Government and Democracy

In an ideal democracy, people from all walks of life would come together to talk meaningfully and respectfully about politics. But we do not live in an ideal democracy. In contemporary democracies, which are marked by deep social divisions, different groups for the most part avoid talking to each other. And when they do talk to each other, their speech often seems to be little more than a vehicle for rage, hatred, and deception. -/- Democratic Speech in Divided Times argues (...) that we should nevertheless not give up on the ideal of democratic public speech. Drawing on the resources of political theory, epistemology, and philosophy of language, this book develops a sustained account of the norms that should govern public discourse in deeply divided circumstances. Should we try to find common ground when we talk to our political opponents, even though they seem unreasonable? Should we refrain from expressing anger, if we want to get things done? How can we use our speech to fight hate speech and disinformation? And is it even possible to speak to 'the other side,' in settings where different groups dislike one another, live apart from one another, and don't know much about one another? By tackling these questions, Lepoutre demonstrates that, when governed by the right set of norms, public speech can be a powerful force for good even amidst profound social divisions. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

IT CAN BE ARGUED that there is no objective measurement of the influence of an individual’s thought upon collective social movements, especially in the case of direct democratic social movements for human emancipation from authority. This is certainly the case with Murray Bookchin, a revolutionary thinker who renounced Marxism to re-imagine anarchism and renounced anarchism to form his own political proposition of communalism and democratic confederalism. While it is impossible to measure the influence of Bookchin’s thought and action on the (...) current social-historical global timescape, it is also impossible to ignore it, visible as it is in the revolutionary democratic institution of Kurdish Rojava, and within contemporary ecological and social movements. When I embarked on an inquiry into the importance of Bookchin for Greek social movements, I understood that it was a task never to be completed. Τhe libertarian, anarchist editor Michalis Protopsaltis used to say, “It’s not the naked truth coming out of the well, it is just my opinion.”. (shrink)

Due to the scarcity of data from government sources, twisting facts and rewriting histories in order to warp out a belligerent present has become a rising tendency. Such a tendency brings with it a convenient inability to speak truth to power. The majority of the urban credo today has fallen victim to a system of what can be called a new-age urban ideology of 'perfective fakeness'.

This article explores the context for the accompanying suite of papers on creating and sustaining democratic spaces in education. Prompted by the centenary of Summerhill, the internationally famous democratic school founded in Suffolk, England, in 1921, by A.S. Neill, this collection of papers explores and broadens out the central questions at the heart of experiments in democratic education. We suggest that, at a time of distrust in and questioning of the central institutions of democratic government, and in the wake of (...) challenges to the mainstream system of state schooling, these questions are more relevant than ever. We argue that detailed attention to the everyday practice of creating democratic spaces in a variety of educational and social contexts can highlight the myriad ways in which educators, students, families and communities can keep democratic values and principles alive, thereby enriching our discussions about the meaning and value of democratic education. (shrink)

