History of Political Philosophy

The abolition of slavery abolished not only the involuntary ownership of other people (workers) but also voluntary contractual forms of lifetime servitude. But that system of lifetime servitude was replaced by the current system of voluntary renting, hiring, employing, or leasing workers, i.e., the employment system. Hence the name “Neo-Abolitionism” for the idea of abolishing the employer–employee contract in favor of each firm being a workplace democracy. The three arguments against the human rental system are modern versions of old arguments (...) that descend from the Reformation and Enlightenment in the Abolitionist and Democratic Movements. The first argument derives from noting that the old inalienable rights argument based on de facto inalienability of responsibility and decision-making that ruled out the long-term contract of lifetime servitude also applies against the shorterterm contract to rent oneself out. The second argument is the old labor or natural rights theory of private property (in the fruits of one’s labor) that is violated when the employer legally appropriates the positive and negative fruits of the employees working in a firm. And the third argument applies to the firm the democratic arguments against the subjection contract that alienates the rights of self-governance in favor of a democratic contract of delegation. (shrink)

Humans use narratives to make sense of historical developments as well as to guide their future actions, and these narratives can in turn have great impact on their lives, societies and the world overall. Here I would like to put forward such a narrative to rationalize the increasingly forceful changes of our current decade. Arguing for the existence of three ongoing waves of emancipation of the individual in society, it is proposed that we are currently approaching the high-point of conflict (...) of the second, economic emancipation process. After the outgoing first wave made (at least some) people fully aware of the importance of political equality and lead to the formation of (at least some) democratic states on the basis of national constitutions, we now have to fully accept the importance of economic fairness to enable us to continue our venture into the third wave of cultural fairness as diversity, which in my opinion puts the philosophy of economics under the pressure to tackle an increasingly important task, namely to develop ideas for better working constitutional principles for economic communities. A failure to do so would mean to not only fail to implement fair and sustainable markets, but as a result to fall back behind even political equality, with strongmen – banally driven by childhood wounds and riding on waves of public discontent – capturing democratic states with badly informed narratives about western civilization, for instance in the form of ‘Christian Nationalism’. Intentionally obscuring the facts that liberal democracies and free markets do in fact not underperform in comparison to the existing alternatives, and that extreme inequality is instead most often to a large part driven by the greed and ruthlessness of individuals who misuse their power to distort economic and political frameworks, these strongmen could then roll-back important civilizational advances while trying to satisfy their insatiable ego: What ‘great’ men want is still so boring. (shrink)

This chapter examines Gadamer’s early interpretation of Plato, focusing on his 1931 work Platos dialektische Ethik, to demonstrate how his understanding of Platonic dialectic as the theory of dialogue’s objective possibility marked a decisive philosophical departure from Heidegger. Through a detailed analysis of Gadamer’s phenomenological reading of the Philebus and his conception of the pólis, the study reveals how his early engagement with Platonic philosophy laid the groundwork for his later development of philosophical hermeneutics. The investigation centres on three interconnected (...) themes: the relationship between dialectic and hermeneutics, the nature of ethico-political understanding, and the significance of genuine dialogue in human finitude. The chapter argues that Gadamer’s interpretation of areté and his conception of the pólis as the mode of being of ‘worldly’ human beings led him to develop a distinctive philosophical position where the ethico-political dimension of understanding emerges through dialogue with others. This early divergence from Heideggerian philosophy—particularly regarding the concepts of Miteinandersein and human finitude—proved crucial for Gadamer’s subsequent philosophical development. The study demonstrates how Gadamer’s initial confrontation with Plato already contained the seeds of a dialogical conception of understanding that would fundamentally shape his mature thought while illuminating the political implications of his break with Heidegger. (shrink)

This paper raises a new problem for the widely held view that, according to the Confucian philosopher Mencius, being a benevolent person necessarily entails being affectively disposed in morally relevant ways. I argue that ascribing such a view to Mencius generates an inconsistent triad with two of his central philosophical commitments on what it means to be a benevolent ruler. I then consider possible ways of resolving the triad and I argue that the most attractive option is to reject the (...) view that a benevolent person must be affectively disposed in morally relevant ways; instead, being disposed to perform benevolent actions is enough. (shrink)

