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Die Beiträge des vorliegenden Bandes behandeln grundlegende Lebensbereiche der Eisenzeit aus kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive, u.a. Sozialordnungen, die Rolle der Frauen, Waffen und Kriegerordnungen, Werkzeug, Grabbau, Religion und Rituale, Kunst.

La ética del discurso es un óptimo fundamento para la ética cívica de una sociedad moralmente pluralista, pero siempre que no se contente con su dimensión procedimental, sino que saque a la luz su dimensión cordial. Sólo que entonces pasa de ser ética del discurso a ethica cordis. El presente trabajo intenta dar ese paso, y con ese fin cubre tres etapas: 1) en qué medida son necesarios los vínculos, 2) en qué consiste el vínculo discursivo, 3) cómo el vínculo (...) comunicativo incluye el discursivo y va más allá, dando lugar a una ética de la razón cordial. (shrink)

John Schlitpacher (†1482), who was prior of Melk in the 15th century, encouraged both the circulation of manuscripts at his Abbey and their transcription, even in abbreviated form to the benefit of the Abbey School students. This article looks at the sources and diffusion of texts to and from Melk Abbey in that period, examining the case of a codex purchased by Nicholas of Cusa, registered in his Library as no. 58, and subsequently loaned to the monks in Melk to (...) be copied. It contained the Scala Paradisi by John Climacus and the De spiritualibus deliciis by John of Dambach. In the article, I underline that both of these works, copied in codex 58, were in accordance with John Gerson’s theological approach, which was prevalent in Melk at that time. Moreover, I confirm that there are doctrinal similarities between the two works mentioned above and two, hitherto, unedited writings by Schlitpacher from the same period – the treatise De ascensionibus cordis, which is a summary of the De spiritualibus ascensionibus by Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen, and another entitled De felicitate beatorum (or De gaudiis electorum). (shrink)

William Harvey's famous quantitative argument fromDe motu cordis about the circulation of blood explained how a small amount of blood could recirculate and nourish the entire body, upending the Galenic conception of the blood's motion. This paper argues that the quantitative argument drew on the calculative and rhetorical skills of merchants, including Harvey's own brothers. Modern translations ofDe motu cordisobscure the language of accountancy that Harvey himself used. Like a merchant accounting for credits and debits, intake and output, goods and (...) moneys, Harvey treated venous and arterial blood as essentially commensurate, quantifiable and fungible. For Harvey, the circulation of blood was an arithmetical necessity. The development of Harvey's circulatory model followed shifts in the epistemic value of mercantile forms of knowledge, including accounting and arithmetic, also drawing on an Aristotelian language of reciprocity and balance that Harvey shared with mercantile advisers to the royal court. This paper places Harvey's calculations in a previously underappreciated context of economic crisis, whose debates focused largely on questions of circulation. (shrink)

La clase de filosofía, desde la perspectiva del docente, no debe considerarse como una mera actividad transeúnte o predicamental. El presente estudio quiere examinarla, siguiendo la metafísica de la vida de Tomás de Aquino, como una obra vital, que requiere, por un lado, que el profesor se haga una sola cosa —una sola vida, podemos decir— con la doctrina que va a explicar y, por el otro, que esta intelección actual, sin movimiento alguno, dé lugar a la «concepción» y al (...) «parto» de lo entendido en una palabra del corazón, la cual, por su dinamismo intrínseco, tiende, a su vez, a manifestarse exteriormente en una palabra sonora, en un «verbum vocis». Esta exteriorización, por la cual aquella íntima operación que constituye la vida del que filosofa se corporeiza en forma de «diálogo», es, precisamente, la clase de filosofía. La técnica pedagógica debe tener en cuenta el orden intrínseco por el cual la vida humana, mediante la formación de una palabra del corazón, procede a su propia perfección, y no debe olvidar que el perfeccionamiento vital del profesor es causa (instrumental) del perfeccionamiento vital del alumno; es decir, quien no «produce», quien no «engendra», quien no «crea» interiormente lo que está explicando —independientemente de si se trata o no de una novedad— difícilmente ofrecerá unos medios adecuados para que el alumno conciba y dé a luz, en la intimidad de su mente, a un «verbum cordis». (shrink)

