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  1. Social Cooperation as Institutional Rule-Following.Chris Melenovsky - 2020 - Public Affairs Quarterly 1 (34):26-49.
    The idea that society is a cooperative venture has been used by contractualists, contractarians, and deliberative democrats to justify the burdens of society to each member. In such a coop- erative venture, those who benefit from society owe a contribution and those that contribute are owed benefits. Even though this idea is quite intuitive, there are deep disagreements about what makes society cooperative. Some focus on acts of production, others on fair interaction, and still others on the intention to contribute (...)
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  2. S. Cremaschi, Breve Storia Dell’Etica, Roma: Carocci, 2012. [REVIEW]Vittorio Bufacchi - 2012 - History of Political Thought 34 (4):746-747.
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  3. Political Philosophy, Political Theory, and the Analytic-Continental Divide.Andreas Vrahimis - 2022 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 1.
    A Critical Notice of: Across the Great Divide: Between Analytic and Continental Political Theory, by Jeremy Arnold, Stanford University Press, 2020, 232 pp., $29.52 (paperback), ISBN 9781503612150.
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  4. Carl Schmitt, Sportspersonship, and the Ius Publicum Ludis.Michael Hemmingsen - 2020 - Journal of the Philosophy of Sport:1-15.
    In this paper, I argue that sportspersonship is a means of performing fundamental sociality; it is about the conversion of a foe (inimicus) into an enemy (hostis). Drawing on Carl Schmitt’s distinction between enemy and foe – inimicus and hostis – as well as his discussion of the ius publicum Europaeum, I suggest a model of sportspersonship that sees it as expressing the competitive relations between equals that undergird the most minimal form of sociality; relations that any deeper union takes (...)
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  5. The Real Promise of Federalism: A Case Study of Arendt’s International Thought.Shinkyu Lee - 2020 - European Journal of Political Theory:147488512090605.
    For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the bur...
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  6. A Lógica do Poder e a Ética da Ação entre Maquiavel e Weber: Estado, Ética e Política entre o “Animal Político”, o “Homo Homini Lupus”, o “Príncipe-Centauro” e o “Homem Autêntico”.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2021 - Chisinau, Moldávia: Novas Edições Acadêmicas/OmniScriptum Publishing Group.
    Detendo-se na questão "Como nasceu o Estado?", segundo a perspectiva historicista de Aristóteles e o conceito de "animal político", o Prof. Luiz Carlos Mariano Da Rosa estabelece uma relação envolvendo o racionalismo de Hobbes, que aborda o problema "Por que existe o Estado?" e identifica o ser humano como naturalmente antissocial, mostrando que se o bem comum determina a visão platônico-aristotélica, a leitura hobbesiana instaura uma lógica baseada na tendência natural da autopreservação como fundamento da ação, convergindo para a transição (...)
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  7. A soberania entre a renúncia dos direitos ilimitados do contrato hobbesiano e a “alienação verdadeira” do pacto rousseauniano.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2016 - Akrópolis – Revista de Ciências Humanas da UNIPAR 24 (1):71-84.
    Detendo-se na transição do estado de natureza para a sociedade civil, o artigo contrapõe o caráter contingente e voluntário do contrato hobbesiano e a necessidade que implica o processo de constituição do social que determina o pacto rousseauniano, convergindo para a antinomia da relação envolvendo liberdade e autoridade. Essa, de acordo com a perspectiva de Hobbes demanda a renúncia dos direitos ilimitados dos sujeitos em função da soberania estatal e acarreta a instituição do soberano como representante, detentor de todo o (...)
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  8. Do direito de ser homem: da alienação da desigualdade social à autonomia da sociedade igualitária na teoria política de Jean-Jacques Rousseau.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2014 - PRACS: Revista Eletrônica de Humanidades Do Curso de Ciências Sociais da UNIFAP 7 (2):109-133.
    Investigando a desigualdade da societé civile da sua época, Rousseau, se lhe contrapondo através do Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens, não identifica a sua emergência senão em um pacto iníquo (ilegítimo), que se impõe em função da propriedade privada e da divisão do trabalho e instaura uma organização que converge para a alienação, caracterizando-se o Contrato Social como um pacto legítimo que guarda capacidade de assegurar a constituição de uma sociedade igualitária e uma (...)