Prompted by the centenary of the founding of Summerhill, in my contribution to this JOPE Suite on Democratic Education, I briefly explore both the admiring reciprocity and the subsidiary but significant differences of praxis between A.S. Neill and Alex Bloom, two remarkable pioneers of education in and for participatory democracy as a way of life. Because A.S. Neill's work is internationally renowned and Alex Bloom's has yet to re-establish the worldwide recognition it had in his own lifetime, my emphasis is (...) on the contribution of Alex Bloom, in large part because he is amongst the most radical pioneers of democratic education the UK state sector has ever known. To a significant degree, the aspirations and actualities of Bloom's work rebutted Neill's insistence that pioneers within the state sector of education could not innovate in ways that would significantly challenge the status quo. Indeed, Alex Bloom extended participatory democratic educational aspirations in ways which Neill did not. Most importantly, these not only entailed a commitment to community engagement, they did so in conditions of abject poverty and profound psychological trauma following the ravages of the Second World War London Blitz with its attendant evacuation and subsequent return to the ruins of their former homes.In the first section, I take as my starting point Alex Bloom's strongly supportive review of A.S. Neill's book The Problem Family and Neill's visit to Bloom's school in the East End of London, some five years later. Foregrounding the dialectic of practice and aspiration, I touch on some of the key issues that emerged for both Neill and Bloom at that time.Challenging Neill's later affirmation that the only significant freedom one can introduce into a state school is ‘a free attitude on the teacher's part, his or her being on the side of the child’ and his reported view that Bloom and others might be able to experiment in methods of teaching or ways of organising the timetable, ‘but not in methods of living’, the second section explores the nature and interrelationship of six key strands woven into the fabric of Alex Bloom's truly remarkable work that exemplified the grounded possibility and vibrant actuality of participatory democracy as a way of living and learning together that prefigures a more just, creative and caring form of human engagement.Locating the foundation of Alex Bloom's praxis within the 20th-century personalist philosophical tradition and its Adlerian psychological counterpart, the brief concluding section draws in particular on the work of John Macmurray who argues, as did Bloom in his own writing and his daily praxis, that ‘The first priority in education—if by education we mean learning to be human—is learning to live in personal relation to other people. Let us call it learning to live in community’. (shrink)

There is widespread consensus that the volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA) environment has contributed to the subpar quality of public sector service delivery in South Africa. Hence, the aim of this paper is to ascertain how the South African government can enhance service delivery in a VUCA world. This article presents a comprehensive study of a number of secondary literature sources. The author makes an effort to draw attention to knowledge gaps that might serve as the foundation for more (...) research in the future. The main finding is that for the South African government to provide good service in a VUCA environment, its employees must be proficient in Results-Based Monitoring and Evaluation, Strategic Planning, Programme and Project Management Methodology, and Change Management Methodology. There is a severe lack of empirical study on the delivery of public sector services in an environment characterized by VUCA. As a result, there is a need for more research on this topic. Specifically, in order to establish the effect that the VUCA environment has on the governments of emerging nations. The research will be beneficial to the governments of developing countries, notably South Africa, as well as to those who work in the field of public administration. (shrink)

This paper contains the first edition of a Latin poem preserved in cod. Barb. gr. 127, written by a Latin converted to Islam who urges the Sultan Bayezid II to come in Italy and to establish in Rome a “Universal Monarchy”. In the appendix it is provided the Italian translation of an utopian text by Isidor of Kiev, dealing with a future general gathering of the Hellenes to promote a more general council composed by wise men coming from all lands, (...) with the purpose to reach a philosophical and religious concordia. (shrink)

Corporations are increasingly asked to specify a ‘purpose.’ Instead of focusing on profits, a company should adopt a substantive purpose for the good of society. This chapter analyses, historicises, and radicalises this call for purpose. It schematises the history of the corporation into two main purpose/power regimes, each combining a way of thinking about corporate purpose with specific institutions to hold corporate power to account. Under the special charter regime of the seventeenth to mid-nineteenth centuries, governments chartered companies to pursue (...) specific public purposes. Under criticism for corruption and lack of competition, the special charter regime gave way to the contemporary general incorporation regime, under which no particular purposes are demanded of corporations, and profit-seeking has become the norm. This regime has now come under criticism, with calls for a new social purpose regime. The analysis of these three regimes focuses on politicisation. The chapter argues that orienting companies to substantive social purposes requires politicising the business corporation, creating meaningful accountability mechanisms to align companies with the goals of the public. The purpose paradigm must overcome its political timorousness and be more institutionally radical. The difficulty is doing this without unacceptable corruption and inefficiency. A form of ‘proper politicisation’ is needed. At the end of the chapter, some directions for reform are discussed, which may deliver on that desideratum. (shrink)

