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  1. Freedom From Domination and Our Technological Predicament.Hans de Zwart - manuscript
    Our technologically mediated world is dominated by tech giants. This impacts our freedom. The classic liberal conception of negative freedom can’t adequately address this impact. Freedom as non-interference doesn’t see how the potential power of these giants is making us less free, even if we are not aware of this power. This paper uses a neorepublican lens to look at our relationship with surveillance capitalists like Google and Facebook. Exploring three ways of framing this relationship, it argues that these companies (...)
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  2. Democratic republicanism and political competence in treatments of radical Enlightenment.Harvey Chisick - forthcoming - History of European Ideas.
    This article argues that what was understood as democracy in the eighteenth century differs fundamentally from modern democracy. While modern democratic states take locally born or naturalized personhood as the criterion of citizenship, eighteenth-century advocates of democracy demanded proof of political competence to allow participation in politics. While the requirement of competence to engage in any activity is not unreasonable, if defined, as it was by most Enlightenment thinkers, as a combination of independence, cultural standing and wealth, it is clearly (...)
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  3. Republican Families?Anca Gheaus - forthcoming - In Oxford Handbook of Republicanism. Oxford University Press.
  4. Boundaries and varieties of republicanism.Adrián Herranz - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    This paper addresses a neglected question in republican political philosophy: what are the conditions for a set of arguments to be considered republican? While republicanism traditionally confers a fundamental role to the democratic ideal of participation in decision-making, recent contributions argue that freedom could be promoted by facilitating exit where possible. The strong version of the latter argument states that when exit is possible, it constitutes the most important contribution to republican freedom, and it preserves the goal of isolating individual (...)
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  5. Republican Freedom, Popular Control, and Collective Action.Sean Ingham & Frank Lovett - forthcoming - American Journal of Political Science.
    Republicans hold that people are dominated merely in virtue of others' having unconstrained abilities to frustrate their choices. They argue further that public officials may dominate citizens unless subject to popular control. Critics identify a dilemma. To maintain the possibility of popular control, republicans must attribute to the people an ability to control public officials merely in virtue of the possibility that they might coordinate their actions. But if the possibility of coordination suffices for attributing abilities to groups, then, even (...)
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  6. Reimagining citizenship: Exploring the intersection of ecofeminism and republicanism through political care and compulsory care service.Jaeim Park - forthcoming - Constellations.
  7. 15 The Republican Critique of Liberalism.Alan Patten - forthcoming - Contemporary Political Theory: A Reader.
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  8. The domination effect and modern economic theory.Francois Perroux - forthcoming - Social Research: An International Quarterly.
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  9. Non-domination and constituent power: Socialist republicanism versus radical democracy.Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen - forthcoming - Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    Two of the dominant frameworks for criticizing capitalism and liberal democracy in contemporary political theory is Socialist republicanism, on the one hand, and radical democracy, on other hand. Whereas radical democratic thinkers have for decades criticized liberal democracy for being elitist, hierarchical and outright anti-popular, socialist republicans have for the last 10 years developed critiques of capitalism centred on the neo-republican idea of freedom as non-domination and proposed various arguments for workplace democracy and cooperative forms of ownership. Despite the common (...)
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  10. Non-domination and constituent power: Socialist republicanism versus radical democracy.Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen - forthcoming - Sage Journals: Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print. Two of the dominant frameworks for criticizing capitalism and liberal democracy in contemporary political theory is Socialist republicanism, on the one hand, and radical democracy, on other hand. Whereas radical democratic thinkers have for decades criticized liberal democracy for being elitist, hierarchical and outright anti-popular, socialist republicans have for the last 10 years developed critiques of capitalism centred on the neo-republican idea of freedom as non-domination and proposed various arguments for workplace democracy and (...)
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  11. Milton Friedman on Freedom and the Negative Income Tax.Joshua Preiss - forthcoming - Basic Income Studies 10.