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  9. Maquiavel e Weber: a lógica do poder e a ética da ação – O “príncipe-centauro” e o “homem autêntico”.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2013 - Opsis – Revista da Unidade Acadêmica Especial História E Ciências Sociais 13 (1):180-199.
    Sobrepondo-se ao ideal que se impõe à teoria política que circunscreve a sua atividade à busca do bem comum e se detém, por essa razão, na investigação dos princípios capazes de viabilizar a instauração do bom governo, a perspectiva de Maquiavel, através do fundamento da experiência e das exemplificações da historialidade, converge para a descoberta de leis que possibilitem a fundação de um Estado, a obtenção do poder e a sua conservação, a instituição da ciência empírica da política, que, caracterizada (...)
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  10. Colonial Genealogies of Immigration Controls, Self-Determination, and the Nation-State. [REVIEW]Menge Torsten - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-17.
    Political philosophy has long treated the nation-state as the starting point for normative inquiry, while paying little attention to the ongoing legacies of colonialism and imperialism. But given how most modern states emerged, normative discussions about migration, for example, need to engage with the colonial and imperial history of state immigration controls, citizenship practices, and the nation-state more generally. This article critically reviews three historical studies by Adom Getachew, Radhika Mongia, and Nandita Sharma that engage in depth with this history. (...)
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  11. Do bem comum da visão platônico-aristotélica à lógica hobbesiana do contrato social (da ordem mecânica da matéria à ordem final da vontade).Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2014 - Revista Filosofia Capital 9 (16):58-75.
    Detendo-se na investigação dos dois grandes modelos que caracterizam o pensamento polí­tico, a saber, o modelo clássico (grego ou aristotélico) e o modelo jusnaturalista (hobbesiano), o artigo em questão, distinguindo no âmbito daquele as teorias idealistas e realistas, empreende uma abordagem que nas fronteiras deste último sublinha desde a questão que envolve "Como nasceu o Estado?", proposta pela perspectiva historicista (paradigma aristotélico), que traz como fundamento o homem como "animal polí­tico", até a leitura racionalista (parãmetro hobbesiano), que acena com o (...)
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  12. Da Vontade Geral como Poder de Fato e Poder de Direito: do exercício da soberania popular entre a unidade multíplice da sociedade (Unitas Ordinis) e a totalidade Político-Jurídica e Econômico-Social do Estado.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2020 - Cadernos de Direito 19 (36):3-25.
    Ancorada na teoria de Rousseau, uma pesquisa assinala que, consistindo na condição sine qua non para o exercício da soberania popular em uma construção que converge para as fronteiras que encerram a Constituição e o Estado, a Vontade Geral envolve uma possibili-dade de articulação da totalidade dos homens enquanto desejamos em sua concreticidade histórico-cultural e econômico-social, o que implica uma universalidade concreta, que advém do conjunto de vontades e fato econômico que caracterizam uma sociedade e dinâmica das relações intersubjetivas. Dessa (...)
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  13. Unity and Disunity in the Positive Tradition.Michael Garnett - 2022 - In John Christman (ed.), Positive Freedom: Past, Present, and Future. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 8-27.
    What is 'positive freedom'? Whereas negative freedom may be characterised as an absence of coercion or physical prevention, and republican freedom as an absence of interpersonal domination, positive freedom resists such pithy treatment. The term is widely taken to refer to a variety of seemingly distinct goods, including but not limited to actually exercisable options or capabilities, collective self-determination, psychological self-government, and self-realisation or flourishing. In this paper I aim to bring the positive conception into better focus by tracing the (...)
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  14. The Potestas of Practice.Theodore Lechterman - 2021 - History of Political Thought 2 (42):240-251.
    Can the existence of a social practice justify practical authority? A medieval debate between hierocrats and caesaropapists may help to illuminate this question. Focusing mainly on Marsilius of Padua, with reference to John of Paris, this article suggests that caesaropapists can be read as developing a 'practice conception' of the structure and scope of ecclesiastical authority. Because it brings the conflict over authority to a new battleground, the practice conception supplies caesaropapists with a source of dialectical leverage over hierocratic doctrine. (...)
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  15. Amerikan Aristocracy: Rethinking the Genealogy of Sovereignty From Jean Bodin to The Federalist.Patrick Anderson - forthcoming - Radical Philosophy Review 1.
