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  1. Kantian Conditions for the Possibility of Justified Resistance to Authority.Stephen R. Palmquist - manuscript
    Immanuel Kant’s theory of justifiable resistance to authority is complex and, at times, appears to conflict with his own practice, if not with itself. He distinguishes between the role of authority in “public” and “private” contexts. In private—e.g., when a person is under contract to do a specific job or accepts a social contract with one’s government—resistance is forbidden; external behavior must be governed by policy or law. In contexts involving the public use of reason, on the other hand—e.g., when (...)
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  2. University, Republic, and Morality: On the Reversed Order of Progress in ‘The Conflict of the Faculties’.Roberta Pasquarè - manuscript
    It is commonly held that Kant, with his 1798 essay The Conflict of the Faculties, relinquishes some progressive stances and retreats to conservative positions. According to several interpreters, this is especially evident from Kant’s discussion of moral progress and public use of reason. Kant avers that moral progress can only occur through state-sanctioned education “from top to bottom” and entrusts the emergence of a state endowed with the relevant resolution and ability to “a wisdom from above” (7:92-93). According to numerous (...)
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  3. Human Dignity and Social Justice.Pablo Gilabert - forthcoming - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Human dignity: social movements invoke it, several national constitutions enshrine it, and it features prominently in international human rights documents. But what is it, why is it important, and what is its relationship to human rights and social justice? Pablo Gilabert offers a systematic defence of the view that human dignity is the moral heart of justice. In Human Dignity and Human Rights (OUP 2019), he advanced an account of human dignity for the context of human rights discourse, which covers (...)
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  4. Kant's Hylomorphic Formulation of Right and the Necessity of the State.Mike Gregory - forthcoming - Kant Studien.
  5. Two concepts of liberalism: creation, voluntarism and politics in the thought of Immanuel Kant and Edmund Burke.Christopher Insole - forthcoming - Modern Theology.
  6. Kant, Race, and Racism: Views from Somewhere.Huaping Lu-Adler - forthcoming - Oxford University Press.
    Kant scholars have paid relatively little attention to his raciology. They assume that his racism, as personal prejudice, can be disentangled from his core philosophy. They also assume that racism contradicts his moral theory. Lu-Adler challenges both assumptions. She shows how Kant’s raciology—divided into racialism and racism—is integral to his philosophical system as a whole. She also rejects the individualistic approach to Kant and racism. Instead, she uses the notion of racism as ideological formation to demonstrate how Kant, from his (...)
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  7. Kant's Mature Theory of Punishment, and a First Critique Ideal Abolitionist Alternative.Benjamin Vilhauer - forthcoming - In Matthew Altman (ed.), Palgrave Kant Handbook.
    This chapter has two goals. First, I will present an interpretation of Kant’s mature account of punishment, which includes a strong commitment to retributivism. Second, I will sketch a non-retributive, “ideal abolitionist” alternative, which appeals to a version of original position deliberation in which we choose the principles of punishment on the assumption that we are as likely to end up among the punished as we are to end up among those protected by the institution of punishment. This is radical (...)
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  8. Reason, Rights and Law: New Essays on Kantian Philosophy.Alice Pinheiro Walla & Mehmet Ruhi Demiray (eds.) - forthcoming - University of Wales Press.
  9. Hope and the Kantian Legacy: New Contributions to the History of Optimism.Katerina Mihaylova & Anna Ezekiel (eds.) - 2023 - London, Vereinigtes Königreich: Bloomsbury Academic.
    Hope is understood to be a significant part of human experience, including for motivating behaviour, promoting happiness, and justifying a conception of the self as having agency. Yet substantial gaps remain regarding the development of the concept of hope in the history of philosophy. This collection addresses this gap by reconstructing and analysing a variety of approaches to hope in late 18th- and 19th-century German philosophy. In 1781, Kant's idea of a “rational hope” shifted the terms of discussion about hope (...)
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  10. The concept of publicness in Kant’s critical method of metaphysics.Farshid Baghai - 2022 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (3):333-360.
    Kant’s writings on political philosophy do not clearly and conclusively determine its place and significance in his critical philosophy. To address this issue, most accounts of Kant’s political philosophy concentrate on his explicitly political texts that cluster around the second and third Critiques. Although many of these interpretations illuminate different aspects of Kant’s political philosophy, they are silent with regard to a concept of publicness that is implied in the first Critique. This article suggests that Kant’s critical method of metaphysics (...)