O coração como atributo hagiográfico de São Benedito do Rosário: hipótese sobre a sua origem e seu modelo subjacente da vida cristã The heart as hagiographic attribute of Saint Benedict of the Rosary: hypothesis on its origin and its underpinned understanding of Christian life Neste artigo, investiga-se uma variação incomum dos atributos hagiográficos clássicos de São Benedito: o São Benedito do Rosário com coração. Procura-se explicar tanto a relativa raridade de figuras com esse atributo adicional como a sua existência. Para (...) isso, discutem-se a história das representações de São Benedito, função e exemplos da religio cordis no Brasil colonial e as características das irmandades e confrarias que veneravam São Benedito. Defende-se que as atribuições hagiográficas alternativas de São Benedito representam ênfases da fé cristã distintas com mais ou menos proximidade ao projeto da religião colonial. Conclui-se que as confrarias dos “homens ‘pretos’” não usaram preferencialmente a figura de Benedito com o Menino Jesus, mas as representações do Benedito do Rosário. Dessa forma, não enfatizaram na experiência da “união mística” como expressão máxima e propósito predileto da sua fé, mas no modelo da partilha solidária, segundo o qual a proximidade de Deus passa pela aproximação aos/às mais necessitados/as. Interpretamos o atributo do coração não como retorno para o discurso dominante da religio cordis do catolicismo colonial, mas como uma releitura crítica do discurso oficial pelas confrarias e irmandades. Palavras-chave: Benedito com Menino Jesus. Benedito do Rosário. Coração. Religio cordis. Theologia cordis. Irmandades e confrarias da Nossa Senhora do Rosário.This paper investigates an unusual variation of the classic hagiographic attributes of St. Benedict: St. Benedict of the Rosary with heart. The article tries to explain both the relative rarity of this additional attribute as its existence. The history of representations of St. Benedict is discussed and examples are given for the role and characteristics of the religio cordis for colonial Brazil within the fraternities and sororities that venerated St. Benedict. It is argued that the alternative hagiographic attributes of St. Benedict represent different emphases of the Christian faith in more or less proximity to the colonial project of religion. It is concluded that the confraternities of “‘black’ people” preferably did not use the figure of Benedict with the Jesus as a child, but the representations of Benedict of the Rosary. Thus not the experience of mystical union is emphasized as the center of their faith, but the model of shared solidarity, according to which the nearness of God is related to the proximity to those in need. We do not interpret the attribute of the heart as a return to the dominant discourse of the religio cordis of colonial Catholicism but as a critical rereading of the official discourse by the fraternities and sororities. Keywords: Benedict with Jesus as a child. St. Benedict of the Rosary. Religio cordis . Theologia cordis . Brotherhoods and confraternities of Our Lady of the Rosary. (shrink)

Este artículo muestra que la ética del discurso en versión de la ética cordis contribuye a mantener una actitud crítica de discernimiento ante las tecnologías de la inteligencia artificial. Propone distinguir entre opinión pública y razón pública, para destacar el sentido crítico del uso público de la razón en la línea de Kant, Rawls, Habermas y Cortina. Y afrontar las dificultades para ejercer la razón pública en la era digital: impacto de la inteligencia artificial en la comunicación, hiperconectitividad, datificación, “panóptico (...) digital” y la espiral del silencio, que ponen en peligro el uso de la razón y la intimidad personal. (shrink)

Phenomenologists turn to Augustine to remedy the neglect of life, love, and language in the Cartesian cogito: (1) concerning life, Edmund Husserl appropriates Augustine’s analysis of distentio animi, Edith Stein of vivo, and Hannah Arendt of initium; (2) concerning love, Max Scheler appropriates Augustine’s analysis of ordo amoris, Martin Heidegger of curare, and Dietrich von Hildebrand of affectiones; (3) concerning language, Ludwig Wittgenstein appropriates Augustine’s analysis of ostendere, Hans-Georg Gadamer of verbum cordis, and Jean-Luc Marion of confessio. Phenomenology’s non-Cartesian Augustinianism (...) can tell us something about phenomenology, namely that it is engaged in the project of recontextualizing the cogito, and something about Augustine, namely how radically different his project is than Descartes’s. Phenomenology presents an Augustine that is well positioned for the debates of our times concerning mind and world, desire and the human person, and language and embodiment. (shrink)

