttato dai geni egoisti fino a quando non crolla (o raggiunge un punto in cui la vita è così orribile che non vale la pena di vivere). Se la società continua a mantenerei diritti umani come primari, ai loro discendenti si può dire con fiducia "WTHOE". Coloro che desiderano un quadro aggiornato completo per il comportamento umano dalla moderna vista a due systems possono consultare il mio libro 'La struttura logica dellafilosofia, psicologia, Mind e il linguaggio in Ludwig Wittgenstein e John Searle' 2nd ed (2019). Coloro che sono interessati a più dei miei scritti possono vedere 'Talking Monkeys--Filosofia, Psicologia, Scienza, Religione e Politica su un Pianeta Condannato--Articoli e Recensioni 2006-2019 3rd ed (2019) e Suicidal Utopian Delusions nel 21st Century 4th ed (2019) . (shrink)

Il famoso formicaio E.O. Wilson è sempre stato uno dei miei eroi -- non solo un biologo eccezionale, ma uno della piccola e svanire minoranza di intellettuali che almeno osa accennare alla verità sulla nostra natura che gli altri non riescono a cogliere, o nella misura in cuisi trovano, evitano scrupolosamente per l'opportunità politica. Purtroppo, sta terminando la sua lunga carriera in modo più sordido come festa per un attacco ignorante e arrogante alla scienza motivato almeno in parte dal fervore (...) religioso dei suoi colleghi di Harvard. Mostra le vili conseguenze quando le università accettano denaro da gruppi religiosi, le riviste scientifiche sono così spaventate da grandi nomi che evitano una corretta revisione tra pari e quando gli ego sono autorizzati a sscappare dal controllo. Ci porta nella natura dell'evoluzione, nelle basi della metodologia scientifica, nel modo in cui la matematica si relaziona con la scienza, su ciò che costituisce una teoria, e persino quali atteggiamenti nei confronti della religione e della generosità sono appropriati mentre ci avviciniamo inesorabilmente al crollo della civiltà industriale. Coloro che desiderano un quadro aggiornato completo per il comportamento umano dalla moderna vista a due systems possono consultare il mio libro 'La struttura logica dellafilosofia, psicologia, Mind e il linguaggio in Ludwig Wittgenstein e John Searle' 2nd ed (2019). Coloro che sono interessati a più dei miei scritti possono vedere 'TalkingMonkeys--Filosofia, Psicologia, Scienza, Religione e Politica su un Pianeta Condannato--Articoli e Recensioni 2006-2019 3rd ed (2019) e Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st Century 4th ed (2019) . (shrink)

有名な蟻男E.O.ウィルソンは常に私のヒーローの1人でした-優れた生物学者だけでなく、少なくとも他の人が把握できない、または把握している限り、私たちの性質についての真実をほのめかすための勇敢なマイノリ ティの1人です、政治的便宜のために勤勉に避けます。悲しいことに、彼は、ハーバードの同僚たちの宗教的な熱意によって少なくとも部分的に動機付けられた、科学に対する無知で傲慢な攻撃へのパーティーとして、彼の 長いキャリアを最も率直なやり方で終えています。これは、大学が宗教団体からお金を受け取ったとき、科学雑誌が大きな評判に驚いて、適切な査読を避けられたとき、そして自我が制御不能になることを許可されたときの 卑劣な結果を示しています。それは、進化の本質、科学的方法論の基本、数学と科学の関係、理論の構成要素、そして産業文明の崩壊に容赦なく取り組む際に信仰と寛大さへの態度さえも適切に導く。 現代の2つのシス・エムスの見解から人間の行動のための包括的な最新の枠組みを望む人は、私の著書「ルートヴィヒ・ヴィトゲンシュタインとジョン・サールの第2回(2019)における哲学、心理学、ミンと言語の論 理的構造」を参照することができます。私の著作の多くにご興味がある人は、運命の惑星における「話す猿--哲学、心理学、科学、宗教、政治―記事とレビュー2006-2019 第3回(2019)」と21世紀4日(2019年)の自殺ユートピア妄想st Century 4th ed (2019)などを見ることができます。 .

가장 먼저 명심해야 할 점은 중국이 이것을 말한다면, 우리는 중국 인민에 대해 말하는 것이 아니라 중국 공산당을 통제하는 사회병리학자들, 즉 중국 공산당의 7대 노인사회병연쇄살인범(SSSSK)이나 공산당 상무위원 25명 등이다. 중국 정부의 제3차 세계대전과 총체적 지배에 대한 중국 공산당의 계획은 중국 정부의 출판물과 연설에서 아주 분명하게 드러나며 이는 시진핑의 '중국의 꿈'이다. 중국을 지배하는 소수 민족(아마도 수십~수백 명)과 다른 모든 사람들에게 는 악몽(14억 중국인 포함)의 꿈입니다. 매년 100억 달러를 통해 그들 또는 인형은 신문, 잡지, TV 및 라디오 채널을 소유하거나 제어하고 매일 대부분의 주요 (...) 미디어에 가짜 뉴스를 배치할 수 있습니다. 또한, 그들은 더 많은 선전을 배치하고 합법적 인 논평 (50 센트 군대)을 익사 모든 미디어를 트롤 군대 (어쩌면 수백만의 사람들)가있습니다. 자원의 3rd 세계를 제거하는 것 외에도, 수조 달러 벨트 와 도로 이니셔티브의 주요 추진력은 전 세계적으로 군사 기지를 구축하고있다. 그들은 소련과의 냉전을 피크닉처럼 보이게 하는 거대한 첨단 무기 경쟁으로 자유 세계를 강요하고 있습니다. SSSSK, 그리고 세계의 나머지 군대는 고급 하드웨어에 엄청난 금액을 지출하고 있지만, 그것은 WW3 (또는 그에 이르는 작은 계약)가 소프트웨어가 지배 될 가능성이 높습니다. 그것은 SSSSK, 아마 더 많은 해커와 함께 (코더) 다음 결합 세계의 모든 나머지, 단지 그물을 통해 적을 마비하여, 최소한의 물리적 충돌로 미래의 전쟁을 이길 것입니다. 위성, 전화, 통신, 금융 거래, 전력망, 인터넷, 고급 무기, 차량, 기차, 선박 또는 비행기가 없습니다. 중국 공산당을 제거하고 14억 명의 중국 포로를 석방하고 제3차 세계대전으로 의한 미치광이 행진을 끝내는 두 가지 주요 경로가 있습니다. 평화로운 것은 군대가 공급되고 중국 공산당을 퇴화할 때까지 중국 경제를 황폐화하기 위해 전격적인 무역 전쟁을 시작하는 것입니다. 중국 경제를 폐쇄하는 대안은 중국 의 20대의회에서50대의 열경화성 드론을 표적으로 삼는 것과 같은 제한된 전쟁이며, 최고 위원전원이 한 자리에 있지만 2022년까지는 연례 본회의를 열수 있을 것입니다. 중국은 공격이 일어났을 때 무기를 내려놓고 민주선거를 준비하거나 석기 시대로 들어갈 준비를 해야 한다는 통보를 받을 것이다. 다른 대안은 전지적 핵 공격입니다. 중국공산당의 현재 진로를 감안할 때 군사적 대결은 불가피하다. 수십 년 내에 남중국해 나 대만의 섬에서 일어날 가능성이 있지만 전 세계적으로 군사 기지를 세우면 어디서나 발생할 수 있습니다 (웅크리고있는 호랑이 등 참조). 미래의 갈등은 모든 군사 및 산업 통신, 장비, 발전소, 위성, 인터넷, 은행 및 인터넷에 연결된 모든 장치 또는 차량의 제어 시스템을 해킹하고 마비시켜 사이버 전쟁을 강조하는 CCP의 명시된 목표와 하드 킬 및 소프트 킬 측면을 가질 것입니다. SS는 중국의 신호를 기다리거나 미국 선박이나 비행기의 서명을 찾고 있을 수 있는 재래식 또는 핵무기를 발사할 수 있는 전 세계 유인 및 자율 표면 및 수중 잠수함 또는 드론을 서서히 수비하고 있습니다. 우리의 위성을 파괴하는 동안, 따라서 전 세계적으로 미국과 우리 군대 사이의 통신을 제거, 그들은 그들의 를 사용합니다, 대상과 현재 우수한 해군을 파괴하기 위해 드론과 함께. 물론 이 모든 작업은 AI에 의해 자동으로 수행됩니다. 지금까지 중국 공산당의 가장 큰 동맹국은 미국의민주당이다. 선택은 지금 중국 공산당을 중지하거나 전 세계에 걸쳐 중국 감옥을 확장으로 보는 것입니다. 현대 사회의 미치광이 경로에 대한 자세한 내용은 미국의 민주주의 - 부고와 세계 3rd Edition 2019 및 21st 세기의 자살 유토피아 망상:철학, 인간의 본성과 문명의 붕괴 th (2019)와 같은 내 다른 작품을 참조 할 수 있습니다. (shrink)