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  11. A prudência como “sabedoria política” no projeto kantiano da paz perpétua: um elo entre teoria e prática.Bruno Cunha - 2022 - In Ufsc (ed.), Comentários às obras de Kant: À paz perpétua. Florianópolis, SC, Brasil: pp. 323-368.
    É possível constatar, mesmo em uma leitura superficial, que Kant tem o propósito de empreender em seu opúsculo de 1795, À Paz Perpétua, uma defesa dos princípios normativos do direito em todas as esferas da vida pública. Isso se evidencia na tentativa de desenvolver uma teoria da paz erigida sobre uma teoria tríplice do direito público, dividida nos âmbitos do direito estatal, das gentes e cosmopolita. Mas, se a questão é, por um lado, adequar os princípios puros da doutrina do (...)
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  12. Hegel com e contra Kant no Direito Internacional.Bruno Cunha - 2022 - [email protected] - An International Journal for Moral Philosophy 21 (2):216-244.
    A filosofia do direito internacional de Hegel tem recebido certa atenção nos últimos anos. As pesquisas mais recentes têm buscado apresentar uma visão diferente daquela, apresentada no século XIX e primeira metade do século XX, que retratava Hegel como um entusiasta do estado de guerra. Com efeito, também se passou a reavaliar a relação de Hegel com Kant no que diz respeito às questões do direito internacional, sobretudo, a possibilidade da paz. Meu objetivo nesse artigo é, primeiramente, apresentar os aspectos (...)
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  13. Kant and Rehberg on political theory and practice.Michael L. Gregory - 2022 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 30 (4):566-588.
    ABSTRACT This article examines the under-researched figure A.W. Rehberg in his exchange with Kant over the relationship between theory and practice in the philosophy of right. I argue that Rehberg raises, what I call, two problems of political matter which attempt to show that Kant's overly formal approach to political theory cannot justifiably determine political practice. The first problem is the problem of positive determinations of right, rather than merely negative prohibitions. Rehberg takes this to mean that Kant cannot determine (...)
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  14. Kant and Slavery—Or Why He Never Became a Racial Egalitarian.Huaping Lu-Adler - 2022 - Critical Philosophy of Race 10 (2):263-294.
    According to an oft-repeated narrative, while Kant maintained racist views through the 1780s, he changed his mind in the 1790s. Pauline Kleingeld introduced this narrative based on passages from Kant’s Metaphysics of Morals and “Toward Perpetual Peace”. On her reading, Kant categorically condemned chattel slavery in those texts, which meant that he became more racially egalitarian. But the passages involving slavery, once contextualized, either do not concern modern, race-based chattel slavery or at best suggest that Kant mentioned it as a (...)
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  15. Kant's Rational Freedom: Positive and Negative Peace.Casey Rentmeester - 2022 - In Peaceful Approaches for a More Peaceful World. Leiden, Netherlands: pp. 230-238.
    World peace was a common theoretical consideration among philosophers during Europe’s Enlightenment period. The first robust essay on peace was written by Charles Irénée Castel de Saint- Pierre, which sparked an intellectual debate among prominent philosophers like Jean- Jacques Rousseau and Jeremy Bentham, who offered their own treatises on the concept of peace. Perhaps the most influential of all such writings comes from Immanuel Kant, who argues that world peace is no “high- flown or exaggerated notion” but rather a natural (...)
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  16. Scienza, filosofia e politica. Kant e le neuroscienze del giudizio morale.Daniela Tafani - 2022 - Scienza and Politica. Per Una Storia Delle Dottrine 33 (65):167-182.
    This article discusses the opposition of neurosciences of moral judgement to moral philosophy, shedding light on the political meaning of the thesis according to which a science of morality is possible, or already real, and would demonstrate that rights’ recognition equates to a cognitive error. It furthermore presents some theoretical contributions offered by Kant’s moral doctrine – on condition that one avoids providing an unfounded and caricatural account in order to make it the paradigm of armchair philosophy – about the (...)
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  17. Kant’s Four Political Conditions: Barbarism, Despotism, Anarchy, and Republic.Helga Varden - 2022 - Norsk Filosofisk Tidsskrift 57 (3-4):194-207.
    In Kant’s “Doctrine of Right” there is a philosophical and interpretive puzzle surrounding the translation of a key concept: Gewalt. Should we translate it as “force,” “power,” or “violence”? This raises both general questions in Kant’s legal-political philosophy as well as puzzles regarding Kant’s definitions of “barbarism,” “anarchy,” “despotism,” and “republic” as the four possible political conditions. First, I argue that we have good textual reasons for translating Gewalt as “violence”—a translation which has the advantage that it answers these questions (...)