O texto aborda a correlação de democracia, diversidade e educação a partir da condição própria às minorias político-culturais que são efetivamente construídas desde a tríade racismo biológico, fundamentalismo religioso e eurocentrismo-colonialismo, rediviva política e culturalmente pela ascensão do fascismo como eixo estruturante das instituições e da vida sociopolítica brasileira hodierna enquanto consequência e estágio último de nossa modernização conservadora. Nosso problema de investigação pode ser definido com a seguinte pergunta: como é possível desconstruir-se a tríade racismo, fundamentalismo e colonialismo, base (...) de nossa modernização conservadora, a partir da condição, da história e dos valores próprios às minorias político-culturais? Nossa resposta, construída a partir de reflexões fundadas na teoria social e no pensamento negro, indígena e queer, é dupla: minorias político-culturais permitem a pluralização dos sujeitos, das histórias, das experiências, das práticas e dos valores constitutivos de nossa sociedade, desnaturalizando e politizando sua evolução e suas condições presentes; e é necessário que essa consolidação pública, política e cultural das e pelas minorias possa ser institucionalizada em termos de formulação de currículos, conteúdos, práticas e valores próprios à educação básica pública, uma vez que a militância social por elas assumida depende, para sua efetividade, tanto dessa institucionalização a ser assumida pela escola básica pública quanto, a partir daqui, da dinamização de processos educativos que, baseados exatamente na condição e no sentido dessas minorias político-culturais dentro do amplo processo de modernização conservadora brasileira, atinjam nossa coletividade como um todo, moldando uma nova cultura democrática, pluralista, equalizada e reflexiva. (shrink)

The object of research: The study revolves around KM and service delivery. It ascertains whether KM is a plausible solution to public service delivery challenges. Although the paper is aimed at governments worldwide, it is focusing on South Africa. Investigated problem: While the public service in South Africa has been significantly transformed since apartheid’s end in 1994, the government is now under enormous pressure to deliver and save the public service from further collapse. Recent years have seen an increase in (...) service delivery demonstrations and marches. Many believe the public service delivery mechanisms introduced to circumvent public service delivery challenges have been ineffective. The main scientific results: Despite knowing what must be done, officials have trouble putting their plans, strategies, and policies into action. This is even though service delivery mechanisms were implemented to help them improve service delivery. In fact, only half of the respondents (50.7 %, n=33) were aware of service delivery mechanisms, though 95.4 % (n=62) concurred that KM is a viable solution to improve service delivery. Area of practical use of the research results: Very little research has been conducted on KM as a potential solution to South Africa’s service delivery problems. As a result, this research provides new insights into improving public sector service delivery using KM. Overall, the findings will benefit KM and Public Administration practitioners. (shrink)

The paper’s main goal is to compare laws banning hate speech with counterspeech as an effective method of curtailing hate speech. In the first part, the paper discussed three normative justifications for hate speech bans. Firstly, the line of argument developed by critical race theorists that assumes that hate speech leads to the direct harm and violation of individuals’ rights. Secondly, paper examines the Weimar model that rests on the assumption that hate speech can lead to indirect harm to members (...) of vulnerable minorities by creating a toxic environment, which opens the door to discrimination and even violence. Thirdly, the justification which is derived from the idea that such forms of extreme public speech violate the basic values and principles – such as inclusiveness, equality and mutual respect - on which constitutional democracies are built. This approach extends its argument from general values to the status of citizens by arguing that hate speech violates the equal standing of citizens by attempting to exclude certain members of society from the process of democratic deliberation based on their ascriptive characteristics. The second part of the paper looks at counterspeech as an efficient approach to limit harms that arise from hate speech. The author argues that legal bans should be reserved only for the most extreme forms of hateful rhetoric, while counterspeech is a valid option for tackling all other forms of hate speech. (shrink)

This paper discusses the rationale for, and efforts to quantify the success of, philosophy outreach efforts at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. We focus on the National High School Ethics Bowl (NHSEB) since the uniformity and structure of this program supports rigorous assessment. We begin by articulating the democratic foundations of Ethics Bowl and reflect on the civic and intellectual virtues that this activity might promote. We then describe our efforts to empirically assess the impact of NHSEB (...) on students’ intellectual and civic virtues—including a pilot study conducted in April 2022, which laid the foundation for an ongoing, quasi-experimental study on NHSEB programs across the United States. We then offer recommendations for research design to empower publicly and empirically engaged philosophers to conduct further studies, including alternative methods, outcomes, and study designs. In articulating the possibilities for further research, we discern a related but distinct rationale for philosophy outreach programs that we call the “moral rationale.” We briefly articulate this moral rationale and empirical outcomes possibly associated with it. (shrink)