It has been commonly claimed that prehistoric warfare in Japan began in the Yayoi period. Population increases due to the introduction of agriculture from the Korean Peninsula to Japan resulted in the lack of land for cultivation and resources for the population, eventually triggering competition over land. This hypothesis has been supported by the demographic data inferred from historical changes in Kamekan, a burial system used especially in the Kyushu area in the Yayoi period. The present study aims to examine (...) the previous claim by using an expanded dataset of human skeletal remains and Kamekan. First, in order to quantify the intensity of warfare, we developed a database of injured individuals found in the middle phase of the Yayoi period in two large populations in the northern Kyushu area, the Fukuoka plain and the upperand middle-stream of the Homan River. Second, we collected Kamekan data from site reports published after 1990 and constructed a comprehensive database to infer the demography in these areas. Finally, we compared the frequency of injured individuals and the inferred demography. The results suggest that the frequency of injured individuals and the population increase tended to be higher at the upper- and middle-stream of the Homan River than on the Fukuoka plain. Different assumptions of the lifetime of each type of Kamekan can produce mixed results on the relationship between demography and the frequency of injured individuals. They were positively correlated under the traditional assumption of constant time intervals, while there was no correlation using time intervals based on carbon dating by the National Museum of Japanese History. Thus, our results are partially consistent with the previous claim that the population increase and the lack of land and resources due to the introduction of agriculture were causes of warfare in the northern Kyushu area in the middle phase of the Yayoi period. (shrink)

This article delves into the reception of John W. Draper's History of the Conflict between Religion and Science in Spain. With two translations into Spanish appearing almost simultaneously in 1876, the conflict became a weapon in a long political dispute. The tensions between conservatives and liberals, between monarchists and republicans had the university and pedagogical reforms as one of the main battlefields. One of the chief reformist movements was informed by “Krausism,” an ideology that had academic freedom as one if (...) its central tenets. The similarities between the educational agenda of Draper and that of Krausists explain why the former's book resonated among members of the latter group. The article argues that in order to understand the reception of Draper in Spain, one should pay attention to the disputes about national identity and educational reforms, so as to place the so-called conflict thesis in the context of opposing Spanish patriotisms. (shrink)

This is a Lithuanian translation, by Giedrius Sadauskas, of my paper, ‘The Philosopher as a “Secret Agent” for Peace: Taking Seriously Kant’s Revival of the “Old Question” ’, in Valerio Rohden, Ricardo R. Terra and Guido A. de Almeida (eds.), Recht und Frieden in der Philosophie Kants, vol. 4 of Akten des X. Internationalen Kant-Kongresses (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008), pp.601-612. An offprint of the English version is available in the "Kant 4 - Moral and political philosophy articles" section of (...) this website. An online version of the text (in Lithuanian) is available at the link shown below. (shrink)

Lo primero que debemos tener en cuenta es que cuando decimos que China dice esto o China hace eso, no estamos hablando del pueblo chino, sino de los sociópatas que controlan el PCC -- Partido Comunista Chino, es decir, los Siete Asesinos En Serie Seniláticos (SSSSK) de th e Comité Permanente del PCC o de los 25 miembros del Politburó, etc. -/- Los planes del PCC para la Tercera Guerra Mundial y la dominación total están muy claro en las publicaciones (...) y discursos del gobierno chino y este es el "sueño de China" de Xi Jinping. Es un sueño sólo para la pequeña minoría (tal vez unas pocas docenas a unos pocos cientos) que gobiernan China y una pesadilla para todos los demás (incluyendo 1.400 millones de chinos). Los 10 mil millones de dólares anuales les permiten a ellos o a sus marionetas poseer o controlar periódicos, revistas, canales de televisión y radio y colocar noticias falsas en la mayoría de los principales medios de comunicación de todo el día. Además, tienen un ejército (tal vez millones de personas) que troll todos los medios de comunicación colocando más propaganda y ahogando comentarios legítimos (el ejército de 50 centavos). -/- Además de despojar al tercer mundo de recursos, un gran impulso de la Iniciativa de Cinturón y Carretera sin peaje es la construcción de bases militares en todo el mundo. Están forzando al mundo libre a una carrera armamentista masiva de alta tecnología que hace que la guerra fría con la Unión Soviética parezca un picnic. -/- Aunque el SSSSK, y el resto de los militares del mundo, están gastando enormes sumas en hardware avanzado, es muy probable que WW3 (o los compromisos más pequeños que conducen a él) esté dominado por software. No está fuera de cuestión que el SSSSK, con probablemente más hackers (codificadores) trabajando para ellos entonces todo el resto del mundo combinado, ganará futuras guerras con un conflicto físico mínimo, sólo por paralizar a sus enemigos a través de la red. Sin satélites, sin teléfonos, sin comunicaciones, sin transacciones financieras, sin red eléctrica, sin internet, sin armas avanzadas, sin vehículos, trenes, barcos o aviones. -/- Sólo hay dos caminos principales para eliminar el PCC, liberar a 1.400 millones de prisioneros chinos y poner fin a la marcha lunática a la Segunda Guerra Mundial. La pacífica es lanzar una guerra comercial total para devastar la economía china hasta que los militares se cansen y arranquen el PCC. -/- Una alternativa al cierre de la economía de China es una guerra limitada, como una huelga dirigida por decir 50 drones termobáricos en el 20o Congreso del PCC, cuando todos los miembros principales están en un solo lugar, pero eso no tendrá lugar hasta 2022 por lo que uno podría ir a la sesión plenaria anual. Se informaría a los chinos, como ocurrió el ataque, de que debían deponer las armas y prepararse para celebrar una elección democrática o ser arrojados a la edad de piedra. La otra alternativa es un ataque nuclear total. La confrontación militar es inevitable dado el curso actual del PCC. Es probable que suceda sobre las islas en el Mar de China Meridional o Taiwán dentro de unas pocas décadas, pero a medida que establecen bases militares en todo el mundo podría suceder en cualquier lugar (ver Tigre Agachado, etc.). Los conflictos futuros tendrán aspectos difíciles y blandos con los objetivos declarados del PCC para enfatizar la ciberguerra mediante la piratería y paralización de los sistemas de control de todas las comunicaciones militares e industriales, equipos, centrales eléctricas, satélites, Internet, bancos, y cualquier dispositivo o vehículo conectado a la red. Las SS están lanzando lentamente una gama mundial de submarinos de superficie y submarinas tripulados y autónomos o drones capaces de lanzar armas convencionales o nucleares que pueden estar latentes a la espera de una señal de China o incluso buscando la firma de buques o aviones estadounidenses. Mientras destruyen nuestros satélites, eliminando así la comunicación entre los EE.UU. y nuestras fuerzas en todo el mundo, utilizarán los suyos, junto con los drones para atacar y destruir nuestras fuerzas navales actualmente superiores. Por supuesto, todo esto se hace cada vez más automáticamente por la IA. -/- Con mucho, el mayor aliado del PCC es el Partido Demócrata de los Estados Unidos. La opción es detener al PCC ahora o observar cómo extienden la prisión china por todo el mundo. -/- Por supuesto, la vigilancia universal y la digitalización de nuestras vidas es inevitable en todas partes. Cualquiera que no lo crea está profundamente fuera de contacto. -/- Por supuesto, son los optomistas los que esperan que los sociópatas chinos gobiernen el mundo, mientras que los pesimistas (que se ven a sí mismos como realistas) esperan que la sociopatía de IA (o como yo la llamo, es decir, la estupidez artificial o la sociósima artificial) tomen el control, tal vez para 2030 Los interesados en más detalles sobre el camino lunático de la sociedad moderna pueden consultar mis otras obras como Suicidio por democracia y obituario para América y el mundo 2019 y Delirios Utópicos Suicidas en el Siglo 21 -La filosofía, la naturaleza humana y el colapso de la civilización : Artículos y reseñas 2006-2019 5ª edicion (2019) -/- . (shrink)