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  18. Kant on revolution as a sign of moral progress.Sacha Golob - 2021 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 55 (6):977-989.
  19. The Drive to Society in Kant’s Critique of the Power of Judgment.Dietmar Heidemann - 2021 - In Manja Kisner & Jörg Noller (eds.), The Concept of Drive in Classical German Philosophy: Between Biology, Anthropology, and Metaphysics. Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 149-168.
    Prima facie, the concept of “drive” is not central or even relevant to the project of the Critique of the Power of Judgment. Other than one might expect, Kant, especially in the teleology, is not engaging with this concept and its cognates in great detail. On the other hand, the concept of “drive” is pivotal in his philosophy of history and culture as spelled out in the “Doctrine of Method” of the third Critique. For it is nature that drives human (...)
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  20. Armut bei Kant.Reza Mosayebi - 2021 - In Gottfried Schweiger & Clemens Sedmak (eds.), Handbuch Philosophie Und Armut. J.B. Metzler. pp. 121-127.
    Nach Kant ist die Armut ein unerwünschtes Phänomen, dessen Entstehung hauptsächlich den durch menschliche Interaktionen entstandenen Ungerechtigkeiten geschuldet ist.
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  21. Immanuel Kant.Dieter Schönecker - 2021 - In Michael G. Festl (ed.), Handbuch Liberalismus. J.B. Metzler. pp. 29-35.
    Die im engeren Sinne politische Bedeutung des Wortes „liberal“ und erst recht der Begriff des Liberalismus haben im deutschsprachigen Raum bekanntlich erst recht spät und jedenfalls nach Immanuel Kant Fuß gefasst. Es überrascht daher nicht, dass Kant in seinen Schriften von solchen Begriffen wie „liberal“ und „Liberalität“ nur sehr sparsam, beiläufig und in einer Weise Gebrauch macht, die zwar die.
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  22. Kant’s Conception of Public Reason.Terence Hua Tai - 2021 - In Hon-Lam Li & Michael Campbell (eds.), Public Reason and Bioethics: Three Perspectives. Springer Verlag. pp. 283-315.
    This chapter presents an interpretation of Kant’s view on public reason. For Kant, reason in its theoretical use is the highest of our mental powers, giving principles for thinking in general that regulate our use of understanding as a faculty of cognition. In its practical use, it is a capacity to set ends to oneself and to pursue them by efficient means. Kant calls reason our “rational nature” and also employs the word ‘humanity’ as a technical term for it. Most (...)
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  23. The Symbol of Justice: Bloodguilt in Kant.Krista K. Thomason - 2021 - Kantian Review 26 (1):79-97.
    One of the more notorious passages in Kant occurs in the Doctrine of Right where he claims that ‘bloodguilt’ will cling to members of a dissolving society if they fail to execute the last murderer (MM, 6: 333). Although this is the most famous, bloodguilt appears in three other passages in Kant’s writings. These have received little attention in Kant scholarship. In this article, I examine these other passages and argue that bloodguilt functions as a symbol for the demandingness of (...)
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  24. Toleration and Some Related Concepts in Kant.Andrew Bain & Paul Formosa - 2020 - Kantian Review 25 (2):167-192.
    In this article we examine Kant’s understanding of toleration by including a study of all instances in which he directly uses the language of toleration and related concepts. We use this study to resolve several key areas of interpretative dispute concerning Kant’s views on toleration. We argue that Kant offers a nuanced and largely unappreciated approach to thinking about toleration, and related concepts, across three normative spheres: the political, the interpersonal and the personal. We examine shortcomings in earlier interpretations and (...)
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  25. Kant’s Doctrine of the Highest Good: A Theologico-Political Interpretation.Étienne Brown - 2020 - Kantian Review 25 (2):193 - 217.
    Kant’s discussion of the highest good is subject to continuous disagreement between the proponents of two interpretations of this concept. According to the secular interpretation, Kant conceived of the highest good as a political ideal which can be realized through human agency alone, albeit only from the Critique of the Power of Judgement onwards. By way of contrast, proponents of the theological interpretation find Kant’s treatment of the highest good in his later works to be wholly coherent with the discussions (...)
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  26. The Metaphysical Spectator and the Sphere of Social Life in Kant’s Political Writings.Alex Cain - 2020 - Critical Horizons 21 (2):153-166.