Panarchism is a theory of political legitimacy proposing a global society of voluntary, non-territorial states established through explicit contracts between governments and prospective citizens. This article explores the foundational works and divergent legacies of two 19th-century Belgian panarchists – Gustave De Molinari and Paul Émile De Puydt – to clarify panarchism's core principles. In 1849, De Molinari introduced The Production of Security, advocating a free market for governance where non-territorial governments compete as alternatives to territorial states in safeguarding life and (...) property. In 1860, De Puydt published his seminal article ‘Panarchy’, from which the theory derives its name, endorsing voluntary, non-contiguous governments as a means of maximising individual freedom. While De Molinari is often seen as a precursor to right-wing anarcho-capitalism and De Puydt's ideas resonate more with left-libertarians, this article argues that these differences are rhetorical rather than substantive. By showing that a commitment to individual autonomy underpins both thinkers' work, the article explains how their divergent receptions are shaped more by external factors than theoretical discrepancies. Recognising this clarifies panarchism's theoretical coherence and offers contemporary political theorists a unified understanding of the panarchist view. (shrink)

This paper raises a new problem for the widely held view that, according to the Confucian philosopher Mencius, being a benevolent person necessarily entails being affectively disposed in morally relevant ways. I argue that ascribing such a view to Mencius generates an inconsistent triad with two of his central philosophical commitments on what it means to be a benevolent ruler. I then consider possible ways of resolving the triad and I argue that the most attractive option is to reject the (...) view that a benevolent person must be affectively disposed in morally relevant ways; instead, being disposed to perform benevolent actions is enough. (shrink)

This article examines Francisco Suárez’s views on consent and the social contract, challenging the interpretation that portrays him as a precursor to modern theorists like Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau. While Suárez’s political thought incorporates elements that may seem similar to contractarian principles, it fundamentally diverges from the modern social contract tradition. Rather than basing political legitimacy on individual consent, Suárez grounds it in the divine origin of power. He sees the community’s consent, expressed through a “virtual pact,” as a necessary (...) condition for transferring power to a sovereign, but not as the foundation of political obligation or authority. For him, the duty to obey laws rests on humanity’s nature and God’s will. The article argues that Suárez rejects key premises of modern social contract theory, notably the ideas that political communities are artificial constructs and that political obligation stems from a contract. (shrink)

Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) lived through an era of great political turmoil, but previous assessments of his political thought have portrayed him as a pessimistic observer with no constructive solutions to offer. By assembling and contextualizing Schopenhauer's dispersed comments on political matters, this book reveals that he developed a distinct conception of politics. In opposition to rising ideological movements such as nationalism or socialism, Schopenhauer denied that politics can ever bring about universal emancipation or fraternal unity. Instead, he viewed politics as (...) a tool for mitigating rather than resolving the conflicts of a fundamentally imperfect world. Jakob Norberg's fascinating book reconstructs Schopenhauer's political ideas and shows how they relate to the dominant debates and trends during the period in which he lived. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core. (shrink)

This paper raises a new problem for the widely held view that, according to the Confucian philosopher Mencius, being a benevolent person necessarily entails being affectively disposed in morally relevant ways. I argue that ascribing such a view to Mencius generates an inconsistent triad with two of his central philosophical commitments on what it means to be a benevolent ruler. I then consider possible ways of resolving the triad and I argue that the most attractive option is to reject the (...) view that a benevolent person must be affectively disposed in morally relevant ways; instead, being disposed to perform benevolent actions is enough. (shrink)

This chapter revisits the metaphilosophical critique offered in The Racial Contract (Mills 1997). My analysis explicates Mills’s characterization of the “Racial Contract”—and non-ideal theory more broadly—as a conceptual bridge. I consider three questions: (a) what is the nature of the domains it connects, (b) what is the function and orientation of the bridge, (c) what is the relationship between once isolated domains after a bridge has been constructed? In answering these questions, I outline several features of the bridge’s construction, which, (...) though seemingly necessary for its functionality as a bridge, nonetheless compromise its structural integrity. Taking the discipline of philosophy as the primary subject of analysis, I advance an alternative conception of The Racial Contract. I argue that in constructing a bridge, Mills offers a critical cartography of the discipline itself. I contextualize these observations in light of Mills’s metaphilosophical views as they shifted over time and conclude with an invitation to explore new possibilities for non-ideal theory as a methodology of continued necessity. (shrink)

El artículo examina la contribución de Francisco Ferrer Guardia al movimiento anarquista español, centrándose en su labor educativa y en las misiones pedagógicas que promovió. Se analiza cómo sus propuestas de una educación racionalista y secular buscaban emancipar a las clases trabajadoras y combatir el analfabetismo en España a finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX. Además, se exploran las influencias filosóficas y pedagógicas que moldearon su enfoque educativo, así como el impacto y legado de sus iniciativas en el (...) contexto del anarquismo español. (shrink)