Embora este volume é um pouco datado, há poucos livros populares recentes lidando especificamente com a psicologia do assassinato e é uma visão rápida disponível para alguns dólares, por isso ainda vale bem o esforço. Não faz nenhuma tentativa de ser detalhado e é um tanto superficial nos lugares, com o leitor esperado preencher os espaços em branco de seus muitos outros livros e a literatura vasta na violência. Para uma atualização ver, por exemplo, Buss, O Manual de Psicologia Evolucionária (...) 2ª ed. v1 (2016) p 265, 266, 270 – 282, 388 – 389, 545 – 546, 547, 566 e Buss, Psicologia Evolutiva 5º Ed. (2015) p 26, 96 – 97223, 293-4, 300, 309 – 312, 410 e Shackelford e Hansen , A Evolução da Violência (2014).Ele está entre os principais psicólogos evolucionários por várias décadas e abrange uma ampla gama de comportamentos em suas obras, mas aqui ele se concentra quase inteiramente sobre os mecanismos psicológicos que causam pessoas individuais a assassinar e seus possíveis função evolutiva no EEE (ambiente de adaptação evolutiva — i. e., as planícies da África durante os últimos milhões de anos ou mais). Buss começa por notar que, como com outros comportamentos, explicações ' alternativas ', tais como psicopatologia, ciúme, ambiente social, pressões de grupo, drogas e álcool, etc. não realmente explicam, uma vez que a questão ainda permanece a respeito de por que estes produzem impulsos homicida, ou seja, são as causas proximas e não as últimas evolutivas (genéticas). Como sempre, ele inevitavelmente se resume a aptidão inclusiva (seleção de parentes), e assim a luta pelo acesso a companheiros e recursos, que é a explicação definitiva para todo o comportamento em todos os organismos. Os dados sociológicos (e o senso comum) tornam claro que os machos mais pobres mais jovens são os mais propensos a matar. Ele apresenta seus próprios e outros dados de homicídio de nações industrializadas, e culturas tribais, morte conespecífica em animais, arqueologia, dados do FBI e sua própria pesquisa sobre as fantasias homicida das pessoas normais. Muita evidência arqueológica continua a acumular-se de assassinatos, incluindo o de grupos inteiros, ou de grupos menos jovens fêmeas, em tempos pré-históricos. Depois de examinar os comentários de Buss, apresento um breve resumo da psicologia intencional (a estrutura lógica da racionalidade), que é amplamente coberta em meus muitos outros artigos e livros. Aqueles com um monte de tempo que querem uma história detalhada de violência homicida de uma perspectiva evolutiva pode consultar Steven Pinker ' os melhores 2 anjos da nossa natureza por que a violência diminuiu ' (2012), e minha revisão do mesmo, facilmente disponível na net e em dois dos meus livros recentes. Momentaneamente, Pinker observa que o assassinato diminuiu firmemente e dramàtica por um fator de aproximadamente 30 desde nossos dias como Foragers. Assim, mesmo que as armas agora tornam extremamente fácil para qualquer um matar, homicídio é muito menos comum. Pinker acha que isso é devido a vários mecanismos sociais que trazem os nossos "melhores anjos", mas eu acho que é devido principalmente à abundância temporária de recursos do estupro implacável do nosso planeta, juntamente com a presença policial aumentada, com a comunicação e vigilância e sistemas jurídicos que fazem com que seja muito mais provável que seja punido. Isto torna-se claro cada vez que há mesmo uma breve e local ausência da polícia. Aqueles que desejam um quadro até à data detalhado para o comportamento humano da opinião moderna dos dois sistemas consultar meu livros Falando Macacos 3ª Ed (2019), A Estrutura Lógica da Filosofia, Psicologia, Mente e Linguagem em Ludwig Wittgenstein e John Searle 2a Ed (2019), Suicídio Pela Democracia,4aEd(2019), Entendendo as Conexões entre Ciência, Filosofia, Psicologia, Religião, Política e Economia Artigos e Análises 2006-2019 (2019), Ilusões Utópicas Suicidas no 21St século 5a Ed (2019), A Estrutura Lógica do Comportamento Humano (2019), e A Estrutura Lógica da Consciência (2019) e outras. (shrink)