    In addition to his Noble Prize-winning work in economics, Milton Friedman produced some of the most influential philosophical work on the role of government in a free society. Despite his great influence, there remains a dearth of scholarship on Friedman’s social and political philosophy. This paper helps to fill this large void by providing a conceptual analysis of Friedman’s theory of freedom. In addition, I argue that a careful reading of his arguments for freedom ought to lead Friedman, and like-minded (...)
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  12. Review of Sharon Krause’s Eco-Emancipation: An Earthly Politics of Freedom. [REVIEW]Serrin Rutledge-Prior - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-6.
  13. Green republicanism and the 'crises of democracy'.Andy Scerri - forthcoming - Environmental Politics:1-32.
    Efforts to ‘green’ civic republican thought link environmentalist with democratic ends. Such efforts cast both as contributions to virtuous world-making that contests ‘actually existing unsustainability’ and, so, seeks to realize freedom as nondomination. In the context of the erosion of both democratic and environmentalist achievements since the 1970s, however, a focus on contestation’s other side, the ‘world-unmaking’ virtue of obstruction, is warranted. ‘Democratic’ interpreters of Niccolò Machiavelli’s work urge such an understanding of political virtue, which they ground not in equal (...)
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  14. Commercial Republicanism.Robert S. Taylor - forthcoming - In Frank Lovett & Mortimer Sellers (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Republicanism. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Commercial republicanism is the idea that a properly-structured commercial society can serve the republican end of minimizing the domination of citizens by states (imperium) and of citizens by other citizens (dominium). Much has been written about this idea in the last half-century, including analyses of individual commercial republicans (e.g., Adam Smith and Immanuel Kant) as well as discussions of national traditions of the same (e.g., in America, Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Italy). In this chapter, I review five kinds of (...)
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  15. Platform cooperativism and freedom as non-domination in the gig economy.Tim Christiaens - 2024 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    While the challenges workers face in the gig economy are now well-known, reflections on emancipatory solutions in political philosophy are still underdeveloped. Some have pleaded for enhancing workers' bargaining power through unionisation; others for enhancing exit options in the labour market. Both strategies, however, come with unin-tended side-effects and do not exhaust the full potential for worker self-government present in the digital gig economy. Using the republican theory of freedom as non-domination , I argue that G.D.H. Cole's 20th-century defence of (...)
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  16. Defending American natural-rights republicanism.Vincent Phillip Munoz - 2024 - In Michael Anton, Glenn Ellmers & Charles R. Kesler (eds.), Leisure with dignity: essays in celebration of Charles R. Kesler. Encounter Books.
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  17. Domination and Freedom: Quality, not Quantity.Matteo Boccacci - 2023 - Res Publica 29 (4):537-554.
    Does domination make us unfree? Republicans argue that it does. Thus, they contend that the liberal conception of freedom is inadequate as it is not (wholly) able to account for domination. I provide a new approach to this controversy. The liberal conception of freedom has the potential to account for domination, but we must adjust the scope of our analysis: claims about domination are best understood not as claims about quantities of liberal freedom, but as claims about the value of (...)
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  18. White psychodrama.Liam Kofi Bright - 2023 - Journal of Political Philosophy 31 (2):198-221.
    I analyse the political, economic, and cultural circumstances that have given rise to persistent political disputes about race (known colloquially as “the culture war”) among a subset of Americans. I argue that they point to a deep tension between widely held normative aspirations and pervasive and readily observable material facts about our society. The characterological pathologies this gives rise to are discussed, and a normatively preferable path forward for an individual attempting to reconcile themselves to the current social order is (...)
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  19. The material conditions of non-domination: Property, independence, and the means of production.Alexander Bryan - 2023 - European Journal of Political Theory 22 (3):425-444.
    While it is a point of agreement in contemporary republican political theory that property ownership is closely connected to freedom as non-domination, surprisingly little work has been done to elucidate the nature of this connection or the constraints on property regimes that might be required as a result. In this paper, I provide a systematic model of the boundaries within which republican property systems must sit and explore some of the wider implications that thinking of property in these terms may (...)