    Leftist political theory remains trapped between two dominant conceptions of sovereignty: the liberal conception of popular sovereignty and the decisionist conception of sovereignty as the power to declare a state of exception. This essay offers a historical critique of the liberal and decisionist conceptions of sovereignty and develops a descriptive theory of aristocratic sovereignty, which is more suited to the history and the needs of radical political theory and praxis. By tracing the genealogy of sovereignty through early modern European political (...)
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  16. Punishment and Disagreement in the State of Nature.Jacob Barrett - 2020 - Economics and Philosophy 36 (3):334-354.
    Hobbes believed that the state of nature would be a war of all against all. Locke denied this, but acknowledged that in the absence of government, peace is insecure. In this paper, I analyse both accounts of the state of nature through the lens of classical and experimental game theory, drawing especially on evidence concerning the effects of punishment in public goods games. My analysis suggests that we need government not to keep wicked or relentlessly self-interested individuals in line, but (...)
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  17. Foucault’s Analytics of Sovereignty.Eli B. Lichtenstein - 2021 - Critical Horizons 22 (3):287-305.
    The classical theory of sovereignty describes sovereignty as absolute and undivided yet no early modern state could claim such features. Historical record instead suggests that sovereignty was always divided and contested. In this article I argue that Foucault offers a competing account of sovereignty that underlines such features and is thus more historically apt. While commentators typically assume that Foucault’s understanding of sovereignty is borrowed from the classical theory, I demonstrate instead that he offers a sui generis interpretation, which results (...)
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  18. State Typohumanism and its Role in the Rise of Völkisch-Racism: Paideía and Humanitas at Issue in Jaeger’s and Krieck’s ‘Political Plato’.Facundo Norberto Bey - 2020 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 53 (12):1272-1282.
    The aim of this article is to provide a philosophical conceptual framework to understand the theoretical roots and political implications of the interpretations of Plato’s work in Jaeger’s Third Humanism and Krieck’s völkisch-racist pedagogy and anthropology. This article will seek to characterize, as figures of localitas, their conceptions of the individual, community, corporeality, identity, and the State that both authors developed departing from Platonic political philosophy. My main hypothesis is that Jaeger’s and Krieck’s interpretations of Platonic paideía shared several core-elements (...)
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  19. The History and Philosophy of Fanaticism.Paul Katsafanas (ed.) - forthcoming - London: Routledge.
    24 original essays on the philosophy of fanaticism. These essays explore the epistemology, moral psychology, and ethics of fanaticism. The attached file contains a brief introduction and table of contents. -/- .
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  20. Luck Egalitarianism and the History of Political Thought.Carl Knight - 2016 - In Camilla Boisen & Matthew C. Murray (eds.), Distributive Justice Debates in Political and Social Thought. Abingdon, UK: pp. 26-38.
    Luck egalitarianism is a family of egalitarian theories of distributive justice that give a special place to luck, choice, and responsibility. These theories can be understood as responding to perceived weaknesses in influential earlier theories of both the left – in particular Rawls’ liberal egalitarianism (1971) – and the right – Nozick’s libertarianism (1974) stands out here. Rawls put great emphasis on the continuity of his theory with the great social contract theories of modern political thought, particularly emphasising its Kantian (...)
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  21. Wyznania europejskiej filozofki. [REVIEW]Jakub Dadlez - 2021 - Przegląd Polityczny 165:173-175.
  22. Spinoza and the Freedom of Philosophizing. [REVIEW]Sandra Leonie Field - forthcoming - History of Political Thought.
    In this review, I outline Lærke's interpretation of Spinoza's freedom of philosophizing as a rich, positive freedom, encompassing but extending far beyond mere legal permission for free expression. Lærke's book takes on the challenge to explain how such freedom is to be brought about. I suggest that Lærke's reconstruction overlooks a central plank of Spinoza's approach: the role of good institutional design in supporting freedom. The longer version is the original author submission; the shorter version was trimmed on the journal's (...)
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  23. Review of Violence and Political Theory, by Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings. [REVIEW]Lantz Fleming Miller - 2021 - Philosophy in Review 41 (2):65-67.
    Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a fair though critical overview (...)
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  24. Prefata.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2021 - In Murray N. Rothbard (ed.), Anatomia statului. Liberalis. pp. 7-20.
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  25. Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil.Helga Varden - forthcoming - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society.