The first thing we must keep in mind is that when saying that China says this or China does that, we are not speaking of the Chinese people, but of the Sociopaths who control the CCP -- Chinese Communist Party, i.e., the Seven Senile Sociopathic Serial Killers (SSSSK) of the Standing Committee of the CCP or the 25 members of the Politburo etc.. -/- The CCP’s plans for WW3 and total domination are laid out quite clearly in Chinese govt publications (...) and speeches and this is Xi Jinping’s “China Dream”. It is a dream only for the tiny minority (perhaps a few dozen to a few hundred) who rule China and a nightmare for everyone else (including 1.4 billion Chinese). The 10 billion dollars yearly enables them or their puppets to own or control newspapers, magazines, TV and radio channels and place fake news in most major media everywhere every day. In addition, they have an army (maybe millions of people) who troll all the media placing more propaganda and drowning out legitimate commentary (the 50 cent army). -/- In addition to stripping the 3rd world of resources, a major thrust of the multi-trillion dollar Belt and Road Initiative is building military bases worldwide. They are forcing the free world into a massive high-tech arms race that makes the cold war with the Soviet Union look like a picnic. -/- Though the SSSSK, and the rest of the world’s military, are spending huge sums on advanced hardware, it is highly likely that WW3 (or the smaller engagements leading up to it) will be software dominated. It is not out of the question that the SSSSK, with probably more hackers (coders) working for them then all the rest of the world combined, will win future wars with minimal physical conflict, just by paralyzing their enemies via the net. No satellites, no phones, no communications, no financial transactions, no power grid, no internet, no advanced weapons, no vehicles, trains, ships or planes. -/- There are only two main paths to removing the CCP, freeing 1.4 billion Chinese prisoners, and ending the lunatic march to WW3. The peaceful one is to launch an all-out trade war to devastate the Chinese economy until the military gets fed up and boots out the CCP. -/- An alternative to shutting down China’s economy is a limited war, such as a targeted strike by say 50 thermobaric drones on the 20th Congress of the CCP, when all the top members are in one place, but that won’t take place until 2022 so one could hit the annual plenary meeting. The Chinese would be informed, as the attack happened, that they must lay down their arms and prepare to hold a democratic election or be nuked into the stone age. The other alternative is an all-out nuclear attack. Military confrontation is unavoidable given the CCP’s present course. It will likely happen over the islands in the South China Sea or Taiwan within a few decades, but as they establish military bases worldwide it could happen anywhere (see Crouching Tiger etc.). Future conflicts will have hardkill and softkill aspects with the stated objectives of the CCP to emphasize cyberwar by hacking and paralyzing control systems of all military and industrial communications, equipment, power plants, satellites, internet, banks, and any device or vehicle connected to the net. The SS are slowly fielding a worldwide array of manned and autonomous surface and underwater subs or drones capable of launching conventional or nuclear weapons that may lie dormant awaiting a signal from China or even looking for the signature of US ships or planes. While destroying our satellites, thus eliminating communication between the USA and our forces worldwide, they will use theirs, in conjunction with drones to target and destroy our currently superior naval forces. Of course, all of this is increasingly done automatically by AI. -/- By far the biggest ally of the CCP is the Democratic party of the USA. The choice is to stop the CCP now or watch as they extend the Chinese prison over the whole world. -/- Of course, universal surveillance and digitizing of our lives is inevitable everywhere. Anyone who does not think so is profoundly out of touch. -/- Of course it is the optomists who expect the Chinese sociopaths to rule the world while the pessimists (who view themselves as realists) expect AI sociopathy (or AS as I call it – i.e., Artificial Stupidity or Artificial Sociopathy) to take over, perhaps by 2030 Those interested in further details on the lunatic path of modern society may consult my other works such as Suicide by Democracy-an Obituary for America and the World 3rd Edition 2019 and Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st Century: Philosophy, Human Nature and the Collapse of Civilization 5th ed (2019) -/- . (shrink)

まず心に留めておくべきことは、中国がこれを言うか、中国がそうすると言うとき、我々は中国の人々の話ではなく、中国共産党を支配する社会学者、すなわち、7人の老人社会病的連続殺人犯(SSSSK)の話だという ことです。e 中国共産党常任委員会、または政治局員25名等 -/- 中国共産党の第三次世界大戦と総支配の計画は、中国政府の出版物や演説で非常に明確に示されており、これは習近平の「チャイナ・ドリーム」である。中国を支配する少数派(おそらく数十人から数百人)だけが夢であり 、他の全ての人(14億人の中国人を含む)にとっては悪夢だ。年間100億ドルは、彼らまたはその人形が新聞、雑誌、テレビ、ラジオチャンネルを所有または制御し、毎日どこでもほとんどの主要メディアに偽のニュー スを配置することを可能にします。 さらに、彼らはすべてのメディアをより多くのプロパガンダを配置し、正当な解説(50セントの軍隊)をかき消す軍隊(おそらく何百万人もの人々)を持っています。 -/- 資源の第3の世界を取り除くことに加えて、数兆ドルのベルトとロードイニシアチブの主要な推進力は、世界中の軍事基地を構築しています。彼らは、ソ連との冷戦をピクニックのように見せる大規模なハイテク軍拡競争に 自由な世界を強制しています。 -/- SSSSKと世界の他の軍隊は、高度なハードウェアに巨額を費やしていますが、WW3(またはそれに至る小規模な関与)がソフトウェア支配される可能性が非常に高いです。SSSSKは、おそらくより多くのハッカー (コーダー)が彼らのために働いて、世界の残りの部分を組み合わせることで、ネットを介して敵を麻痺させるだけで、最小限の物理的な紛争で将来の戦争に勝つことは問題外ではありません。衛星、電話なし、通信なし、 金融取引なし、送電網なし、インターネットなし、高度な武器なし、車両、列車、船舶、飛行機なし。 -/- 中国共産党を排除し、14億人の中国人囚人を解放し、第三次世界大戦への狂気の行進を終わらせる主な道は2つしかない。 平和的な一つは、軍がうんざりして中国共産党を追い出すまで、中国経済を荒廃させるために全面的な貿易戦争を開始することです。 -/- 中国経済を閉鎖する代わりに、中国共産党の第20回会議で50機の熱圧ドローンによる標的ストライキなど、限定的な戦争が起こるが、それは2022年まで行われないだろう。年次総会に当たる可能性がある。 中国人は、攻撃が起こったように、彼らが武器を置き、民主的な選挙を開催する準備をしなければならない、または石器時代に裸にされなければならないことを知らされるだろう。もう一つの選択肢は、全面的な核攻撃です 。 中国共産党の現在の進路を考えると、軍事的対立は避けられない。 数十年以内に南シナ海や台湾の島々で起こる可能性が高いが、世界中に軍事基地を設立すれば、どこでも起こりうる(しゃがむ虎など)。 将来の紛争は、すべての軍事および産業通信、機器、発電所、衛星、インターネット、銀行、およびすべての軍事および産業通信の制御システムをハッキングし、麻痺することによってサイバー戦争を強調するために、中国 共産党の明記された目的とハードキルとソフトキルの側面を持つことになります。ネットに接続されている任意のデバイスまたは車両。 SSは、中国からの信号を待っているか、さらには米国の船や飛行機の署名を探して休眠しているかもしれない従来または核兵器を発射することができる有人および自律的な表面と水中潜水艦や無人機の世界的な配列をゆっ くりとフィールドにしています。 我々の衛星を破壊し、世界中の米軍との通信を排除する一方で、彼らはドローンと組み合わせて、我々の現在の優れた海軍を標的にし、破壊するために、彼ら(彼ら)を使用します。 もちろん、これらすべてがAIによって自動的に行われるようになりました。 -/- 中国共産党の最大の同盟国はアメリカの民主党である。 選択は、今CCPを停止するか、彼らが世界中に中国の刑務所を拡張するのを見てです。 -/- もちろん、私たちの生活の普遍的な監視とデジタル化は、どこでも避けられません。そう思わない人は、深く接触していない。 -/- もちろん、中国の社会パスが世界を支配することを期待する楽観主義者であり、悲観主義者(現実主義者と見なす)は、おそらく2030年までにAI社会病(または私が呼ぶAS)が引き継ぐことを期待している。 現代社会の狂気の道の詳細に興味がある人は、アメリカのための民主主義による自殺、2019年第3版、21stの自殺ユートピアの妄想など、私の他の作品を参照してください。世紀:哲学、人間性と文明崩壊5位(2 019年) .