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  20. Tacitus’ Critique of Republicanism in His Germania.Thomas J. B. Cole - 2023 - Polis 40 (3):514-538.
    Although Tacitus began his writing career during the Principate at the end of the first century CE, the dominant approach to thinking about political life was still guided by Republicanism, a constellation of concepts from the mid-first century BCE Roman Republic. Republicanism held that there was only one type of monarchy and that it necessarily precluded libertas. Tacitus, who was living under different iterations of monopolistic power in the Principate, questions this tenet by examining various Germanic tribes. The Germania explores (...)
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  21. Climate Change and Republicanism.Ashley Dodsworth - 2023 - In Pellegrino Gianfranco & Marcello Di Paola (eds.), Handbook of Philosophy of Climate Change. Springer Nature. pp. 1193-1211.
    The climate crisis requires new politics, new ways of thinking, and organizing our societies. In this chapter, I argue that the republican political tradition is particularly well suited to help us face the challenge of climate crisis. Even the tensions with republicanism, such as the focus on citizenship, are useful as they highlight the political roadblocks to action on climate change. As we seek to understand the injustices of climate change, create and maintain sustainable political systems, and address barriers to (...)
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  22. Reconceptualizing American Democracy: The First Principles.Angelina Inesia-Forde - 2023 - Asian Journal of Basic Science and Research 5 (4):01-47.
    An outstanding group of leaders left evidence that a richer and more sustainable democracy could be achieved with American independence and democratic principles integrated into a new republican form of government. They were moved by principles that are the very spirit of democracy. These principles are needed to enhance democracy and improve well-being. Using the constructivist tradition of grounded theory and Aristotle’s conception of abstraction, the article proposes a theory of the first principles of democracy based on substantive data: the (...)
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  23. Taking back control.Robert Jubb - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):159-180.
    Contemporary egalitarian political philosophy has become increasingly interested in the ways the international order may protect or undermine states’ capacities to deliver domestic egalitarianism. This paper draws on Miriam Ronzoni’s helpful discussion of the various different ways in which both philosophical and practical commitments can move beyond a contrast between a world of closed societies and a cosmopolis to explore how successful the theorizing prompted by that interest has been. Problems scholars like Peter Mair and Wolfgang Streeck have suggested the (...)
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  24. A republican argument for the rule of law.Frank Lovett - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):137-158.
    While the rule of law is surely a very important good, the familiar discussions found in the literature lead many to conclude that it is either a relatively trivial political ideal, or else a redundant one. What is needed is a new and persuasive defense of the rule of law that properly reflects its great significance for human well being. An important step towards building such an argument is to question a widely-shared but often unnoticed assumption that the rule of (...)
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  25. Republicanism as Critique of Liberalism.Lars J. K. Moen - 2023 - Southern Journal of Philosophy 61 (2):308–324.
    The revival of republicanism was meant to challenge the hegemony of liberalism in contemporary political theory on the grounds that liberals show insufficient concern with institutional protection against political misrule. This article challenges this view by showing how neorepublicanism, particularly on Philip Pettit’s formulation, demands no greater institutional protection than does political liberalism. By identifying neutrality between conceptions of the good as the constraint on institutional requirements that forces neorepublicanism into the liberal framework, the article shows that neutrality is what (...)
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  26. Classical republicanism in the age of Machiavelli.Paul A. Rahe - 2023 - In Chris Jones & Takashi Shōgimen (eds.), Rethinking medieval and Renaissance political thought: historiographical problems, fresh interpretations, new debates. Routledge.
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  27. Republicanism and the legitimacy of state border controls.Szilárd János Tóth - 2023 - Ethics and Global Politics 16 (1):30-47.