The central aim of this book is to assess two crucial issues in the contemporary history of Spain: the Francoist dictatorship (1936–75), which certainly contained fascist elements, and the subsequent workings of its propaganda machine. This machine sought to create a favourable international attitude towards Francisco Franco Bahamonde and to disseminate a longstanding myth concerning the protection of the Jews in Franco’s Spain. With the work under review here, the Centre d’Estudis Històrics Internacionals (CEHI) at the University of Barcelona shows (...) its commitment to the publication of documents that are practically unknown or lie dormant in inaccessible archives. Such documents await rescue so that they can challenge myths perpetuated in the national and international collective imaginary. On this occasion, Luciano Casali and Lola Harana have rescued the Francoist pamphlet L’Espagne et le juifs (Spain and the Jews) from oblivion, and presented it here in the form of a critical edition with an introduction and 147 footnotes. Casali is Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Bologna with more than forty years of academic experience. In recent years, he has focused his research on Spanish fascism from a comparative point of view. Harana is a project coordinator at the CEHI, as well as a doctoral student in the Department of Contemporary History at the University of Barcelona... (shrink)

En este trabajo me voy a centrar en los antecedentes intelectuales y en los programas educativos que la Casa del Obrero Mundial desplegados durante su existencia; de ahi que sea imprescindible analizar la influencia crucial que Francisco Ferreri Guardia y su «Escuela Moderna» tuvieron en la formación de la clase obrera mexicana. Tambien veremos algunas de las redes internacionales que se crearon entre los anarquistas de diferentes países y, en definitiva, de qué modo ciertas ideas cruzaron el Atlántico.

En cierto sentido, América no existe. O para ser más exactos, no existe más que como reflejo europeo, como respuesta a una obsesión suya. En cierto sentido, América existe. Y, al menos en el mundo moderno, existe más que ninguna otra cosa, pues existe como residuo irreductible, como conato, como algo que persevera en su ser y que, aun siendo este un ser irreversiblemente híbrido, impreciso –vale decir, esencialmente mestizo–, infunde así sus renovadas energías a Occidente.

This work explores the scantly studied Spanish anarchist exile that followed the Spanish Civil War and lasted until Francisco Franco’s death and, arguably, beyond. The article is built around the controversial case of Juan López Sánchez (1900-1972) –one of the four anarchists that became ministers during the Second Spanish Republic. In what follows, the work traces the panoramic historical, geographical and ideological journey of Juan López Sánchez mainly through his correspondence, with particular attention to his brief French exile. -/- Este (...) trabajo explora el exilio anarquista español que siguió tras la Guerra Civil y que duró hasta la muerte de Franco y, discutiblemente, más allá. Dentro de este exilio, hasta cierto punto académicamente desatendido, mi texto se centra en el polémico caso de Juan López Sánchez (1900-1972) –uno de los cuatro anarquistas que se convirtieron en ministros durante la Segunda República. A continuación reconstruyo panorámicamente la trayectoria histórica, geográfica e ideológica de Juan López Sánchez principalmente a través de su correspondencia, poniendo especial atención a su brevísimo exilio francés. (shrink)

EDITORIAL / EDITORIAL -/- Nicolae SFETCU Ontologia amenințărilor la securitatea națională Ontology of National Security Threats -/- INTELLIGENCE / INTELLIGENCE -/- Narcis ZĂRNESCU Ethics and Intelligence Etica și intelligence -/- George V. SCRIPCARIU Adapting Romania's Counterintelligence Strategy: Lessons from the US National Counterintelligence Strategy Adaptarea strategiei de contrainformații a României: Lecții din strategia națională de contrainformații a SUA -/- ISTORIA / HISTORY -/- Lucian Ștefan COZMA, Daniela Georgiana GOLEA The Real History of the Romteleghid Project: 2 – Geophysical weapon Istoria (...) reală a proiectului Romteleghid: 2 – Arma geofizică -/- Nicolae SFETCU Romania's Transition from August 23, 1944, to the Paris Peace Treaty Tranziția României de la 23 august 1944 la Tratatul de Pace de la Paris -/- Traian OSTAHIE Gemini Aurarian Legion Legiunea Auraria Gemina -/- GEOPOLITICA / GEOPOLITICS -/- Daniela Georgiana GOLEA, Lucian Ștefan COZMA Globalization, a Well-known but Insufficiently Explained Phenomenon (Part 1) Globalizarea, un fenomen arhicunoscut dar insuficient explicat (partea 1) -/- Magda Elena BOGDĂNEANU Frozen Conflicts. Case Study: Transnistria Conflictele înghețate. Studiu de caz: Transnistria -/- SECURITATE / SECURITY -/- Ana-Maria PERTA Cross-Border Criminality in the Context of the Contemporary World Criminalitatea transfrontalieră în contextul lumii contemporane -/- Traian OSTAHIE COIN Operations. Afghanistan Case Study Operațiunile de tip COIN. Studiu de caz Afganistan -/- ȘTIINȚA INFORMAȚIEI / INFORMATION SCIENCE -/- George V. SCRIPCARIU A New Era of War: The Mossad Operation to Sabotage Hezbollah Pagers O nouă eră a războiului: Operațiunea Mossad de sabotare a pagerelor Hezbollah -/- Ligia RUSU Protection of Classified Information in Armed Conflict Protecția informațiilor clasificate în conflictele armate -/- Teodor LUPAN Security of Industrial Control Systems. Trends and Recommendations Securitatea sistemelor industriale de control. Tendințe si recomandări -/- ISSN 2821-8159 ISSN-L 2821-8159, DOI: 10.58679/II25760 . (shrink)