This article presents and transcribes a newly identified John Locke manuscript – an index Locke made of Anton Deusing’s De motu cordis et sanguinis itemque de lacte ac nutrimento foetus in utero, dissertationes (Groningen, 1655). Deusing (1612–1666) was a polymath and medical eclectic with a scholastic predisposition who wrote numerous medical texts in the 1650s and 1660s. Locke owned and read several of these works, taking notes from them, and indexing at least two of them during his medical research at (...) Oxford in the mid-1660s. The recovery of this manuscript further underlines Locke’s own medical eclecticism at this time, highlighting the contrast between his views in this part of his career and the empiricism he later came to evince. (shrink)

O presente artigo apresenta uma pesquisa sobre o que a instituição católica entende por piedade popular, tendo como base o Diretório de Piedade Popular e Liturgia, para em seguida, abordar o tema piedade popular mariana, com suas características próprias, como sentimento via cordis, exuberância, expressividade, vitalidade e caráter maravilhoso, e analisar a postura do catolicismo oficial, diante dessa maneira de vivenciar a fé. Posto isso, pesquisou-se o culto mariano, tendo como horizonte a exortação apostólica Marialis Cultus, de Paulo VI, que (...) contém orientações, como bíblica, litúrgica, sensibilidade ecumênica e antropológica, para promover uma genuína reforma da veneração a Maria. (shrink)

In this paper we suggest a revisionist perspective on two significant figures in early modern life science and philosophy: William Harvey and John Locke. Harvey, the discoverer of the circulation of the blood, is often named as one of the rare representatives of the ‘life sciences’ who was a major figure in the Scientific Revolution. While this status itself is problematic, we would like to call attention to a different kind of problem: Harvey dislikes abstraction and controlled experiments (aside from (...) the ligature experiment in De Motu Cordis), tends to dismiss the value of instruments such as the microscope, and emphasizes instead the privileged status of ‘observed experience’. To use a contemporary term, Harvey appears to rely on, and chiefly value, ‘tacit knowledge’. Secondly, Locke’s project is often explained with reference to the image he uses in the Epistle to the Reader of his Essay, that he was an “underlabourer” of the sciences. In fact, despite the significant medical phase of his career, Locke’s ‘empiricism’ turns out to be above all a practical (i.e. ‘moral’) project, which focuses on the delimitation of our powers in order to achieve happiness, and rejects the possibility of naturalizing knowledge. When combined, these two cases suggest a different view of some canonical moments in early modern natural philosophy. (shrink)

Adela Cortina, doctora Honoris Causa, es un referente indiscutible en el ámbito de la ética. En sus primeras obras ya se indicaba la necesidad de encontrar unos mínimos cívicos, un conjunto de valores y principios para una convivencia pacífica entre ciudadanos con distintas morales, gracias a los cuales construir modos ideales particulares de vida buena. Para descubrir esos mínimos optó por el procedimentalismo dialógico. Ahora bien, durante los años ha ido reflexionando sobre ese procedimentalismo para hacer un análisis más completo (...) del vínculo comunicativo. Y eso fue lo que pretendió con sus obras centradas en desarrollar una ética cordis. Como bien sostiene, «quien tenga voluntad de justicia, voluntad de descubrir mediante el diálogo qué es lo justo, está obligado a trabajar activamente por la defensa de los derechos humanos y las capacidades básicas de los afectados». (shrink)