Америка и мир находятся в процессе краха от чрезмерного роста населения, большинство из них за последнее столетие, и теперь все это, из-за третьего мира людей. Потребление ресурсов и добавление еще 4 миллиардов, около 2100 года, обрушит индустриальную цивилизацию и приведет к голоду, болезням, насилию и войне в ошеломляющих масштабах. Земля теряет по крайней мере 1% своего верхнего слоя почвы каждый год, так как она приближается к 2100, большая часть его потенциала выращивания продуктов питания исчезнет. Миллиарды погибнут, и ядерная война почти (...) наверняка. В Америке это значительно ускоряется благодаря массовой иммиграции и воспроизводству иммигрантов в сочетании со злоупотреблениями, которые стали возможными благодаря демократии. Развратная человеческая природа неумолимо превращает мечту о демократии и разнообразии в кошмар преступности и нищеты. Китай будет продолжать подавлять Америку и весь мир, пока он поддерживает диктатуру, которая ограничивает эгоизм. Коренной причиной краха является неспособность нашей врожденной психологии адаптироваться к современному миру, что заставляет людей относиться к неродственным людям так, как будто у них были общие интересы. Идея прав человека является злой фантазией, пропагандируемой левыми, чтобы отвлечь внимание от беспощадного разрушения земли безудержным 3-м мировым материнством. Это, а также незнание базовой биологии и психологии, приводит к заблуждению социальной инженерии частично образованных, которые контролируют демократические общества. Немногие понимают, что если вы помогаете одному человеку, вы вредите кому-то другому – нет бесплатного обеда, и каждый предмет, который кто-то потребляет, разрушает землю не подлежит ремонту. Следовательно, социальная политика во всем мире является неустойчивой, и один за одним все общества без строгого контроля над эгоизмом рухнет в анархию или диктатуру. Самые основные факты, почти никогда не упоминаемые, таковы, что в Америке или мире не хватает ресурсов для того, чтобы вывести значительную часть бедного населения из нищеты и удержать их там. Попытка сделать это обанкротила Америку и разрушила мир. Способность Земли производить пищу уменьшается с каждым днем, как и наше генетическое качество. И теперь, как всегда, самым большим врагом бедных являются другие бедные, а не богатые. Без драматических и немедленных изменений нет надежды на предотвращение распада Америки или любой страны, которая следует демократической системе. (shrink)

اولین چیزی که ما باید در ذهن داشته باشیم این است که زمانی که گفت که چین می گوید که این یا چین این کار را انجام می دهد ، ما از مردم چین صحبت نمی کنیم ، اما از Sociopaths که کنترل حزب کمونیست چین-چینی ، یعنی هفت قاتلان جامعه سالخورده (SSSSK) از th e کمیته ایستاده از حزب کمونیست چین و یا 25 نفر از اعضای پلی تکنیک و غیره. -/- برنامه های حزب کمونیست برای WW3 و سلطه (...) کل گذاشته می شوند کاملا به وضوح در نشریات دولت چین و سخنرانی ها و این Xi پینگ است "رویای چین". این یک رویا تنها برای اقلیت کوچک است (شاید چند دوجین به چند صد) که حکومت چین و یک کابوس برای هر شخص دیگری (از جمله ۱,۴۰۰,۰۰۰,۰۰۰ چینی). ۱۰,۰۰۰,۰۰۰,۰۰۰ دلار سالانه آنها را قادر می سازد و یا عروسک خود را به خود و یا کنترل روزنامه ها ، مجلات ، تلویزیون و کانال های رادیویی و محل اخبار جعلی در بسیاری از رسانه های بزرگ در همه جا هر روز. علاوه بر این ، آنها یک ارتش (شاید میلیون ها نفر از مردم) که همه رسانه ها را با قرار دادن تبلیغات بیشتر و غرق شدن تفسیر مشروع (ارتش ۵۰ درصد). -/- علاوه برسلب 3 جهان از منابع ، یک محوری عمده از چند تریلیون کمربند دلار و ابتکار راه است ساختمان پایگاه های نظامی در سراسر جهان. آنها را وادار به جهان آزاد را به یک مسابقه عظیم با تکنولوژی بالا اسلحه که باعث می شود جنگ سرد با اتحاد جماهیر شوروی مانند یک پیک نیک نگاه. -/- اگرچه SSSSK ، و بقیه نظامی جهان ، هزینه های زیادی در سخت افزار پیشرفته ، آن را بسیار محتمل است که WW3 (یا درگیری های کوچکتر که منجر به آن) خواهد شد نرم افزار تحت سلطه. این است که از این سوال که SSSSK نیست ، با هکرها احتمالا بیشتر (coders) کار برای آنها و سپس تمام بقیه جهان در ترکیب ، جنگ های آینده با حداقل درگیری های فیزیکی برنده ، فقط با فلج دشمنان خود را از طریق شبکه. بدون ماهواره, بدون تلفن, هیچ ارتباطات, هیچ معاملات مالی, هیچ شبکه برق, بدون اینترنت, هیچ سلاح های پیشرفته, هیچ وسایل نقلیه, قطار, کشتی ها و یا هواپیما. -/- تنها دو مسیر اصلی برای از بین بردن حزب کمونیست چین ، آزاد ۱,۴۰۰,۰۰۰,۰۰۰ زندانیان چینی ، و پایان دادن به راهپیمایی lunatic به WW3 وجود دارد. یکی از مسالمت آمیز است برای راه اندازی یک جنگ تمام کردن تجارت به نابودی اقتصاد چین تا زمانی که نظامی می شود تغذیه و چکمه از حزب کمونیست چین. -/- یک جایگزین برای بستن اقتصاد چین یک جنگ محدود است ، مانند یک اعتصاب هدفمند می گویند ۵۰ هواپیماهای بدون سرنشین thermobaric در کنگره 20 از حزب کمونیست چین ، زمانی که همه اعضای بالا در یک مکان هستند ، اما این اتفاق نمی کشد تا ۲۰۲۲ تا یکی می تواند جلسه عمومی سالانه رسید. چین مطلع خواهد شد ، به عنوان حمله رخ داده است ، که آنها باید غیر روحانی کردن سلاح های خود و آماده شدن برای برگزاری انتخابات دموکراتیک و یا به عصر حجر بگریزد. جایگزین دیگر یک حمله همه هسته ای است. رویارویی نظامی اجتناب ناپذیر است با توجه به دوره حاضر حزب کمونیست است. به احتمال زیاد بیش از جزایر در دریای چین جنوبی و یا تایوان در عرض چند دهه اتفاق می افتد ، اما به عنوان آنها ایجاد پایگاه های نظامی در سراسر جهان می تواند رخ دهد در هر نقطه (نگاه کنید به این ببر و غیره). درگیری های آینده سخت خواهد شد و جنبه های softkill با اهداف اعلام شده از حزب کمونیست چین به تاکید بر cyberwar توسط هک و سیستم های کنترل فلج از تمام ارتباطات نظامی و صنعتی ، تجهیزات ، نیروگاه ها ، ماهواره ها ، اینترنت ، بانک ها ، و هر دستگاه یا وسیله نقلیه متصل به شبکه. SS به آرامی فیلدینگ یک آرایه در سراسر جهان از سرنشین دار و سطح خودمختار و زیر آب و یا هواپیماهای بدون سرنشین قادر به راه اندازی سلاح های معمولی و یا هسته ای که ممکن است دروغ خفته در انتظار یک سیگنال از چین و یا حتی به دنبال امضای کشتی های ایالات متحده و یا هواپیماهای. در حالی که از بین بردن ماهواره های ما, در نتیجه از بین بردن ارتباط بین ایالات متحده آمریکا و نیروهای ما در سراسر جهان, آنها از آنها استفاده کنید, در رابطه با هواپیماهای بدون سرنشین به هدف قرار دادن و نابود کردن نیروهای نیروی دریایی در حال البته ، همه اینها به طور خودکار توسط AI انجام می شود. -/- تا بحال بزرگترین متحد حکچ حزب دموکرات ایالات متحده آمریکا است. انتخاب است برای متوقف کردن حکچ در حال حاضر و یا تماشای آنها را گسترش زندان چین در سراسر جهان است. -/- البته ، نظارت جهانی و دیجیتالی شدن زندگی ما در همه جا اجتناب ناپذیر است. هر کسی که فکر نمی کند تا عمیقا از لمس است. -/- البته این optomists است که انتظار می رود که sociopaths چینی به حکومت جهان در حالی که pessimists (که خود را به عنوان realists) انتظار می رود جامعه اجتماعی (و یا همانطور که من اسمش را--به عنوان مثال ، حماقت مصنوعی یا یک جامعه مصنوعی) را به سر برد ، شاید توسط ۲۰۳۰ کسانی که علاقه مند به اطلاعات بیشتر در مورد مسیر lunatic از جامعه مدرن ممکن است با کارهای دیگر من مانند خودکشی توسط دموکراسی مشورت--اگهی در آمریکا وجهان 3 نسخه ۲۰۱۹ و به خودکشی آرمانی توهم در 21خیابان قرن: فلسفه ، طبیعت انسانی و سقوط تمدن 5 ed (۲۰۱۹) . (shrink)