    Through a reading of Kant’s essay, “An Old Question Raised Again: Is the Human Race Constantly Progressing?”, I argue that Kant’s political philosophy fails to adequately engage with the political event in itself, and that Kant’s so-called political writings only provide a theory of the social sphere. First, I present the Kantian political subject as an antinomy between the metaphysically grounded spectator and the physically situated actor. Second, I show that Kant tries to solve the antinomy between the actor and (...)
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  27. Prolegomena to Natural Law.Pauline Kleingeld & Gottfried Achenwall (eds.) - 2020 - Groningen, Netherlands: University of Groningen Press.
    Gottfried Achenwall, _Prolegomena to Natural Law_, ed. Pauline Kleingeld, trans. Corinna Vermeulen. Groningen: University of Groningen Press, 2020. Open Access, available via the 'direct download' link below. This is the first English translation of _Prolegomena iuris naturalis_ by Gottfried Achenwall (1719–1772). In this book, Achenwall presents the philosophical foundation for his comprehensive theory of natural law. The book is of interest not only because it provides the basis for a careful, systematic, and well-respected eighteenth-century theory of natural law in the (...)
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  28. Communal Ownership and Kant’s Theory of Right.S. M. Love - 2020 - Kantian Review 25 (3):415-440.
    The article argues that Kant’s argument for ownership entails a standard of meaningful use by which property regimes can be evaluated: a regime must make it possible for usable objects to be meaningfully used. A particular form of fully communal ownership can satisfy this standard. Further, this form of communal ownership is compatible with Kantian freedom more broadly. I conclude that, if this is so, there is a great deal of space for further consideration of the rightfulness of diverse regimes (...)
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  29. Kant’s Tribunal of Reason: Legal Metaphor and Normativity in the Critique of Pure Reason.Sofie Møller - 2020 - New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press.
    Kant's Critique of Pure Reason, his main work of theoretical philosophy, frequently uses metaphors from law. In this first book-length study in English of Kant's legal metaphors and their role in the first Critique, Sofie Møller shows that they are central to Kant's account of reason. Through an analysis of the legal metaphors in their entirety, she demonstrates that Kant conceives of reason as having a structure mirroring that of a legal system in a natural right framework. Her study shows (...)
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  30. Luigi Caranti’s Kant’s Political Legacy.Paul Guyer - 2019 - Kantian Review 24 (2):275-288.
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  31. “The Audacity of Hope”: Reclaiming Obama's Optimism in the Trump Era.Céline Leboeuf - 2019 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 33 (2):256-267.
    ABSTRACT This article makes the case for the continued relevance of former U.S. president Barack Obama's conception of social hope. To present this conception, I compare it with the views of hope developed by two prominent political philosophers: Immanuel Kant and Richard Rorty. Kant, Rorty, and Obama all espouse the idea that progress must be founded on hope since hope motivates action. Yet the three differ on the grounds of hope. Kant believes that social progress depends on our shared humanity. (...)
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  32. A New Twist on an Old Idea.Lucian Lupescu - 2019 - Philosophy Now 131 (April/May 2019):10-11.
    This article briefly compares and contrasts Kantian and Marxist thinking, trying to show how the second derived from the first.
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  33. Kant’s Provisionality Thesis.J. P. Messina - 2019 - Kantian Review 24 (3):439-463.
    I argue that Kant’s mature political philosophy entails the provisionality thesis. The provisionality thesis asserts that in a world like ours, populated with beings sufficiently like us, acquired rights (rights to external objects of choice, including property, sovereignty and territory) are necessarily provisional. I motivate the standard view, which restricts the notion of provisional right to the state of nature and the transition from the state of nature to the civil condition. I then provide two textual arguments against it. I (...)
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  34. Reasoning with the Exclusionary Other: Classical Scenes for a Postradical Horizon.Carlos Palacios - 2019 - Critical Inquiry 46 (1):97-117.
    Thanks to Michel Foucault, one might say it has become possible to conceive that the political relevance of humanity in modern thought does not have to do with its “philosophical essence” but rather with its “nonessence.” Yet this very idea surfaced earlier in Western thought, at the time of the revolutionary turn towards a politicized humanitarianism, and helped to shape some crucial political strategies making up modern liberal democracy. Its potential eluded even Foucault. I contend that tracing the contours of (...)
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  35. Filosofas, kaip “Slaptas Agentas” už Taiką: Rimtai Kanto Atgimimas “Senas Klausimas”.Stephen R. Palmquist - 2019 - In Valerio Rohden, Ricardo Terra & Guido A. De Almeida (eds.), Akten des X. Internationalen Kant-Kongresses. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 601-612.