    Abstract: Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil -/- This paper starts by sketching Kant’s four ideal legal and political conditions—'anarchy,’ ‘despotism,’ ‘republic,’ and ‘barbarism’—before showing their usefulness for analyzing different political forces that may operate in any given society. Contrary to the common tendency in political philosophy to view our societies as either in the so-called ‘state of nature’ (‘anarchy’) or in ‘civil society’ (‘republic’), I propose that we might find ourselves in societies where aspects or ‘pockets’ of (...)
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  26. «Basta! Lei ne sa più di me». Dello scrivere oscuro e la questione della disuguaglianza.Simone Ghelli - 2021 - In Ilaria Cavallin, Cristina Teresa Penna & Enrico Sinno (eds.), Narrare la tragedia. Nel centenario della nascita di Primo Levi. Florence, Metropolitan City of Florence, Italy: pp. 45-56.
    The following article aims to reconstruct the philosophical-political content of Primo Levi's 1976 essays "About Obscure Writing", focusing especially on the anthropological question of inequality.
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  27. The Monstrosity of Vice: Sin and Slavery in Campanella’s Political Thought.Brian Garcia - 2020 - Aither: Journal for the Study of Greek and Latin Philosophical Traditions 12 (2):232–248.
    This paper opens by reviewing Aristotle’s conception of the natural slave and then familiar treatments of the internal conflict between the ruling and subject parts of the soul in Aristotle and Plato; I highlight especially the figurative uses of slavery and servitude when discussing such problems pertaining to incontinence and vice—viz., being a ‘slave’ to the passions. Turning to Campanella, features of the City of the Sun pertaining to slavery are examined: in sketching his ideal city, Campanella both rejects Aristotle’s (...)
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  28. La transformación del concepto de persona a la luz de la doctrina de la soberanía de Carl Schmitt.Rafael Campos - 2020 - Valenciana 26:183-204.
    La finalidad del presente artículo es descubrir la presencia del concepto de persona en la doctrina de la soberanía de Carl Schmitt. A pesar de que este concepto tuvo un amplio desarrollo metafísico en el seno del pensamiento cristiano durante la antigüedad tardía, jamás pudo desembarazarse de la impronta jurídica de sus creadores los juristas romanos. Por tal razón, sirvió como soporte conceptual para el posterior despliegue de la noción de persona jurídica, sistematizada a lo largo de la modernidad. Para (...)
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  29. Marsilius of Padua at the Intersection of Ancient and Medieval Traditions of Political Thought.Vasileios Syros - 2012 - Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press.
    This book focuses on the reception of classical political ideas in the political thought of the fourteenth-century Italian writer Marsilius of Padua. Vasileios Syros provides a novel cross-cultural perspective on Marsilius’s theory and breaks fresh ground by exploring linkages between his ideas and the medieval Muslim, Jewish, and Byzantine traditions. Syros investigates Marsilius’s application of medical metaphors in his discussion of the causes of civil strife and the desirable political organization. He also demonstrates how Marsilius’s demarcation between ethics and politics (...)
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  30. Tumults and the Freedom of a Polity in Machiavelli's Discourses.Noemi Magnani - 2020 - In Miroslav Vacura (ed.), Beyond the State and the Citizen. Prague, Czechia: Prague University of Economics and Business Oeconomica Publishing House. pp. 147 - 165.
    In the Preface to the Discourses Machiavelli laments that the greatness of the ancients is “rather admired than imitated” by his contemporaries and expresses the belief that recurring to past examples would be most beneficial to those interested in “ordering republics, maintaining states, governing kingdoms, ordering the military and administering war, judging subjects, and increasing empire” (D I 2.2). Machiavelli is indeed persuaded that the laws governing human nature are unchangeable, and that the ancients can be imitated, since the causes (...)
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  31. Review of Duncan Bell, Reordering the World: Essays on Liberalism and Empire. [REVIEW]Duncan Ivison - 2017 - Journal of British Studies 56:892-4.
  32. Applying Arendt's Vita Activa to Religion.Timothy Stanley - 2021 - Politics, Religion and Ideology 22 (1).
    Hannah Arendt clearly articulated a vision of political life free of religious origins as well as the dominance of religious authorities. Nonetheless, she both consistently drew upon religious ideas as well as encouraged religious actors to weigh in on political matters. To understand why, I firstly reiterate her account of intersubjective plurality articulated throughout the vita activa’s three categories of labor, work and action. Secondly, I apply the vita activa to some of Arendt’s most prominent writings on religion. What emerges (...)