The first thing we must keep in mind is that when saying that China says this or China does that, we are not speaking of the Chinese people, but of the Sociopaths who control the CCP -- Chinese Communist Party, i.e., the Seven Senile Sociopathic Serial Killers (SSSSK) of the Standing Committee of the CCP or the 25 members of the Politburo etc.. -/- The CCP’s plans for WW3 and total domination are laid out quite clearly in Chinese govt publications (...) and speeches and this is Xi Jinping’s “China Dream”. It is a dream only for the tiny minority (perhaps a few dozen to a few hundred) who rule China and a nightmare for everyone else (including 1.4 billion Chinese). The 10 billion dollars yearly enables them or their puppets to own or control newspapers, magazines, TV and radio channels and place fake news in most major media everywhere every day. In addition, they have an army (maybe millions of people) who troll all the media placing more propaganda and drowning out legitimate commentary (the 50 cent army). -/- In addition to stripping the 3rd world of resources, a major thrust of the multi-trillion dollar Belt and Road Initiative is building military bases worldwide. They are forcing the free world into a massive high-tech arms race that makes the cold war with the Soviet Union look like a picnic. -/- Though the SSSSK, and the rest of the world’s military, are spending huge sums on advanced hardware, it is highly likely that WW3 (or the smaller engagements leading up to it) will be software dominated. It is not out of the question that the SSSSK, with probably more hackers (coders) working for them then all the rest of the world combined, will win future wars with minimal physical conflict, just by paralyzing their enemies via the net. No satellites, no phones, no communications, no financial transactions, no power grid, no internet, no advanced weapons, no vehicles, trains, ships or planes. -/- There are only two main paths to removing the CCP, freeing 1.4 billion Chinese prisoners, and ending the lunatic march to WW3. The peaceful one is to launch an all-out trade war to devastate the Chinese economy until the military gets fed up and boots out the CCP. -/- An alternative to shutting down China’s economy is a limited war, such as a targeted strike by say 50 thermobaric drones on the 20th Congress of the CCP, when all the top members are in one place, but that won’t take place until 2022 so one could hit the annual plenary meeting. The Chinese would be informed, as the attack happened, that they must lay down their arms and prepare to hold a democratic election or be nuked into the stone age. The other alternative is an all-out nuclear attack. Military confrontation is unavoidable given the CCP’s present course. It will likely happen over the islands in the South China Sea or Taiwan within a few decades, but as they establish military bases worldwide it could happen anywhere (see Crouching Tiger etc.). Future conflicts will have hardkill and softkill aspects with the stated objectives of the CCP to emphasize cyberwar by hacking and paralyzing control systems of all military and industrial communications, equipment, power plants, satellites, internet, banks, and any device or vehicle connected to the net. The SS are slowly fielding a worldwide array of manned and autonomous surface and underwater subs or drones capable of launching conventional or nuclear weapons that may lie dormant awaiting a signal from China or even looking for the signature of US ships or planes. While destroying our satellites, thus eliminating communication between the USA and our forces worldwide, they will use theirs, in conjunction with drones to target and destroy our currently superior naval forces. Of course, all of this is increasingly done automatically by AI. -/- By far the biggest ally of the CCP is the Democratic party of the USA. The choice is to stop the CCP now or watch as they extend the Chinese prison over the whole world. -/- Of course, universal surveillance and digitizing of our lives is inevitable everywhere. Anyone who does not think so is profoundly out of touch. -/- Of course it is the optomists who expect the Chinese sociopaths to rule the world while the pessimists (who view themselves as realists) expect AI sociopathy (or AS as I call it – i.e., Artificial Stupidity or Artificial Sociopathy) to take over, perhaps by 2030 Those interested in further details on the lunatic path of modern society may consult my other works such as Suicide by Democracy-an Obituary for America and the World 3rd Edition 2019 and Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st Century: Philosophy, Human Nature and the Collapse of Civilization 5th ed (2019) -/- . (shrink)

Monografia ta traktuje o ograniczaniu konfliktów w relacjach między segmentami społecznymi (takimi jak grupy etniczne, wspólnoty religijne), w których członkostwo opiera się na podstawach askryptywnych i kulturowych, a także między nimi a władzą centralną w Nigerii i Indonezji. Państwa te mają burzliwą historię niepodległego bytu, ogromne wieloetniczne i wieloreligijne populacje, duże gospodarki oraz zasoby surowców energetycznych. Jak wskazują liczne raporty, będą wkrótce należeć do najważniejszych w świecie. W Nigerii i Indonezji funkcjonują systemy polityczne oparte na tzw. power-sharing (współrządzeniu), tj. takie, (...) które za pomocą specyficznych formalnych i nieformalnych instytucji (rozumianych jako zespoły reguł) dopuszczają do udziału we władzy elity polityczne wywodzące się z różnych segmentów etnicznych i religijnych. Celem instytucji power-sharing jest budowanie pokoju i stabilności politycznej. Autor badań, których owocem jest ta praca, dokonał identyfikacji, wyjaśnienia i analizy roli oraz genezy najistotniejszych z nich, dowodząc zarazem, że w Nigerii i Indonezji współistnieją instytucje dwóch głównych modeli power-sharing, tj. konsocjonalizmu i centrypetalizmu. W konsekwencji wykazał, że międzysegmentowe współrządzenie w obu państwach ma charakter hybrydowy. Jest to poszerzenie empirycznej teorii power-sharing. Jej klasycy, Arend Lijphart (konsocjonalista) i Donald L. Horowitz (centrypetalista), nie przywiązywali większej wagi do możliwości implementacji instytucji dwóch modeli w ramach tego samego systemu politycznego. Tymczasem w Nigerii i Indonezji łączenie instytucji centrypetalnych i konsocjonalnych przyczyniło się do ograniczenia konfliktów. (shrink)

The chapter explores Johan Galtung’s theory of cultural violence from the perspective of a hegemony centered account of the social. It argues that once we take hegemony as a central organizing idea of the social, it becomes possible to recognize the limits of Galtung’s account of cultural violence and why his response to it remains weak. It defends a politics of contestation and a politics of disruption as possible ways to counter the risks introduced by cultural violence.