The period in the history of blood transfusion that I discuss is roughly 1628, the date of publication of Harvey’s work on blood circulation, De Motu Cordis, and 1668, the year of the first allegedly successful transfusion of blood into a human subject by a French physician Jean Denis, and the official order to prohibit the procedure. The subject of special interest in this history is Robert Desgabets, an early defender and teacher of the Cartesian philosophy at St. Maur, in (...) the region of Lorraine, France. Desgabets’ Discourse de la communication ou transfusion du sang Communication or Transfusion of Blood contains a defence and description of the procedure. This three page manuscript is a lecture delivered at one of the meetings held at M. de Montmor in July 1658. Letters and documents which describe the events of these conferences during Desgabets’ eight month stay in Paris in 1658, indicate that he had numerous discussions with the Cartesian physicist Jacques Rohault and also with another leading Cartesian scientist, Gerauld Cordemoy. In addition, Desgabets is said to have frequently attended the meetings where he showed his interest in many scientific questions. I provide evidence that Desgabets was not an arm-chair scientist: he performed experiments, and he designed and created an apparatus to carry out the procedure of blood transfusion. I show how Desgabets’s Cartesian conception of mechanism and body had theological as well as epistemological underpinnings and consequences. For Desgabets, experiments on blood transfusion were as much demonstrations of the truth of the Cartesian metaphysics as they were demonstrations of the possibility of transubstantiation. The role of experiment was to provide demonstrations of the first principles or truths of physics and theology by connecting them to the way God actually made the world. The upshot of Desgabets's treatment of expérience is that it is integral to the knowledge of essences, and hence to the discovery of the truth of things. In placing expérience at the very foundation of true knowledge, Desgabets reconstructs Cartesianism on an empiricist foundation. (shrink)

Mystice videre: un modo particolare di vedere, sperimentato, lungo la storia dell’umanità, da coloro che hanno vissuto un’esperienza straordinaria di incontro con il sacro (termine che qui utilizzo nella sua accezione più ampia, di “ciò che è separato da” tutto ciò che è ordinario). Alludo ai mistici, ovviamente. Qualcuno, clinicamente parlando, potrebbe considerarli, con qualche ragione, individui patologici, ma sotto il profilo religioso si tratta di persone che hanno avuto la grazia di un incontro con il divino attraverso visioni profonde, (...) che, dalle tenebre del mistero, li hanno portati alla pienezza della luce interiore e hanno fatto sì che lo splendore che li ha illuminati si irradiasse all’esterno, dando un senso non solo al loro mondo interiore, ma anche al mondo che li circondava. Questo fecondo dinamismo tra “ciò che sta dentro” e “ciò che sta fuori” vale in tanti campi dell’esperienza umana, non solo nell’ambito del sacro, ma è in quest’ultimo che, elettivamente, l’attentio cordis determina l’irruzione nell’ombra di una luce che trasforma e permette di comprendere se stessi e l’intero cosmo. (shrink)

De generationewas the last of the three works published by William Harvey during his lifetime. Although this work on generation was most ambitious, being the product of prolonged and detailed researches, it has received relatively little attention from modern writers. It is generally felt that this work, like William Gilbert'sDe mundo, departs significantly from the more pronounced empirical approach to science which characterized Harvey's first publication,De motu cordis. De generationeshows that Harvey regarded reference to teleological and vitalistic principles as necessary (...) for the solution of crucial problems in biology. In this respect he differed from his contemporaries, the iatrochemical and iatromechanical physiologists, whose non-teleological approach seems, at least superficially, to be in sympathy with the modern biological tradition. The structure and content ofDe generationeare so evidently determined by Aristotle's biological writings, that the work is used to illustrate Harvey's failure to emancipate himself from the philosophical encumbrances of antiquity. (shrink)

When publishing his first book anonymously at Leyden in 1637, Descartes showed his deep interest in medicine. Part five of the Discourse on Method offers a detailed account of the movement of the heart and discusses Harvey’s discovery of the circulation of blood. We should note that in the margins of the Discourse on Method, William Harvey’s name is mentioned in Latin and so too is the title De motu cordis. Furthermore, in the text, Descartes speaks of “an English physician, (...) who must be praised for having broken the ice” on the circulation of the blood. Harvey is indeed the only author who is mentioned by name in the Discourse, and his name is mentioned with the respect due to a genuine discoverer. These pages in the fifth part of the Discourse offer a totally new way of dealing with medical questions in the first part of the seventeenth century. I will consider here the Descartes-Harvey debate on the cause of the movement of the heart and Descartes’ approbation of Harvey’s discovery of the circulation of the blood. Yet, the medical context of the seventeenth century must be taken into account if we are properly to understand Descartes’ attitude towards Harvey, as well as the medical goals that Descartes had in mind when he attempted to explain the movement of the heart. (shrink)