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  33. Analytische Philosophie Und Ihr Potenzial Für Radikale Politik.Danny Krämer - 2020 - In Elisa Gerbsch, Leon Junker, Friederike Nastold, Josephina Schmidt, Stefan Seefelder, Franziska Werner & Christopher Wimmer (eds.), WORK IN PROGRESS. WORK ON PROGRESS. Doktorand*innen-Jahrbuch 2020 der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung. Hamburg, Deutschland: VSA-Verlag. pp. 83-102.
    Die analytische Philosophie ist nicht dafür bekannt, dass ihre Vertreter*innen sich in ihrer Rolle als Philosoph*innen an radikaler Politik beteiligen . Progressive Politik links des Liberalismus bezieht ihr philosophisches Verständnis hauptsächlich aus der marxistischen und post-strukturalistischen Tradition. Nach einem kurzen Überblick über die Geschichte der analytischen Philosophie, zeige ich, warum sie bisher keine Grundlage für radikale Politik liefern konnte. Alternativ schlage ich eine Form des liberalen Naturalismus als Basis für einen kritischen, interdisziplinären Materialismus vor. Analytic philosophers are not known for (...)
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  34. The Role of Consent in Locke's Theory of State.Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2020 - Historical Inquiry, Journal of National Taiwan University 66:201-236.
    John Locke’s theory of state is heavily constructed around his doctrine of consent. The doctrine indeed signifies a critical moment in the development of liberal and democratic theories in the history of political thought. Nevertheless, the doctrine has provoked various controversies and raises doubts on whether Locke’s early and later positions are reconcilable. This paper joins the scholarly debate through investigating the role of consent in Locke’s theory of state. It rejects the ahistorical readings of the doctrine that deliberation and (...)
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  35. Book Review: Political Corruption. The Underside of Civic Morality, by Robert Alan Sparling. [REVIEW]Emanuela Ceva - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (1):145-149.
    Political corruption is a contested concept. Both terms in the concept are the object of controversies in political theory, and concern what corruption is and how it is a politically relevant phenomenon. Political corruption has been contested across time, space, cultures, and philosophical traditions. Usually, political corruption is assumed to involve an exchange between a private corruptor and a public official who pursues her personal interest by abusing her power of office. While this account may be true with respect to (...)
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  36. Locke on Property.Helga Varden - forthcoming - In Jessica Gordon Roth & Shelley Weinberg (eds.), The Lockean Mind.
    This paper critiques Locke’s account of private property. After sketching its basic principles as well as how contemporary Lockeans have developed them, I argue that this account doesn’t and cannot work philosophically. The main problem is that the account requires the determination of objective value of resources in historical time, but this doesn’t exist. I conclude that the ultimate philosophical failure of this tremendously influential kind of account does not entail that it is valueless. Rather, the suggestion is that understanding (...)
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  37. The Political Animal in Medieval Philosophy. A Philosophical Study of the Commentary Tradition C. 1260-1410.Juhana Toivanen - 2021 - Leiden, Netherlands: Brill.
    In The Political Animal in Medieval Philosophy Juhana Toivanen investigates what medieval philosophers meant when they argued that human beings are political animals by nature. He analyses the notion of ‘political animal’ from various perspectives and shows its relevance to philosophical discussions concerning the foundations of human sociability, ethics, and politics. -/- Medieval authors thought that social life stems from the biological and rational nature of human beings, and that collaboration with other people promotes prosperity and good life. Toivanen provides (...)
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  38. On Law and Justice Attributed to Archytas of Tarentum.Johnson Monte & P. S. Horky - 2020 - In David Wolfsdorf (ed.), Early Greek Ethics. Oxford: pp. 455-490.
    Archytas of Tarentum, a contemporary and associate of Plato, was a famous Pythagorean, mathematician, and statesman of Tarentum. Although his works are lost and most of the fragments attributed to him were composed in later eras, they nevertheless contain valuable information about his thought. In particular, the fragments of On Law and Justice are likely based on a work by the early Peripatetic biographer Aristoxenus of Tarentum. The fragments touch on key themes of early Greek ethics, including: written and unwritten (...)
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  39. Self-Respect and Self-Segregation: A Du Boisian Challenge to Kant and Rawls.Elvira Basevich - forthcoming - Social Theory & Practice.