Respect for human dignity and the common good in democratic regimes cannot be sustained by reason alone. Citizen faith commitments endorsing both of these values are necessary. However, negotiating in practice the relationship between civic values and religious morality is extremely challenging in a democracy. As a contribution to greater balance in these matters, Ingram argues that the capacity of religion to promote democratic reform in a way that respects fair procedures (rule of law) must extend beyond the liberal principle (...) of tolerance. It must extend to recognizing the republican principle of non-domination. Ingram provides a thorough comparative analysis of the situations in Indonesia, Lithuania, and Peru to support his argument. (shrink)

Debates around the state-firm analogy as a route to justifying workplace democracy tend towards a static view of both state and firm, and position workplace democracy as the objective. We contend, however, that states and firms are connected to one another in ways that should alter the terms of the debate, and that the achievement of workplace democracy raises a new set of political issues about the demos in the democratic firm and ‘worker migration’ at the boundaries of the firm. (...) Our argument thus contains two key steps: First, drawing on an empirical case study of a worker-owned firm, we enrich the state-firm analogy by developing a more dynamic view of both, focussing on the creation of workplace democracies; worker movement in and out of them; the dynamic meanings of ‘citizenship’ within them; and the status of the unemployed in a world of democratic workplaces. We then argue that in moving to a more sociological view of the state, the things we were comparing begin to show their real-world connections to one another. By going beyond the idealised view of states that has distorted the state-firm analogy debates, we arrive at a more robust view of how widespread workplace democracy might reconfigure basic political relationships in society. (shrink)

Como forma de pensar a educação brasileira na efeméride dos 200 anos de independência do Brasil, elegemos como objeto de analise a trajetória da educação pública no Brasil a partir da expansão da sua rede escolar. Com base no método de investigação histórica a partir de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e tendo por fontes, leis, decretos e dados estatísticos, o artigo foi dividido em duas partes: A primeira, dedicada aos irresolutos percursos da Educação pública do Brasil, depois de sua anunciada (...) Independência política do Reino Português. Na sequência, discorre sobre o longo trajeto de conquista da universalização do ensino fundamental no século XX. O resultado nos faz questionar o futuro da educação pública frente as eleições do emblemático ano de 2022. (shrink)

Este artículo analiza el papel que tiene la atención hacia el ēthos de los ciudadanos en la creación y la conservación de los regímenes políticos por parte de una actividad legislativa virtuosa, haciendo especial hincapié en las formas de gobierno democráticas. Para desarrollar esta idea, me centraré en la idea de la “amistad política”, que Aristóteles examina en sus obras éticas en relación con la facultad de la actividad legislativa virtuosa de moldear los hábitos de los ciudadanos. El análisis de (...) los diferentes tipos de regímenes democráticos mostrará que ellos carecen de una auténtica amistad política. Demostaré también que, aunque las medidas democráticas puedan mejorar y conservar los regímenes imperfectos, Aristóteles sigue manteniendo una opinión negativa hacia esas politeiai. Palabras-clave: régimen, democracia, amistad, ēthos, igualdad. (shrink)