    This is a Lithuanian translation, by Giedrius Sadauskas, of my paper, ‘The Philosopher as a “Secret Agent” for Peace: Taking Seriously Kant’s Revival of the “Old Question” ’, in Valerio Rohden, Ricardo R. Terra and Guido A. de Almeida (eds.), Recht und Frieden in der Philosophie Kants, vol. 4 of Akten des X. Internationalen Kant-Kongresses (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008), pp.601-612. An offprint of the English version is available in the "Kant 4 - Moral and political philosophy articles" section of (...)
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  36. Rethinking Race and Gender in Kant: Towards a Non-Ideal, Intersectional Kant.Jordan Pascoe - 2019 - SGIR Review 2 (2).
    In “Rethinking Race and Gender in Kant: Toward a Non-Ideal, Intersectional Kant,” Jordan Pascoe argues that Kant’s moral philosophy is productively read through the “non-ideal” lens of the sociopolitical concerns he faced and espoused. This lens in turn offers possibilities for thinking differently about the particular articulation that his formal principles take. She defends a non-ideal, modified methodological approach in which Kant’s problematic conception of race and gender are opportunities for expanding our reflection on Kant’s moral philosophy as a whole.
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  37. Pourquoi être sincère? L’actualité de la querelle du mensonge entre Benjamin Constant et Immanuel Kant.Emmanuel Prokob - 2019 - Kant Studien 110 (3):357-392.
    Kant’s emphasis on the immorality of lying even to a murderer at the door who is asking about a victim hidden inside has drawn criticism ever since. The example originally given by Constant has been read as the thread of morality by totalitarian ruthlessness. In order to defend the importance of Kant’s moral philosophy, many critics have tried to update his position by taking into account the threat of modern totalitarianism. Nonetheless, this article tries to argue that Kant is right, (...)
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  38. A Juridical Right to Lie.Hamish Stewart - 2019 - Kantian Review 24 (3):465-481.
    Kant’s essay ‘On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy’ claims that everyone has an unconditional duty of right not to lie under any circumstances. This claim creates a conflict within the doctrine of right because Kant also claims that each of us is under an unconditional duty of right to obey the positive law in force in the civil condition in all circumstances. In Kant’s specific example, truthfulness would violate the positive law because it would make the speaker an (...)
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  39. Kant on the ‘Guarantee of Perpetual Peace’ and the Ideal of the United Nations.Lucas Thorpe - 2019 - Dokuz Eylül University Journal of Humanities 6 (1):223-245..
    The ideal of the United Nations was first put forward by Immanuel Kant in his 1795 essay Perpetual Peace. Kant, in the tradition of Locke and Rousseau is a liberal who believes that relations between individuals can either be based upon law and consent or upon force and violence. One way that such the ideal of world peace could be achieved would be through the creation of a single world state, of which every human being was a citizen. Such an (...)
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  40. The Social Creation of Morality and Complicity in Collective Harms: A Kantian Account.Garrath Williams - 2019 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 36 (3):457-470.
    This article considers the charge that citizens of developed societies are complicit in large-scale harms, using climate destabilisation as its central example. It contends that we have yet to create a lived morality – a fabric of practices and institutions – that is adequate to our situation. As a result, we participate in systematic injustice, despite all good efforts and intentions. To make this case, the article draws on recent discussions of Kant’s ethics and politics. Section 1 considers Tamar Schapiro’s (...)
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  41. Progress, Human Rights and Peace in Luigi Caranti’s Kant’s Political Legacy.Howard Williams - 2019 - Kantian Review 24 (2):263-273.
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  42. Universal Principle of Right: Metaphysics, Politics, and Conflict Resolutions.Sorin Baiasu - 2018 - Kantian Review 23 (4):527-554.
    In spite of its dominance, there are well-known problems with Rawls’s method of reflective equilibrium (MRE), as a method of justification in meta-ethics. One issue in particular has preoccupied commentators, namely, the capacity of this method to provide a convincing account of the objectivity of our moral beliefs. Call this the Lack-of-Objectivity Charge. One aim of this article is to examine the charge within the context of Rawls’s later philosophy, and I claim that the lack-of-objectivity charge remains unanswered. A second (...)
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  43. Political Ramifications of Formal Ugliness in Kant’s Aesthetics.Christopher Buckman - 2018 - Idealistic Studies 48 (3):195-209.