This chapters explores Schlegel’s view on transitional forms of republicanism in his Essay on the Concept of Republicanism Occasioned by the Kantian Tract Perpetual Peace (1796). These rightful – but necessarily temporally limited – types of collective action are insurrection and provisional dictatorship. These forms of republicanism are absent in Kant’s theory of right, as they are manifestly incompatible with his account of popular sovereignty. Since Schlegel endorses a different view of sovereignty, the people, and the state, he is able (...) to combine Kantian principles of justice with a defense of revolution and dictatorship as legitimate ways of implementing the republican ideal. This makes Schlegel’s argument on transitional forms of republicanism Kantian in “spirit,” although based on two claims that oppose the “letter” of Kant’s theory of right, namely an account of the people as having the power to depose the ruler or to suspend the law and an understanding of the state as a means rather than an end in itself. (shrink)

La historia se ha contado muchas veces. Georgy Arbatov venía a ser el hombre puente entre las dos orillas que dividían el mundo durante la Guerra Fría. Fundador del Instituto de Estudios de los Estados Unidos de América y el Canadá en la Academia Soviética de Ciencias, había sabido ganarse el aprecio del público norteamericano con su presencia asidua en los medios de comunicación. Partidario de una política de distensión con el competidor americano, fue uno de los asesores más influyentes (...) de Gorbachov en su travesía hacia la recomposición del universo ruso. Por aquel entonces el escenario trazado al término de la Segunda Guerra Mundial había experimentado una transformación formidable: de la lucha bilateral por la hegemonía de posibles consecuencias catastróficas se iba abriendo paso una geopolítica basada en la interdependencia multipolar y el reconocimiento mutuo. Arbatov era la cara visible de esta nueva posición de la Unión Soviética ante millones de espectadores estadounidenses. Por eso, en 1987, en una de sus frecuentes entrevistas televisivas, sus palabras debieron sonar algo inquietantes: «Os vamos a hacer una cosa terrible», advirtió a su interlocutor. En plena escalada armamentística, ¿de qué podría tratarse aquello tan terrible? «We will deprive you of your enemy», dijo: os vamos a privar del enemigo. Y así fue, en efecto. (shrink)

En Occidente nos aferrábamos, casi ideológicamente, a unas expectativas de paz perdurable suscitadas en 1995. En aquel entorno, tras la unificación de Alemania y superada la Guerra Fría, celebrábamos los doscientos años de la publicación del opúsculo La Paz perpetua de Immanuel Kant (1795-1995). Treinta años después el mundo ha cambiado, hemos entrado en una nueva época con dos guerras importantes vivas, sin fin a la vista, una en Europa (Ucrania) y otra en Oriente próximo (Israel), con crecientes tensiones y (...) el riesgo de arrastrar al mundo a un conflicto de mayor amplitud. Además, crecen numerosas crisis: en el Mar Rojo, por el hostigamiento de los hutíes del Yemen; la alta tensión entre las dos Coreas; en el Indo Pacífico la continua presión de China a Taiwán y su asertiva presencia en el Mar de la China Meridional. Hay brasas encendidas en otros conflictos como Nagorno ? Karabaj; los territorios Kurdos de Turquía; los conflictos civiles en Siria, Yemen, Sudán del Sur, República Centroafricana y Birmania. Hemos entrado en una era de conflictos. Este giro del curso histórico plantea diversos interrogantes decisivos para su estudio científico: ¿Qué ha ocurrido? ¿Cómo se ha llegado a esto? ¿Estamos ante el declive de la democracia? ¿Hay nuevamente una confrontación hegemónica? ¿Se ha roto la globalización e iniciamos un periodo de desglobalización? ¿Nos encontramos en un punto de inflexión en la historia reciente (Zeitenwende)? ¿Afloran síntomas de una decadencia de occidente? ¿Entramos de nuevo en un pasaje hacia una "civilización brutalizada"? Estas y otras preguntas se tratan aquí de la mano de grandes especialistas y académicos como Aquilino Cayuela, Jerónimo Molina, Enrique Bonete, Carlos Pérez del Valle, Miguel Ángel Belmonte, Domingo González y Juan Carlos Valderrama. Nos ofrecen con este libro un riguroso trabajo científico y reflexivo, centrado en el esclarecimiento, la evaluación y la crítica de los marcos morales y políticos del presente. (shrink)