    A number of recent articles have invoked the republican ideal of non-domination to justify either open borders, and/or the reduction of states’ discretionary powers to unilaterally determine immigration policy. In this paper, I show that such arguments are one-sided, as they fail to fully account for the deep ambiguity of the very ideal which they invoke. In fact, non-domination lends just as powerful support to maintaining state border controls as it does to dismantling them. There are only two exceptions to (...)
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  28. Critical Republicanism and the Discursive Demands of Free Speech.Suzanne Whitten - 2023 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 49 (7):856-880.
    A growing body of literature in feminist philosophy exposes the way in which occupying a particular group identity inhibits an affected agent’s ability to engage in communicative exchange effectively. These accounts reveal a fault in standard liberal defences of free speech, showing how, if free speech is a goal worth pursuing, then it must involve both a concern about the legitimate limits of state interference and of the effect of social norms on an agent’s communicative capacities. Building on the emergence (...)
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  29. Hegel, Marx and Huey P. Newton on the Underclass.Joshua Anderson - 2022 - Social Philosophy Today 38:99-111.
    This article is a discussion of the rabble in the context of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right. The article will progress as follows: First, I present how Hegel discusses the formation of a rabble and consider Michael Allen’s and James Bohman’s arguments regarding the domination inherent in Hegel’s theory. Next, I critique Joel Anderson’s “Hegelian” solution to the problem of the rabble. Finally, I show that the rabble are precisely the “class” that Marx needs to bring about change in the organization (...)
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  30. Digital Domination: Social Media and Contestatory Democracy.Ugur Aytac - 2022 - Political Studies.
    This paper argues that social media companies’ power to regulate communication in the public sphere illustrates a novel type of domination. The idea is that, since social media companies can partially dictate the terms of citizens’ political participation in the public sphere, they can arbitrarily interfere with the choices individuals make qua citizens. I contend that social media companies dominate citizens in two different ways. First, I focus on the cases in which social media companies exercise direct control over political (...)
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  31. Republicanism and/or Relational Egalitarianism?Andreas Bengtson - 2022 - Social Theory and Practice 48 (4):629-645.
    What is the relationship between republicanism and relational egalitarianism? According to Andreas Schmidt, republicanism, in particular Pettit’s theory of republicanism, is able to capture some relations as objectionable which relational egalitarianism cannot, to wit, relations of mutual domination. This shows that relational egalitarianism is inadequate. In this paper, I explore the relationship between republicanism and relational egalitarianism and argue, first, that Schmidt is wrong. Relational egalitarianism, on a plausible understanding, does object to relations of mutual domination. I then argue that (...)
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  32. Political parties and republican democracy.Alexander Bryan - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (2):262-282.
    Political parties have been the subject of a recent resurgent interest among political philosophers, with prominent contributions spanning liberal to socialist literatures arguing for a more positive appraisal of the role of parties in the operation of democratic representation and public deliberation. In this article, I argue for a similar re-evaluation of the role of political parties within contemporary republicanism. Contemporary republicanism displays a wariness of political parties. In Philip Pettit’s paradigmatic account of republican democracy, rare mentions of political parties (...)
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  33. Should Republicans be Interested in Exploitation?Alexander Bryan & Ioannis Kouris - 2022 - Res Publica 28 (3):513-530.
    Recent work in republican political theory has identified various forms of domination in the structures and relations of capitalist societies. A notable absence in much of this work is the concept of exploitation, which is generally treated as a predictable outcome of certain kinds of domination. This paper argues that the concept of exploitation can instead be conceived as a form of structural domination, understood in republican terms, and that adopting this conception has important implications for republican attempts to theorize (...)
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  34. Neo-republicanism’s Methodological Commitments and Individual Rights.M. Victoria Costa - 2022 - Theoria 69 (171):119-139.
    This article considers why the influential neo-republicans Philip Pettit and Richard Bellamy tend to minimise or deny the role that natural or moral rights play in republican thought. It argues that their specific views about the theoretical role of such rights are motivated by methodological commitments. In Pettit’s case the commitments are to consequentialism and formalism, while in Bellamy’s it is to proceduralism. But these commitments get in the way of providing a fully adequate account of the value of freedom (...)