    Kant’s theory of taste supports his political theory by providing the judgment of beauty as a symbol of the good and example of teleological experience, allowing us to imagine the otherwise obscure movement of nature and history toward the ideal human community. If interpreters are correct in believing that Kant should make room for pure judgments of ugliness in his theory of taste, we will have to consider the implications of such judgments for Kant’s political theory. It is here proposed (...)
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  44. Lorena Cebolla Sanahuja, Toward Kantian Cosmopolitanism Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017 Pp. ix+ 231 ISBN 9783319639871 £72.00. [REVIEW]Georg Cavallar - 2018 - Kantian Review 23 (2):343-346.
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  45. Kant’s Contextualism.Katrin Flikschuh - 2018 - Kantian Review 23 (4):555-579.
    This article builds on David Velleman’s recent work on moral relativism to argue that Kant’s account of moral judgement is best read in a contextualist manner. More specifically, I argue that while for Kant the form of moral judgement is invariant, substantive moral judgements are nonetheless context-dependent. The same form of moral willing can give rise to divergent substantive judgements. To some limited extent, Kantian contextualism is a development out of Rawlsian constructivism. Yet while for constructivists the primary concern is (...)
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  46. Philipp-Alexander Hirsch: Freiheit und Staatlichkeit bei Kant. Die autonomietheoretische Begründung von Recht und Staat und das Widerstandsproblem. Berlin/boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2017. 477 Seiten. ISBN978-3-11-052932-6Freiheit und Staatlichkeit bei Kant. Die autonomietheoretische Begründung von Recht und Staat und das Widerstandsproblem. [REVIEW]Georg Geismann - 2018 - Kant Studien 109 (3):486-492.
    Name der Zeitschrift: Kant-Studien Jahrgang: 109 Heft: 3 Seiten: 486-492.
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  47. Das Problem der Menschenrechte bei Kant.Stefan Gosepath - 2018 - In Reza Mosayebi (ed.), Kant Und Menschenrechte. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 195-216.
    Kant wird oft als einer derjenigen großen Philosophen angesehen, dessen Werk wesentlich zum jetzigen Verständnis der Menschenrechte und Menschenwürde beigetragen hat. Kant scheint, wenn man in seine Schriften schaut, jedoch keine Theorie der Menschenrechte im modernen Sinne gehabt zu haben. Bei näherem Hinsehen zeigt sich folgender Grund: Kant unterscheidet zwischen dem bloß privaten Recht, das dem positiven Recht untergeordnet ist, und dem öffentlichen Recht, das die begrifflichen Bedingungen einer jeden legitimen, legalen Ordnung darstellt. Der Inhalt des öffentlichen Rechts wird bei (...)
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  48. Principles of Justice, Primary Goods and Categories of Right: Rawls and Kant.Paul Guyer - 2018 - Kantian Review 23 (4):581-613.
    John Rawls based his theory of justice, in the work of that name, on a ‘Kantian interpretation’ of the status of human beings as ‘free and equal’ persons. In his subsequent, ‘political rather than metaphysical’ expositions of his theory, the conception of citizens of democracies as ‘free and equal’ persons retained its foundational role. But Rawls appealed only to Kant’s moral philosophy, never to Kant’s own political philosophy as expounded in his 1797 Doctrine of Right in theMetaphysics of Morals. I (...)
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  49. Kant and the Problem of Revolution. A Report of the International Conference (Kaliningrad, 9—10 November 2017).Leonid Yu Kornilaev - 2018 - Kantian Journal 37 (1):74-87.
    This report presents the features of the organisation and the main ideas of the international scientific conference “‘No Right of Sedition’. Kant and the Problem of Revolution in the 18th—21st Century Philosophy.” The conference was held at the Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University (IKBFU) in Kaliningrad on November 9—10, 2017 and was dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution. The event was organised by the Academia Kantiana — a research unit on comparative studies on Russian and Western philosophy (...)
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  50. The Ideal Character of the General Will and Popular Sovereignty in Kant.Macarena Marey - 2018 - Kant Studien 109 (4):557-580.
    In this paper, I examine Kant’s reception of and solution to the problem of the unity of the political will. I propose that Kant distances himself from the modern paradigmatic foundations of sovereignty principally with his theses of the ideality of the general will and of the apriority of the justification of popular sovereignty. My interpretative hypothesis is that Kant solves the problem by grounding sovereignty in a conceptual element which is new in the history of political philosophy, i. e. (...)
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