Aristóteles usó normalmente notaciones históricas para apoyar sus argumentos filosóficos. Esto es cierto para todas las obras del corpus, pero sobre todo para la Política: la naturaleza, los objetivos y la metodología de las investigaciones en este tratado presentan los vínculos más fuertes con datos reales y concretos, y por lo tanto con la historia. Evidentemente, el Aristóteles de la Política no es un historiador que quiera informar sobre tradiciones historiográficas conocidas; sin embargo, independientemente de sus intenciones, no hay duda (...) de que la obra en cuestión contiene preciosos ‘fragmentos’ de historia que, en general, confirman o complementan nuestro conocimiento. Hay, sin embargo, casos en los que los exempla aristotélicos acaban llenando las omisiones y lagunas de las fuentes disponibles, como la rápida y concisa referencia al nomos de los Aphytaioi, que aparece en la sección del libro 6 dedicada a la llamada democracia agrícola. Palabras-clave: Aristóteles, Política, historia, democracia agrícola, Aphytaioi. (shrink)

Lorey develops an original concept of a presentist democracy based on care and interrelatedness.

In this heterodox reading of Thomas Jefferson, Dean Caivano proposes a theory of democracy conceived through a politics of all. Democracy from this standpoint does not entail liberal consensus-building but rejects hierarchical forms of authority, supplanted by ongoing political resistance by "the people" to obtain freedom and equality.

O trabalho se propõe a analisar a herança de Michel Foucault na viragem daobra de Peter Sloterdijk. O problema parte do sentido de poder disciplinar como exercícios (antropotécnica) proposto por Sloterdijk e como esse sentido pode ser entendido a partir de um diagnóstico de época atento à crise do neoliberalismo no contemporâneo. A saber, ao contrário de outros filósofos legatários do pensamento de Foucault como Giorgio Agamben, Sloterdijk parece se contrapor à questão da revolução. Em seu lugar, Sloterdijk defende a (...) reforma do palácio de cristal por meio do fisco subjetivo e da doação voluntária. A tese do trabalho consiste em compreender que o objetivo de Sloterdijk está em formular a antropotécnica como tecnologia com capacidade para incluir diferentes e novas formas de vida. Por fim, apresenta-se como Sloterdijk inova em nome do credenciamento de um sistema colaborativo e contribui para um projeto de Estado fundamentado na social-democracia liberal. (shrink)

O objetivo deste trabalho é a analisar a utilização e impacto das fake news nos últimos anos da vida política brasileira enquanto propulsão ao esvaziamento do pensamento e uma zona de anomia entre democracia e totalitarismo que captura e sacraliza a vida biológica humana ao mesmo tempo que a abandona, reconhecida como estado de exceção permanente. Para tanto, abordamos as obras de Hannah Arendt e Giorgio Agamben, bem como analisamos fenomenologicamente algumas das fake news mais divulgadas entre a população brasileira (...) no período das eleições presidenciais de 2018. Por fim, entendemos que a verdade factual, resguardada pelas humanidades e transmitida pela mídia é capaz de levar a população novamente à percepção da realidade e ao resgate do sentido da política pela ação. (shrink)

The precarious rights of senior citizens, especially those who are highly educated and who are expected to counsel and guide the younger generations, has stimulated the creation internationally of advocacy associations and opinion leader groups. The strength of these groups, however, varies from country to country. In some countries, they are supported and are the focus of intense interest; in others, they are practically ignored. For this is reason we believe that the creation of a network of all these associations (...) is essential. The proposed network would act as a support for the already-existing policies of the United Nations’ High Commission for Human Rights, of independent experts, and of the Global Alliance for the Rights of Older People. All three have long ago recommended the creation of a recognized instrument for uniting presently scattered efforts. The proposed network, therefore, will seek to promote the international exchange of relevant expertise, and it will reinforce the commitments and actions that single countries are currently taking to meet these objectives. For example, informative public events can be organised to promote particular support initiatives and to provide an opportunity for new members of the network to be presented. The network will promote health for senior citizens, disease prevention, senior mobility, safe free time for seniors, alimentary education, protection against new risks and dangers, as well as equity in the services necessary for seniors to adopt new information and communication technologies. In the case of retired academic members, the network will promote equality with respect to continuing use of digital technologies (particularly email), continuing access to research libraries, and the guaranteed ability for seniors to fund their own research programs and to deliver free seminars. (shrink)