The chapter contrasts the differing genealogies behind populist claims to sovereignty and the liberal critiques of sovereignty. It aims to show how, on a theoretical plane, democracy cannot do without a fundamental commitment to popular sovereignty and can thus not avoid populist rhetoric. It questions whether liberals can affirm this democratic, republican ethos without compromising on their simultaneous critique of sovereignty.

Austrian engineer, philosopher, and political economist Josef Popper-Lynkeus (1838–1921) was a renowned public intellectual of Viennese Late Enlightenment. In this article, we unearth and explore Popper-Lynkeus’s social program. It sought to implement social conscription to unconditionally guarantee a basic level of goods and services for every human individual. We appraise the economic and ethical justifications provided by Popper-Lynkeus for his allegedly “rational” proposals and the intended consequences for the discipline of economics. Finally, and based on our disambiguation of different notions (...) of “unconditionality”, we clarify similarities and differences between Popper-Lynkeus’s social program and contemporary proposals for a universal basic income, characterising both as alternatives to traditional welfare states. (shrink)

The point of this paper is to show that the understanding Solovyov penned and voiced about humanity close to the end of his life suggests that he regarded human rights as sacred. First of all, we provided a rough sense of who Solovyov was as a person, for he is a bit of a stranger to the majority of the audience, including scholars, in the Western hemisphere. Afterwards, we carried out what we have already said we intended to do here, (...) drawing on a public lecture that Solovyov gave at Saint Petersburg Imperial University to mark the 100th anniversary of Auguste Comte’s birth. Our perception is that Solovyov clearly thought of human rights from a faith-based angle and believed them to be sacred, and that all of his insights and those inspired by them are remarkably conducive to reflecting on human rights at the present time, whatever the religious background of each one of us. -/- . (shrink)

Few philosophers present themselves with as much complexity as Marcus Tullius Cicero. At once a philosopher, statesman, orator, and lawyer, Cicero consciously fashioned his own image for posterity and wrote philosophical texts as invitations for his readers to think for themselves. His philosophy has continued to unfold over the centuries, repeatedly inspiring new and independent philosophical positions. Since J.G.F. Powell’s pivotal contribution in 1995, we have witnessed countless translations and scholarly treatments of Cicero’s philosophy that emphasize his creativity and influence. (...) In this tradition, the present volume offers fresh and incisive contributions that advance the ongoing renaissance in Cicero scholarship. -/- Part One of the volume focuses on Cicero’s approaches to writing philosophy and on specific interpretive questions facing readers of his philosophical corpus. Part Two traces key moments in Cicero’s philosophical afterlife, from Augustine through the Scholastic period to the Renaissance, culminating in the rich and varied tradition of Ciceronian reception in the European Enlightenment. Throughout the volume, special attention is given to Cicero’s practical philosophy. (shrink)

The Palgrave Handbook of Philosophy surveys the role of money in the history of ideas. Volume 2: Modern Thought examines the treatment of money in the writings of philosophers from the emergence of capitalism through the 20th century. The volume is divided into sections on Early Modernity, Late Modernity, and the Twentieth Century. Volume 2 presents an alternative history of modern philosophy in which monetary relations are both an explicit theme and an implicit condition of philosophical reflection.