Peace, Culture, and Violence examines deeper sources of violence by providing a critical reflection on the forms of violence that permeate everyday life and our inability to recognize these forms of violence. Exploring the elements of culture that legitimize and normalize violence, the essays collected in this volume invite us to recognize and critically approach the violent aspects of reality we live in and encourage us to envision peaceful alternatives. Including chapters written by important scholars in the fields of Peace (...) Studies and Social and Political Philosophy, the volume represents an endeavour to seek peace in a world deeply marred by violence. Topics include: thug culture, language, hegemony, police violence, war on drugs, war, terrorism, gender, anti-Semitism, and other topics.. (shrink)

Dario Martinelli examines the nature of songs of social protest (SSPs) in Give Peace a Chant: Popular Music, Politics and Social Protest and provides readers with a book that is engaging, provoking, and enjoyable. Martinelli’s research is thorough, astute, and structured in a way that is both rigorous and accessible. Combining typology with several case studies, Martinelli achieves his stated goal of showing how context, song lyrics, and the music itself are organic and equally important elements that constitute SSPs.

Статтю присвячено проблемі функціонування білінгвізму та диглосії у столиці України. На матеріалах декількох опитувань проаналізовано тенденції використання української та російської мов у формальному і неформальному спілкуванні киян. Результати засвідчили помітне зростання обсягу української мови у столиці від початку ХХІ ст. і до сьогодні, проте вона все ще залишається на периферії багатьох сфер суспільного життя, особливо неформального.

Kant’s theory of international politics and his right of hospitality are commonly associated with expansive projects of securing human rights or cosmopolitan governance beyond state borders. This article shows how this view misunderstands Kant’s criticism of the law of nations tradition as handed down into the eighteenth century as well as the logic of his radical alternative, which was designed to explain the conditions of possibility of global peace as a solution to the Hobbesian problem of a war of all (...) against all in the state of nature. I resolve longstanding confusion over the meaning and justification of Kant’s right of “hospitality” by showing how it functions not as a freestanding positive claim demanding enforcement but as a way of ruling out specious justifications for war against those the traditional law of nations permitted one to label “enemies.” This poses important questions for contemporary theories of global justice. (shrink)

With her new book, The Conceptual Foundations of Transitional Justice, Colleen Murphy has advanced novel, comprehensive and sophisticated philosophical accounts of both what severely conflict-ridden societies should be aiming for and how they should pursue it. Ultimately grounded on a prizing of rational agency, Murphy maintains that these societies, roughly, ought to strive for a stable and legitimate democratic polity committed to not repeating gross historical injustice and do so in ways that do right by victims. In this article, I (...) argue, contra Murphy, that achieving democratic rights to political participation should not be considered an essential aim of transitional justice, and that, in contrast, doing right by victims should be considered an essential aim of it, not merely an appropriate means to achieving other aims. In addition, I highlight an issue downplayed in Murphy’s book, namely, the need to make trade-offs amongst the aims of transitional justice, which becomes particularly pressing upon accepting that doing right by victims is one of them. (shrink)

There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The (...) literature on the subject usually discusses two models of PS: consociationalism and centripetalism. A third model is encountered in practice, however, that of hybrid power-sharing (HPS), which combines the institutions of the first two. The main objective of this article is to explain the nature and origins of HPS. (shrink)

In this article, the author analyzes the term "power-sharing" in the context of power exercised within a state. He first examines the term in the very general sense, in which it can be applied to all types and dimensions of sharing of power between various groups and institutional entities. Second, the author examines the meaning of the term in the narrow sense, that is, the phenomenon of systemic sharing of power by groups (segments) whose membership is based on ascribed criteria (...) such as common ancestors, relatives, or racial background, and/or cultural ones such as a common language, religion, or celebrations. The basic segmental units in this sense are nations (understood in the sociological sense), ethnic groups, or religious and denominational communities that form part of divided societies. Third, the article shows the differences between the principal models (types) of power-sharing in the narrow sense: consociationalism, centripetalism, and hybrid power-sharing. (shrink)

There have been four main motives to introduce the notion of modus vivendi in the political-philosophical literature. One is to use it as a negative contrast to what one regards as the ideal goal in politics. The second is to use it within a distinctively realist political theory that refrains from advocating utopian ideals. The third is to defend liberal institutions as a modus vivendi. The fourth is to have a concept for the institutional tools for peace. Depending on the (...) motive to introduce the notion of modus vivendi, the notion is conceptualized slightly differently. One aim of the chapter is to provide an overview of the different motives that have led theorists to think about modus vivendi and the different conceptualizations of modus vivendi they have offered. But the chapter also makes a more substantial point: it argues that we should conceptualize the notion of modus vivendi in line with the fourth motive, because this seems the most promising way to get a conception of modus vivendi that is both ‘deeply motivated’ and ‘open’ for all kinds of approaches in political theory. (shrink)

I processi di transizione post-conflitto pongono questioni prominenti per l’agenda politica globale. Si pensi, per esempio, alla transizione democratica in Sud Africa dopo la fine dell’Apartheid o alla ricostruzione politica dei paesi facenti parte dell’ex-Jugoslavia all’indomani delle guerre dei Balcani. Quali principi normativi dovrebbero informare tali processi? Questa domanda è al cuore del crescente dibattito sulla “giustizia transizionale”. Questo dibattito si è concentrato principalmente sulla rettificazione delle ingiustizie occorse a causa dei torti perpetrati e subiti dalle parti coinvolte. Di conseguenza, (...) la giustizia è stata tipicamente concepita come una proprietà di esiti distributivi di diritti e opportunità. I processi di transizione post-conflitto sono giusti nella misura in cui sono in grado di condurre a tali esiti. Un simile approccio orientato agli esiti è capace di rendere conto di dimensioni morali, animate da preoccupazioni di giustizia e/o pacificazione, che dovrebbero certamente figurare nella caratterizzazione e valutazione normativa dei processi di transizione. Tuttavia, esso rischia di perdere di vista un’altra dimensione egualmente rilevante che riguarda le qualità inerenti ai processi di transizione stessi. Per illuminare questa dimensione, vorrei portare l’attenzione su di una diversa idea di giustizia che riguarda le proprietà inerenti alle interazioni tra persone; la giustizia nelle interazioni. La tesi che sosterrò è che le procedure costitutive dei processi di transizione post-conflitto non dovrebbero essere disegnate con la sola o prioritaria preoccupazione di condurre le parti a un consenso o compromesso su di un accordo capace di rettificare le ingiustizie perpetrate e subite. È anche necessario che questi processi siano strutturati in modo da consentire alle parti di reinterpretare il loro conflitto come un problema condiviso, che richiede l’instaurazione di dinamiche d’interazione cooperative capaci di realizzare forme di trattamento inerentemente giuste delle loro pretese reciproche. (shrink)

Examining the images of war displayed on front pages of the New York Times, David Shields makes the case that they ultimately glamorize military conflict. He anchors his case with an excerpt on the delight of the sublime from Edmund Burke’s aesthetic theory in A Philosophical Enquiry. By contrast, this essay considers violence and warfare using not the Burkean sublime, but instead the beautiful in Burke’s aesthetics, and argues that forming identities on the beautiful in the Burkean sense can ultimately (...) shut down dialogue and feed the lust for violence and revenge. (shrink)

To Andrew Fitz-Gibbon the history of Northern Ireland provides much useful insight by which progress can be made in the on-going (and seemingly never ending) vicious conflicts between Israelis and Palestinians that our world has not been able to break free of. In the first three chapters of “Talking to Terrorists” the Northern Ireland conflicts are placed within a very accessible and surprisingly thorough (given the book’s brevity) context. In his final chapter “Toward a Peaceful Future” Fitz-Gibbon identifies and elaborates (...) upon seven specific areas “where the Northern Ireland Peace Process might inform the situation between Israel and Gaza.". (shrink)

This paper offers an account of leftist democratic politics, one that seeks insights and new possibilities in the confluence of liberal-reformist thought and radical democratic post-Marxist thought. An interpretation of the renascent liberalism of John Dewey is compared to the radical democracy of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, exposing shared commitments to radical democracy, egalitarianism, and continued struggles to combat the varied intersectional manifestations of subordination. The author argues that this confluence of thought offers a tenable leftist democratic politics, one (...) that remains open to transnational perspectives, critiques, and insights. (shrink)

In the final years of legal apartheid, the small community of Quakers in Cape Town, South Africa sought to apply their tradition of political and theological nonviolence to the systematic injustice...