Recordar: To remember; from the Latin re-cordis, to pass back through the heart.Forgetting is not secondary; it is not an improvised failing of what has first been constituted as memory. Forgetfulness is a practice.In his search for a community that does not rely upon the false unities of subjectivity or identity, Maurice Blanchot looks to literature and writing. To achieve the common in community, Blanchot argues for the development of unworking writing practices aimed at the silence anterior to language—a silence (...) that constitutes authentic communication. Instead of abiding by the rules of grammar, Blanchot encourages writers to produce fragments, which constitutes one method of unworking writing. This... (shrink)

It is well known that Harvey was influenced by Aristotle. This paper seeks to show that Harvey's quantitative argument for the circulation and his analogy of the heart with a pump do not go beyond Aristotle and may even have been inspired by passages in Aristotle. It also considers the fact that Harvey gives much greater prominence to a macrocosm/microcosm analogy between the weather cycle and the circulation of the blood than he does to the pump analogy. This analogy is (...) prominent in both the preface to the king and pivotal chapter eight of De Motu Cordis, and may indicate a significant influence from the Renaissance natural magic tradition. The full implications of this analogy are critical for Harvey's conception of the nature of the circulation, especially the constant interconversion of venous and arterial blood and the passage of blood through the lungs. The tendency to assume that Harvey had a superior method since he made such an important discovery may have led not only to overestimation of the influence from the new science of the seventeenth century, but also to underestimation of influence from the magical tradition. (shrink)

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Forse Tommaso non ha davvero tradito né il realismo di Aristotele, né il verbum cordis di Agostino. Nemmeno Gadamer forse ha veramente tradito Tommaso.

Neuerdings ist dem Begriff der Langeweile viel philosophische Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet worden. Dieser Beitrag zeigt, wie stringent sich seine anthropologischen, ontologischen und theologischen Implikationen nachzeichnen lassen, wenn man von dem wohlbekannten Augustinus-Diktum ausgeht, ruhelos sei unser Herz, bis dass es ruhe in Gott. Das menschliche Personsein wird hier aufgrund der Erbsünde als unzufrieden oder auch gelangweilt dargestellt, und diese Darstellung radikalisiert sich durch die späteren Theorien der acedia als Unzufriedenheit oder Langeweile angesichts des bonum divinum selbst. Die neuzeitliche philosophische Rede von (...) ennui, Langeweile usw. übernimmt die wesentlichen Implikationen von inquietudo cordis und acedia auch dort, wo sie diese am entschiedensten verkehrt - mit Pascal beginnend über den deutschen Idealismus bis zur Quasi-Gnosis von Cioran und Heideggers Versuch, das Herz des Menschen als auf dessen endgültige Ruhe im „letzten Gott" hin ausgerichtet zu verstehen. In the past decades, the concept of boredom has been attracting much philosophical attention. The aim of this article is to show how concisely a summary of its anthropological, ontological and theological implications can be drawn if one starts from the famous phrase in St. Augustine's "Confessions" that our heart is restless until it rests in God. Human personal being is conceived of here as dissatisfied or bored because of the original sin, and this conception sees its radicalization in the theory of the acedia as a being dissatisfied or bored by the bonum divinum itself. The modern philosophical discourse on ennui, Langeweile and the like inherits very truly the basic implications of inquietudo cordis and acedia even where they are the most decisively inverted, as is shown beginning with Pascal, across the very centre of German Idealist philosophy, until Cioran's quasi-Gnostic turn and Heidegger's attempt to understand the heart of man as directed towards its ultimate rest in the "last God". (shrink)

This remarkable reconstruction of Søren Kierkegaard's work based on a reading of original Danish sources could have been entitled Phenomenology of Spirit or, perhaps, Itinerarium Cordis Ad Deum. In ten chapters it attempts to uncover SK's ethico-religious understanding of the humanjourney towards the transcendent God. It is a journey away from speculative absorption in nature and universal history, away from the hubris of poetical self-creation, away even from ethical awareness of the universally human and a kind of Pelagian self-confidence in (...) one's ability to do the good. Thejourney ends with the recognition of one's own powerlessness and nothingness—a recognition that can lead either to prideful despair or to humble faith. (shrink)