A história da filosofia é a história das ideias. Porém, para Herman Dooyeweerd, a história da filosofia imanentista é a história de antíteses teóricas radicadas em dialéticas religiosas insolúveis. O objetivo do presente artigo é apresentar o conceito de “motivos básicos religiosos” no pensamento de Herman Dooyeweerd. Em primeiro lugar, será apresentado a concepção de religião em Dooyeweerd e, em seguida, serão apresentados o conceito e o desenvolvimento dos “motivos básicos religiosos” no pensamento ocidental. As conclusões do texto são que (...) esse conceito contribui em demonstrar que há uma dimensão tácita e comunitária na reflexão filosófica e que a impossibilidade de síntese teórica entre polos de “motivos básicos religiosos” imanentistas diz respeito à “dialética religiosa”. (shrink)

Chronicles Plato’s thought through the lens of his turbulent life. Plato is a key figure from the beginnings of Western philosophy, yet the impact of his lived experience on his thought has rarely been explored. Plato lived in turbulent times, born during a war that led to Athens’ defeat and decline. A restored democracy enabled the execution of his teacher Socrates. Carol Atack explores how his life in Athens influenced Plato’s thinking, how he developed the Socratic dialogue into a powerful (...) philosophical tool, and how he used the institutions of Athenian society to create a compelling imaginative world. Accessibly written, this book shows how Plato made Athens the place where diverse ideas were integrated into a new way of approaching big questions about existence and the societies we create, then and now. (shrink)

El _Económico_ de Jenofonte es un escrito controvertido. Algunos lectores lo consideran un texto carente de toda racionalidad en el ámbito económico, mientras que otros detectan en él una racionalidad precapitalista basada en la búsqueda de la maximización de la utilidad. Este artículo plantea la hipótesis de una tercera vía: el objeto del _Económico_ de Jenofonte es reflexionar sobre cómo las prácticas económicas ponen en juego, por un lado, una racionalidad instrumental que implica procedimientos de elección que comparan riesgos y (...) beneficios con vistas a maximizar la ganancia, y, por otro, una racionalidad práctica que sondea el valor de los medios y los fines, y limita la posibilidad de autonomía de la razón instrumental, es decir, su tendencia a volverse irracional. Examino en detalle cómo se expresan, ejercen y articulan estos dos usos de la razón en el _Económico_, y muestro que Jenofonte formula una cuestión decisiva de epistemología económica, con implicaciones prácticas y materiales muy tangibles. (shrink)

This chapter draws attention to some deep points of philosophical connection between Arendt’s Lectures and Kant’s own and contemporary Kantian legal and political writings in the English-speaking world today. The aim is not to convince as such, but to show ways to bridge these historical divisions such that we can utilize these important works left us in the philosophical canon as we strive to improve our understanding of politics generally and the particular political challenges facing us. In this way, this (...) chapter strives to stay in Arendt’s and Kant’s philosophical spirit of thinking of their works as resources we can use as we strive to think and do better, whether we see to do so as Kantians, Arendtians, or Karendtians. (shrink)

This enriched classic edition includes : A concise introduction that gives the reader important background information ; A chronology of the author's life and work ; A timeline of significant events that provides the book's historical context ; An outline of key themes to guide the reader's own interpretations ; Detailed explanatory notes ; Critical analysis and modern perspectives on the work ; Discussion questions to promote lively classroom and book group interaction ; A list of recommended related books and (...) films to broaden the reader's experience. (shrink)

A wealth of political literature has survived from Greek antiquity, from political theory by Plato and Aristotle to the variety of prose and verse texts that more broadly demonstrate political thinking. However, despite the extent of this legacy, it can be surprisingly hard to say how ancient Greek political thought makes its influence felt, or whether this influence has been sustained across the centuries. This volume includes a range of disciplinary responses to issues surrounding the legacy of Greek political thought, (...) exploring the ways in which political thinking has evolved from antiquity to the present day. (shrink)

At first glance, Fichte and Nietzsche might strike us as intellectual contraries. This impression is reinforced by Nietzsche’s disparaging remarks about Fichte. The dearth of critical literature comparing the two thinkers also could easily lead us to believe that they are, for all intents and purposes, irrelevant to one another. In this paper, however, I argue that their theories of subjectivity are in many respects remarkably similar and worthy of comparison. But I further explain how, despite this convergence, their normative (...) philosophies end up so conspicuously at odds with one another. After examining the resemblance between their denials of the substantial self, I respectively analyse Fichte’s and Nietzsche’s positive accounts of subjectivity, self-cultivation, and the political preconditions of self-cultivation. I locate the conceptual juncture at which their practical outlooks begin to part ways in their divergent drive psychologies and in their distinct conceptions of conscience. These apparently minor theoretical differences generate a large-scale disagreement regarding the political systems they believe best enable self-cultivation, with Fichte favouring a democratic regime, while Nietzsche opts for a markedly more aristocratic one. I close by sketching a possible way out of this dilemma. (shrink)