Situations of fundamentally opposing interests are such that, without some degree of trust, they will fail to advance. In this paper I consider war and the achievement of peace through a series of reciprocal steps as the primary setting in which to examine trust, its terms, and its limits. A surprising point that transpires is that, in the attempt to resolve situations that are fundamentally conflictive, there is often a tendency to take steps to promote something else, superficially resembling trust, (...) sometimes counterproductively at the expense trust. An analysis of trust consisting of three elements is offered: (1) Vulnerability: the truster expresses an inclination to put himself in a vulnerable position with respect to the trusted. (2) Benefit: for the purpose of some gain that will befall the truster if the trusted does not exploit this vulnerability. (3) Reciprocity: with the expectation that the trusted will be sufficiently motivated to reciprocate at least partly due to the fact that truster’s behaviour is informed by such an expectation. The problem of trust is then presented as the idea of overcoming the “trust gap”. It is this: given the trust gap, and the rational-prudential basis to distrust – what could after all enable trust? Overcoming the gap may be achieved in one of two ways. Metaphorically speaking, we can narrow the gap, making the risks involved less worrisome, even if not eliminating them all together. Thus, encouraging cooperation on the basis of self-regarding prudential reasons. Or we can bridge the gap, leaving the risks as they are while procuring non-prudential resources to encourage cooperation. Only the latter can be truly classified as trust. Three ways in which the gap may be bridged are specified: Non-prudential reasons to reciprocate trust (Empathy, Fairness, and Reciprocity) correspond to the three components of trust (Vulnerability, Benefit, Reciprocity). The three reasons are introduced with the help of a minor thought experiments the results of which get further support from psychological experimental literature. It is then shown how these features of the situation provide a moral reason and, therefore, an expectation to act trustworthily, and as such facilitate trust. The possibility of trust is thus explained on the basis of an idea of reasonableness, rather than instrumental rationality, sentiment, or faith. Finally, it is argued that narrowing the gap might detrimentally affect bridging the gap. Confidence building measures (guarantees, incentives, and sanctions), designed to narrow the trust gap and facilitate cooperation, may unwittingly demolish the foundations for bridging the gap. Some policy implications are tentatively proposed: (1) Don’t focus exclusively on narrowing the gap. (2) Manufacture “common knowledge”. (3)Take care when narrowing the gap not to thwart bridging the gap. (shrink)

Kant is often regarded as one of the founding fathers of modern liberal democracy. His political theory reaches its climax in the ground-breaking work, Perpetual Peace (1795), which sets out the basic framework for a world federation of states united by a system of international law. What is less well known is that two years earlier, in his Religion within the Bounds of Bare Reason (1793/1794), Kant had postulated a very different, explicitly religious path to the politics of peace: he (...) presents the idea of an “ethical community” as a necessary requirement for humanity to become “satisfactory to God”. While many recent scholars have noted the importance of Kant’s concept of the ethical community, few recognize the force of his argument that such a community is possible only if it takes the form of a church; as a result, the precise status of his proposal remains unclear and under-appreciated. He argues in Division One, Section IV, of Religion’s Third Piece that the idea of this community can become a reality only through a “church” that is characterized by four rational requirements: unity, integrity, freedom, and the changeability of all church rules except these four unchangeable marks. Prior to Section IV, Division One portrays this ethical community as having a political form, yet an essentially nonpolitical matter. He compares it with Jewish theocracy, but observes that the latter failed to be an ethical commonwealth because it was explicitly political. Whereas traditional theocracy replaces the political state of nature (which conforms to the law, “might makes right”) with an ethical state of nature (which conforms to the law that I call, “should makes good”), or attempts to synthesize them, non-coercive theocracy transcends this distinction through a new perspective: it unites humanity in a common vision of a divine legislator whose only law is inward, binding church members together like families, through the law of love. Whereas the legal rights supported by democracy and a system of international law can go a long way to prepare for world peace, Kant’s conviction is that it will be ultimately impossible without support from healthy religion. (shrink)

In 2011, the Middle East saw more people peacefully protesting long entrenched dictatorships than at any time in its history. The dictators of Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen were deposed in a matter of weeks by nonviolent marches. Imprecisely described as 'the Arab Spring', the revolution has been convulsing the whole region ever since. Beyond an uneven course in different countries, Philosophy of Nonviolence examines how 2011 may have ushered in a fundamental break in world history. The break, the book argues, (...) is animated by nonviolence as the new spirit of the philosophy of history.Philosophy of Nonviolence maps out a system articulating nonviolence in the revolution, the rule of constitutional law it yearns for, and the demand for accountability that inspired the revolution in the first place. Part One--Revolution, provides modern context to the generational revolt, probes the depth of Middle Eastern-Islamic humanism, and addresses the paradox posed by nonviolence to the 'perpetual peace' ideal. Part Two--Constitutionalism, explores the reconfiguration of legal norms and power structures, mechanisms of institutional change and constitution-making processes in pursuit of the nonviolent anima. Part Three--Justice, covers the broadening concept of dictatorship as crime against humanity, an essential part of the philosophy of nonviolence. It follows its frustrated emergence in the French revolution, its development in the Middle East since 1860 through the trials of Arab dictators, the pyramid of accountability post-dictatorship, and the scope of foreign intervention in nonviolent revolutions. Throughout the text, Professor Mallat maintains thoroughly abstract and philosophical arguments, while substantiating those arguments in historical context enriched by a close participation in the ongoing Middle East revolution. (shrink)

Particular conceptions of reconciliation vary across a number of dimensions. As section 1 explains, the kind of relationship at issue in a specific context affects the type of improvement in relations that might be necessary in order to qualify as reconciliation. Reconciliation is widely taken to be a scalar concept. Section 2 discusses the spectrum of intensity along which kinds of improvement in relationships fall, and indicates why, in particular contexts, theorists often disagree about the point along this spectrum that (...) is morally or politically most significant. Section 3 provides an overview of the processes commonly cited as contributing to reconciliation. These processes are often controversial; those praised by some commentators as appropriate and constructive responses to past conflict are dismissed by others as undermining the moral or political conditions for just and peaceful relations. Section 4 concentrates on the relationship between reconciliation and justice. While some see these values as compatible and mutually supporting, others argue that, especially in the immediate wake of conflict, parties must often choose between reconciliation and justice. (shrink)

SummaryThe practice of counterintelligence traditionally lies in its application to the function of catching spies, stopping espionage and protecting national security and the national interest. More recently though counterintelligence has matured and is frequently being deployed into fields such as counter-terrorism, however it still remains that counterintelligence is often poorly understood, and the practice of counterintelligence operations in the counter-terrorism space presents new challenges as well as conflicts of purpose with the contemporary partners of intelligence and security services such as (...) law enforcement and the military. This article, the first in a series, will discuss issues surrounding the common understanding of counterintelligence, the development and practice of offensive missions, and its role in counter-terrorism from its current functions across intelligence, military and law enforcement spheres, as well as its potential to realize new outcomes. (shrink)