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  35. A Theory of Popular Power.Sandra Leonie Field - 2022 - Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 1 (2):136-151.
    I propose a theory of popular power, according to which a political order manifests popular power to the extent it robustly maintains an egalitarian basic structure. There are two parts to the theory. First, the power of a political order lies in the basic structure's robust self-maintenance. Second, the popularity of the political order’s power lies in the equality of relations between the society's members. I will argue that this theory avoids the perverse consequences of some existing radical democratic theories (...)
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  36. Should the State Teach Ethics? A Schematism.Landon Frim - 2022 - Symposion: Theoretical and Applied Inquiries in Philosophy and Social Sciences 9 (2):233-259.
    Should the state teach ethics? There is widespread disagreement on whether (and how) secular states should be in the business of promoting a particular moral viewpoint. This article attempts to schematize, and evaluate, these stances. It does so by posing three, simple questions: (1) Should the state explicitly promote certain ethical values over others? (2) Should the state have ultimate justifications for the values it promotes? (3) Should the state compel its citizens to accept these ultimate justifications? Logically, each question (...)
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  37. The social bases of freedom.Harrison Frye - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (7):963-979.
    I argue social and political freedom is not primarily about the absence of constraints, whether those constraints be in the form of interference or domination. Instead, social freedom is centrally about what makes us free. That is, the question of social freedom is first and foremost about determining the positive preconditions of being a free person within society. Social freedom is about what I call the social bases of freedom, or those features of our social world that we have a (...)
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  38. How political is Republicanism? Walking the fine line between moralism and realism.Dorothea Gädeke - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (4):604-615.
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  39. Radical Republicanism.David Guerrero, Bru Laín & Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen - 2022 - Theoria 69 (171):v-xii.
    Over the last two decades republican thought has attracted a growing interest from political, moral and legal scholars. These contemporary theoretical syntheses of ‘neo-republican’ thought have been closely related to intellectual history and the idea of recovering an overshadowed tradition of political thought. In this vein, a classical set of historical moments and places and specific political practices within those contexts appear to be the main source of what republicanism meant – and what it could mean today.
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  40. Marx’ Bonner Hefte im Kontext. Ein Rückblick auf das Verhältnis von Bruno Bauer und Karl Marx zwischen 1839 und 1842.Kaan Kangal - 2022 - In Beiträge zur Marx-Engels-Forschung. Neue Folge 2020/21. Hamburg, Deutschland: pp. 7-42.
  41. Radical republicanism and solidarity.Margaret Kohn - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (1):25-46.
    This article explains how 19th-century radical republicans answered the following question: how is it possible to be free in a social order that fosters economic dependence on others? I focus on the writings of a group of French thinkers called the solidarists who advocated “liberty organized for everyone.” Mutualism and social right were two components of the solidarist strategy for limiting domination in commercial/industrial society. While the doctrine of mutualism was rooted in pre-industrial artisan culture, social right was a novel (...)
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  42. Théories politiques de la diversité. Libéralisme, républicanisme, multiculturalisme.Karel J. Leyva - 2022 - New York, État de New York, États-Unis: Peter Lang.
    Les théories normatives qui justifient les politiques multiculturelles sont souvent dénoncées comme étant relativistes, conservatrices et anti-libérales. De telles politiques menaceraient en effet la cohésion sociale et promouvraient la fragmentation sociale et l’inégalité juridique en plaçant les cultures au-dessus de la politique et les groupes au-dessus des individus. Elles se fonderaient sur un respect inconditionnel du droit à la différence, en mettant l’accent sur les droits des minorités ethniques au détriment de la majorité et en s’attaquant à l’égalité de tous (...)
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  43. The Loving State.Adam Lovett - 2022 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 1.