Conocido sociólogo, escritor extraordinariamente prolífico en el ámbito de la teoría y el análisis político, la polemología, la historia, epistemología y metodología de las ciencias sociales, Julien Freund fue, sin embargo, como dedicación fundamental, filósofo. No obstante, su filosofía apenas ha recibido atención por parte de los especialistas. Pretendemos mostrar en este artículo la relevancia de esta aproximación filosófica como clave de lectura del conjunto de la obra del autor francés, y de qué manera él mismo concibió su atención a (...) los problemas específicos de las ciencias sociales como una mediación a un marco más amplio de comprensión de problemas siempre presentes en la existencia humana, esto es, como una mediación metafísica. (shrink)

This paper advances a Marxist critique of the politics of cancellation and raises concerns about the possible development of a cancel culture. Rather than delving into debates on freedom of speech, crucial though they are, this paper focuses on the pragmatics of the political tool – its goals, mechanisms, effects, and the underlying reasoning. From a Marxist perspective, it is essential to analyse cancellation and cancel culture holistically, considering their rationale, the mechanism, the objectives, and the impacts, along with their (...) relationship to the material conditions of society. Such an analysis provides a comprehensive understanding of any historical development and argues that addressing political problems in the long term requires such a holistic approach, including the development of relevant productive forces. If cancellation evolves into a culture, it may give rise to a polity that reinforces market relations. Within the framework of historical materialism, this would be a case of the superstructure supporting the base, turning politics into a matter of private opinions, which is far from ideal. The paper concludes with some practical considerations. (shrink)

Edmund Burke was an Irish-born British statesman and political philosopher who is best known as the father of modern conservatism. Developed in response to the French Revolution, Burke's conservatism aims to preserve and promote the existing (or traditional) institutions of society, including the rule of law, property, the family, and religion. Burke himself sought to defend these things, as embodied in the British Constitution, against the revolutionary spirit sparked in France. In his Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke develops (...) the idea of society as an inheritance that must be conserved before it can be improved upon. In this piece, we examine Burke’s arguments, which draw on tradition, observable cause and effect, and a mix of moral and religious sentiments. Contrary to expectations, Burke insists that the principles of conservation and change are not opposed. (shrink)

The Cynic moral and sociopolitical imprint on Stoic philosophy has frequently been overlooked in recent academic studies. However, the Cynic influence is palpable throughout the history of Stoicism. In this article, I recognise seven Cynic-Stoic conceptual continuities concerning the idea of virtue, or aretē, and five continuities concerning the morally ideal society. This article is mainly descriptive, as it serves a modest but theoretically vital purpose: to explain the interrelation(s) among these 12 Cynic–Stoic continuities, which will elucidate the strong cohesion (...) of each (moral/political) philosophical system. Ergo, I show how these 12 continuities strongly and simultaneously imply a Cynic-Stoic continuity in terms of the conceptions or appraisals of culture-tradition, epistemology, sexuality, money, law, religion and cosmopolitanism. (shrink)

Political theorists remain divided on the question of Plato's utopianism. Some associate his dialogues with an uncompromising vision of the human good, one that Plato is thought to build into blueprints that he would have humanity implement as far as possible. Others read Plato as a brilliant critic of utopian thinking and insist that his blueprints are not to be understood as normative paradigms at all, but rather as self-destructive parodies. This article develops a third approach to Plato's utopianism by (...) turning to the treatment of 'imitation' (mimesis) in the Laws. I argue that the Laws requires a distinction between three ways in which an imitation might resemble its 'model' (paradeigma). Attending to this distinction adds credence to the view that, for Plato, the good in speech must be 'revised' in order to find satisfactory expression in human deeds. (shrink)

"First published in this translation 1955; second edition (revised) 1974; reprinted with additional revisions 1987; reissued with new Further Reading 2003; reissued with new introduction 2007"--T.p. verso.