This paper aims to improve knowledge about the main factors influencing firm environmental commitment, by examining empirically the relationship between public support for R&D for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and their investment in environmental protection. The empirical analysis was developed using a sample of 1594 Spanish firms, and a binary logistic regression to evaluate the existence of dependency relationships between the analyzed variables. The results show that those companies receiving direct funding from local public entities and those collaborating with (...) research centers and universities, invest more in environmental actions to protect the natural ecosystem. The paper contributes to the academic literature by analyzing the main factors that influence the SMEs environmental commitment. Moreover, showing practitioners and policy makers the effectiveness of different types of financial support depending on the origin of the funds and the form of action taken; showing managers the advantages of collaborating with public administrations, as well as with other research organizations, to obtain better ECSR results. (shrink)

Reseña de Javier de Lucas: Decir No. EL imperativo de la desobediencia.

El artículo aborda el fenómeno de la llamada derecha alternativa de Estados Unidos, que ha experimentado un auge considerable con la campaña y victoria electoral de Donald Trump en enero de 2017. A pesar de que se trata de un movimiento relativamente heterogéneo y no siempre bien definido ideológicamente, su búsqueda de una singularización identitaria de carácter excluyente permitiría abordarlo de forma unitaria. Al mismo tiempo, el artículo plantea la necesidad de entender la irrupción de esta nueva derecha a partir (...) de algunas de las características propias del sistema democrático-capitalista en el que nace. Así, la negación de una identidad humana propiamente dicha, con su correlato de afirmación de la proliferación identitaria, un sistema preferentemente formal de derechos, un acentuado individualismo y el enconamiento de la competencia social a raíz de la crisis económica, pueden encontrarse entre sus raíces explicativas. (shrink)

Entre las teorías de Thomas Hobbes y Baruch de Spinoza hay destacadas coincidencias y también importantes diferencias. Inician y revelan cambios en la teoría y la práctica políticas que ocurren en corto espacio de tiempo pero que son decisivos. Antecesores del positivismo, ambos compartieron bases ontológicas y metodológicas, lo que suele interpretarse, por razones cronológicas, como una influencia de Hobbes en Spinoza. Las diferencias entre ambos versan sobre el sentido de la religión en relación con su papel en la política; (...) las relaciones entre la revelación divina, la ley y la razón naturales y el orden moral; el iusnaturalismo como fundamento del sistema jurídico-político; el sentido y contenido del contrato social como fundamento de la obligación civil. Todas estas divergencias conducen a la más importante de todas, y es que Hobbes se enroca en un absolutismo que desconoce los derechos de la conciencia, mientras que Spinoza se erige en defensor del fuero interno. (shrink)

El artículo trata acerca de la contribución del pensamiento último de Julio De Zan a la filosofía de la democracia y el cosmopolitismo. Las perspectivas abordadas se refieren al rol de la sociedad civil, a la legitimación del poder político y al cosmopolitismo democrático. Todas ellas son interpretadas en torno a la concepción de la sociedad civil contemporánea como el espacio público de construcción del poder democrático. Se destaca la defensa de De Zan de un orden político global no centrado (...) en el Estado tradicional y sustentado en el progreso hacia una comunidad ética de tipo kantiano, como así también su vigorosa invocación de la soberanía como idea desustancializada. (shrink)

El artículo analiza el problema de la relación entre ética y política teniendo en cuenta para ello el trabajo de J. De Zan sobre la “Significación moral de la democracia”. La idea es complementar, no sin señalamientos críticos, dicho trabajo identificando, en primer lugar, el sentido reconstructivo del planteamiento teórico de la democracia deliberativa de J. Habermas. Para este propósito, se explicita también una parte de sus fundamentos filosóficos, como es la pragmática universal del lenguaje, cuya tematización de las pretensiones (...) universales de validez del discurso argumentativo permite identificar el carácter moralmente constitutivo de la racionalidad argumentativa, y por lo tanto de la democracia deliberativa. Aunque de un modo indirecto, este trabajo se propone discutir críticamente también con el actual posicionamiento habermasiano sobre el tema. (shrink)