    I explore the idea that the state should love its citizens. It should not be indifferent towards them. Nor should it merely respect them. It should love them. We begin by looking at the bases of this idea. First, it can be grounded by a concern with state subordination. The state has enormous power over its citizens. This threatens them with subordination. Love ameliorates this threat. Second, it can be grounded by the state's lack of moral status. We all have (...)
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  44. Free states for free citizens!? Arguments for a republicanism of plural polities.Anna Meine - 2022 - Journal of International Political Theory 18 (3):274-293.
    The paper assesses the questions if and, if yes, how the republican conception of free statehood can and should inform a compelling understanding of a legitimate post-Westphalian political order. To answer these questions, it, first, reconstructs the foundational arguments of republican internationalists in favour of free states and, second, assesses the points of contention republican cosmopolitans raise. Third, it develops an alternative approach, a republicanism of plural polities: Based on a relational and multi-dimensional understanding of citizenship, the paper questions the (...)
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  45. Eliminating Terms of Confusion: Resolving the Liberal–Republican Dispute.Lars J. K. Moen - 2022 - The Journal of Ethics 26 (2):247-271.
    John Rawls thinks republicanism is compatible with his political liberalism. Philip Pettit insists that the two conflict in important ways. In this paper, I make sense of this dispute by employing David Chalmers’s method of elimination to reveal the meaning underlying key terms in Rawls’s political liberalism and Pettit’s republicanism. This procedure of disambiguating terms will show how the two theories defend the same institutional arrangement on the same grounds. The procedure thus vindicates Rawls’s view of the two theories being (...)
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  46. From Neo-Republicanism to Socialist Republicanism.Andreas Møller Mulvad & Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen - 2022 - Theoria 69 (171):97-118.
    This article engages with socialist republicanism, which is preoccupied with extending freedom as non-domination, central to the neo-republican revival, from the political sphere of formal democracy to the economic sphere of capitalist production. Firstly, we discuss the transition from neo-republicanism to socialist republicanism. Secondly, we reconstruct the socialist republicanism of Antonio Gramsci, who was involved in the council movements in Turin in 1919–20. We argue that Gramsci applies the republican vocabulary of servitude to describe the capitalist workplace and analyse the (...)
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  47. Eugene Debs and the Socialist Republic.Tom O’Shea - 2022 - Political Theory 50 (6):861-888.
    I reconstruct the civic republican foundations of Eugene Debs’s socialist critique of capitalism, demonstrating how he uses a neo-roman conception of freedom to condemn waged labour. Debs is also shown to build upon this neo-roman liberty in his socialist republican objections to the plutocratic capture of the law and threats of violence faced by the labour movement. This Debsian socialist republicanism can be seen to rest on an ambitious understanding of the demands of citizen sovereignty and civic solidarity. While Debs (...)
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  48. A Dialogue on Republicanism: A Response.Philip Pettit - 2022 - Revue de Philosophie Économique 22 (1):237-251.
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  49. Quentin Skinner, contextual method and Machiavelli's understanding of liberty.Nikola Regent - 2022 - History of the Human Sciences 35 (5):108-134.
    The article examines Quentin Skinner's influential interpretation of Machiavelli's views on liberty, and the sharp divergence between his methodological ideas and his actual practice. The paper explores how Skinner's political ideals directed his interpretation against his own methodological precepts, to offer a basis for a ‘revival’ of republican theory. Skinner's reinterpretation of Machiavelli as a theorist of negative liberty is examined, and refuted. The article analyses Skinner's claim about liberty as the key political value for Machiavelli, and demonstrates that liberty (...)
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  50. Freedom in Political Philosophy.Andreas T. Schmidt - 2022 - Oxford Research Encyclopedias.
    Freedom is among the central values in political philosophy. Freedom also features heavily in normative arguments in ethics, politics, and law. Yet different sides often invoke freedom to establish very different conclusions. Some argue that freedom imposes strict constraints on state power. For example, when promoting public health, there is a limit on how far the state can interfere with individual freedom. Others, in contrast, argue that freedom is not just a constraint but also an important goal of state power (...)
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