Power is classically understood as the playing out of relations between the ruler and the ruled. Political impasse is often viewed as a moment in which no clear-cut delineation of power exists, resulting in an overwhelming sense of frustration or feeling stuck in a no-win situation. The new globalised world has produced a real shift in how power works: not only has power been concentrated in the hands of very few while many millions become more oppressed by radical shortages and (...) growing costs, but we also have a new category of political subjectivity in which many find themselves neither rulers nor radically oppressed. Those who live the neither/nor of contemporary power live the new global impasse. For those of us who are stuck and compelled to wait for dominant power to break, this book uncovers possibilities in thought, imagination, and self-appropriation through oikeiosis, that is, making oneself at home in oneself, and constancy. (shrink)

Thomas Hobbes took a new look at the ways in which society should function, and he ended up formulating the concept of political science. His crowning achievement, Leviathan, remains among the greatest works in the history of ideas. Written during a moment in English history when the political and social structures as well as methods of science were in flux and open to interpretation, Leviathan played an essential role in the development of the modern world. This edition of Hobbes' landmark (...) work is based on the original text. It incorporates the author's own corrections and retains the period spelling and punctuation, offering both flavorful authenticity and the utmost clarity of expression. (shrink)

In the Critique of Gotha Programme, Karl Marx famously argues that a communist society will be characterised by the principle, ‘From each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs!’ I take up a question about this principle that was originally posed by G.A. Cohen, namely: what makes communism (so conceived) possible for Marx? In reply to this question, Cohen interprets Marx as saying that communism is possible because of limitless abundance, a view that Cohen takes to be (...) implausible for ecological reasons. I develop a new interpretation of Marx's position. On this interpretation, people in communist society achieve self-realisation through providing others with the goods and services required for their self-realisation. Coupled with a reasonably high (but not immense) development of productive power, self-realisation generates conditions in which people can produce according to their abilities and receive according to their needs. I defend this view as an interpretation of Marx and I argue that it represents a more plausible account of what makes communism possible than Cohen's interpretation in which technological advance and limitless abundance play the predominant role. (shrink)

This paper will address the concept of labor through a study of Karl Marx and Michel Henry. While Henry claims to uncover, against the tradition of Marxism itself, the truth of Marx’s philosophical conception of the human being as a laborer within a social context, I will argue that both Marx and Marxism (i.e., Étienne Balibar) can help rectify certain shortcomings in Henry’s view of the matter. Toward this end, I will begin by laying out Henry’s account of Marx’s theory (...) of labor and demonstrate that it is central to Henry’s phenomenology of life. As part of this, I will show that a proper understanding of the concept of labor goes some way toward undermining the dominant view of Henry’s work as one that neglects the role of the human being’s engagement in the world in life’s transformations. For all that, as I will demonstrate, Henry’s work fails to do justice to the ways in which the living labor of human beings is determined by the world. By analyzing the work of Marx and Balibar, this paper will show that these figures provide insights into the inter-affective, even transindividual, character of labor and thereby help remedy these pitfalls and improve Henry’s account of the nature and function of living labor. (shrink)

In the view of the Marxist philosopher Domenico Losurdo, liberalism is ‘the most dogged enemy of freedom’. This surprising statement runs contrary to the received wisdom among liberal thinkers. Losurdo and other ‘counter-historians’ of liberalism are very effective at exposing the historical atrocities that liberal states have committed, and which have been supported by liberal philosophers – including slavery, racism, genocide, and the subjugation of the working class. But what implications, if any, does this have for contemporary theory? I will (...) argue that there is an important contemporary variation of this ‘counter-history’. Liberalism-in-practice is currently implicated in various forms of environmental degradation and resulting structural violence against disempowered groups. Moreover, divorcing these failings of liberalism-in-practice from liberalism-in-theory is a challenging philosophical endeavour, because even the philosophy of liberalism has difficulties adjusting to environmental issues. The contemporary version of the counter-history thus presents a powerful although not decisive challenge, one worthy of greater discussion. (shrink)

This article presents an explanatory hypothesis regarding an anomalous fact: the omission of complete information but also of the necessary interpretation about the identity traits and specific characteristics of civil society observed in many theoretical and practical contributions in studies on deliberative democracy. The difference between liberal democracy and the deliberative model is blurred when the task of interpreting deliberative practices is relegated or when the approach of critical theory is not applied in the analysis of the material political culture (...) of which deliberative agents are both the architects and the recipients. The hypothesis presented emphasizes the difficulties and systematic rejection generated by the main emancipatory achievements of modern citizens. The resistance aroused by these achievements among prestigious interlocutors of civil society has fueled a sophisticated reactionary rhetoric, which was reported by social science researcher Albert O. Hirschman. At the same time, the explanatory hypothesis used here has a key assumption: the existence of a striking correlation between certain argumentative imperatives and the meager cultural attention that the valuable pluralism observable in deliberative behavior receives today. (shrink)

A short-course in comparative religion. Provides the basis (ontology) (epistemology) (logic) for both mathematics and technology.