La relación entre pragmatismo y teoría política viene siendo explorada de diversas maneras en numerosos trabajos que analizan el tema. La idea es explicitar qué recepción lleva a cabo la filosofía política de los presupuestos del pragmatismo. En este contexto, en el presente trabajo se analiza el tema desde la democracia deliberativa de J. Habermas, señalando de qué modo esta teoría política recepta tales presupuestos teniendo en cuenta el marco teórico del discurso argumentativo, que constituye la base filosófica sobre la (...) cual fundamenta su estructura teórica. Como resultado de este análisis es posible señalar las contribuciones de aquella teoría política para el mejoramiento de la calidad democrática del estado de derecho. (shrink)

El pathos de la democracia moderna ha sido descrito de diversos modos, aunque comúnmente en un sentido unívoco. A veces, se dice que la era de la igualdad exhibe una reflexividad y un autocontrol desapasionados; otras veces, la modernidad es retratada como un proceso de exacerbación de los deseos, o como una gran transformación de las pasiones en intereses razonables. Además, las pasiones democráticas son vistas frecuentemente como pequeños sentimientos domésticos, alienados de la esfera pública, gestionados en una intimidad clausurada, (...) y sujetos a una administración tutelar. Tocqueville —quien fue un testigo único y privilegiado de la transición del pathos aristocrático a las pasiones democráticas— nos suministra una sutil interpretación de los variados matices y los complejos vínculos que configuran los afectos modernos. En este artículo, analizamos la prognosis de Tocqueville acerca del curso del pathos democrático, pero también prestamos atención a sus temores relativos a una gestión emocional tutelar. (shrink)

Why should we read Carl Schmitt today? Does his friend-enemy conception of politics retain some pertinence in our “post-political” age? Do liberal democrats have something to learn from his critique of liberalism? Is his theory of sovereignty still relevant in a globalized word? These are some if the issue that Chantal Mouffe addresses in this article. The author considers that political theorists, in order to put forward a conception of a liberal-democratic society capable to win the active support of its (...) citizens, must be willing to engage with the arguments of those who have challenged the fundamental tenets of liberalism. This means confronting some disturbing questions, usually avoided by liberals and democrats alike. The intention of this article is to contribute to such a project by scrutinizing Carl Schmitts critique of liberal democracy. To bring to the fore the pertinence and actuality of Schmitt's questioning, the theme development is organized around two topics which are currently central in political theory: the boundaries of citizenship and the nature of liberal-democratic consensus. (shrink)

Se intenta desarrollar el movimiento de pensamiento que conforma el libro Libertad, Poder y Discurso del filósofo santafesino Julio De Zan, dentro de la línea de la racional dad comunicativa y de la ética del discurso de Habermas y Apel, redefinidos a partir de la problemática político-cultural latinoamericana, del debate entre modernidad y post-modernidad y en orden a una democratización estructural de las sociedades. Se exponen los núcleos y pasajesargumentativos para un diálogo productivo en orden a la superación de las (...) raíces de la "subjetividad egocéntrica" y su ideal ético-político plasmado en la cultura dominante y en las evidencias del actual proyecto de un "nuevo orden mundial".En una primera parte se delinean los momentos de la actual crisispolítico-cultural, con especial énfasis en la crisis de la racionalidad que no alcanza a ser superada, sino que es más bien profundizada, por las formas restaurativas, postmodernas y positivistas de discurso.En una segunda parte se ponen de relieve los momentos superadores elaborados desde dentro de la situación de crisis. Planteando una reconstrucción de Ja fuerza de la racionalidad dialectizable con Jos significados de las culturas efectivas; reelaborando comunicativamente el significado específico del poderpolítico y, finalmente, diseñando el valor ético de la democracia participativa como régimen político de la libertad positiva. En un próximo artículo se indicarán algunos puntos de discusión sobre la base del horizonte de reflexión abierto por este provocante libro. (shrink)