    In this essay I develop W.E.B. Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness to demonstrate the limitations of Kant’s and Rawls’s models of self-respect. I argue that neither Kant nor Rawls can explain what self-respect and resistance to oppression warrants under the conditions of violent and systematic racial exclusion. I defend Du Bois’s proposal of voluntary black self-segregation during the Jim Crow era and explain why Du Bois believes that the black American community has a moral right to assert its self-respect (...)
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  40. The Greek Political Experience. Studies in Honor of William Kelly Prentice.Glenn R. Morrow - 1943 - American Journal of Philology 64 (4):450.
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  41. Building Communities of Peace: Arendtian Realism and Peacebuilding.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - Polity 58 (1):75-100.
    Recent studies of peacebuilding highlight the importance of attending to people’s local experiences of conflict and cooperation. This trend, however, raises the fundamental questions of how the local is and should be constituted and what the relationship is between institutions and individual actors of peace at the local level of politics. I turn to Hannah Arendt’s thoughts to address these issues. Arendt’s thinking provides a distinctive form of realism that calls for stable institutions but never depletes the spirit of resistance. (...)
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  42. La secolarizzazione moderna e «il problema Rousseau» nell’interpretazione di Augusto Del Noce, in «Studium Personae. Rivista di Teologia, Filosofia e Scienze Umane», anno 10, n. 1-2, 2019, pp. 67-100.Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Studium Personae. Rivista di Teologia, Filosofia E Scienze Umane 10 (1-2):67-100.
    The Italian philosopher Augusto Del Noce (1910-1989) gave an original interpretation of the modern secular age. In this paper, I analyze the reasons why Del Noce saw in Descartes and in Rousseau two fundamental expressions of secularization: according to the two French philosophers, the human being is characterized by an original goodness (status naturae purae). Del Noce noted that this anthropological optimism, widespread in modernity, made superfluous the Christian faith: without the presence of original sin (an evil in human nature), (...)
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  43. The Italian Enlightenment and the Rehabilitation of Moral and Political Philosophy.Sergio Cremaschi - 2020 - The European Legacy 25 (7-8):743-759.
    By reconstructing the eighteenth-century movement of the Italian Enlightenment, I show that Italy’s political fragmentation notwithstanding, there was a constant circulation of ideas, whether on philosophical, ethical, political, religious, social, economic or scientific questions—among different groups in various states. This exchange was made possible by the shared language of its leading illuministi— Cesare Beccaria, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Francesco Maria Zanotti, Antonio Genovesi, Mario Pagano, Pietro Verri, Marco Antonio Vogli, and Giammaria Ortes—and resulted in four common traits. First, the absence of (...)
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  44. Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?'. [REVIEW]Lewis D. Ross - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy.
  45. Extending the Limits of Nature. Political Animals, Artefacts, and Social Institutions.Juhana Toivanen - 2020 - Philosophical Readings 1 (12):35-44.
    This essay discusses how medieval authors from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries dealt with a philosophical problem that social institutions pose for the Aristotelian dichotomy between natural and artificial entities. It is argued that marriage, political community, and language provided a particular challenge for the conception that things which are designed by human beings are artefacts. Medieval philosophers based their arguments for the naturalness of social institutions on the anthropological view that human beings are political animals by nature, but this (...)
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  46. Convencionalismo e Naturalismo em Rousseau.Heitor Pagliaro - 2013 - Dissertation, Universidade Federal de Goiás
    This dissertation investigates the concept of law in Rousseau, analyzing if he defends the idea of natural law or if he is a conventionalist. Some commentators, like Robert Derathé, conceive Rousseau as a naturalist, as opposed to others, like Charles Vaughan, who think that he is a conventionalist. Here we will critically assess those positions and try to see if they exclude each other or if Rousseau can be read, somehow, as defending fundamental aspects of those two positions.
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  47. Review of 'Political Philosophy Versus History? Contextualism and Real Politics in Contemporary Political Thought.' Edited by Jonathan Floyd and Marc Stears. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2014 - Perspectives on Politics 12 (1):222-223.
  48. Review of "Faces of Moderation: The Art of Balance in the Age of Extremes" by Aurelian Craiutu. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2019 - History of Political Thought 40 (4):719-722.
  49. Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter des Heftes.Editors Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geis - 2020 - Zeitschrift für Religions- Und Geistesgeschichte 72 (3):369-370.
  50. The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal. [REVIEW]Warren J. von Eschenbach - 2020 - Philosophical Quarterly 70 (280):660-663.
    Book Review of The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal. By Nussbaum Martha C..
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