Al-Farabi

In this paper in the context of philosophical ethics I want to explore the classical reception of Farabi from Happiness through Aristotle's Nicomachaean Ethics.

In Islamic Arabic /Persian thought speculations about ethics may be divided into textual / scriptural; theological; religious; and philosophical too. The “philosophical ethics” has within itself Socratic, Platonic, Aristotelian and neo-Platonic trends and versions with such main thinkers such as Farabi; Avicenna; and Averroes. Here we will concentrate on Farabi and those aspects of his speculations that are Aristotelian and can be reordered and arranged around “practical reasoning”.

This article is part of a larger project that explores how to channel people’s passion for popular arts into legal social justice, by reconceiving law as a kind of poetry and justice as dance, and exploring different possible relationships between said legal poetry and dancing justice. I begin by rehearsing my previous new conception of social justice as organismic empowerment, and my interpretive method of dancing-with. I then apply this method to the following four “ethico-political choreographies of justice”: (1) the (...) choral dance of souls qua winged chariot-teams (from Plato); (2) a dancingly beautiful friendship with the community (from Aristotle); (3) a tightrope-dance of the cool (from Alfarabi); and (4) humans dancingly reimagined as positioned actors in fluidly moving groups (from Iris Marion Young). I then synthesize these analyses into “dancing justice,” defined as the dynamic equilibrium sustained by a critical mass of a community’s members comporting themselves like social dancers. (shrink)

Social science is often described as a product of 19th century Europe, and as a handmaiden to its imperial and colonial projects. However, centuries prior to the Western social science enterprise, Islamic imperial scholars developed their own ‘science of society.’ This essay provides an overview of the historical and cultural milieu in which 'Islamic' social science was born, and then charts its development over time through case studies of four seminal scholars -- al-Razi, al-Farabi, al-Biruni and Ibn Khaldun -- who (...) played pivotal roles in establishing fields that could be roughly translated as psychology, political science, anthropology and sociology. The axioms undergirding Islamic social science are subsequently explored, with particular emphasis paid to the relations between said axioms and the discursive tradition, 'Islam.' The essay concludes with an exploration of how looking to social science enterprises beyond the ‘modern’ West can clarify the purported relationships between social science and empire. (shrink)

In Necessary Existence and the Doctrine of Being in Avicenna’s Metaphysics of the Healing Daniel De Haan explicates the central argument of Avicenna’s metaphysical masterpiece. De Haan argues that the most fundamental primary notion in Avicenna’s metaphysics is neither being nor thing but is the necessary ( wājib), which Avicenna employs to demonstrate the existence and true-nature of the divine necessary existence in itself. This conclusion is established through a systematic investigation of how Avicenna’s theory of a demonstrative science is (...) employed in the organization of his metaphysical science into its subject, first principles, and objects of enquiry. The book examines the essential role the first principles as primary notions and primary hypotheses play in the central argument of Avicenna’s metaphysics. (shrink)

Bu tezimizde klasik İslam düşüncesine, Yunan felsefesiyle olan irtibatına, klasik İslam düşüncesinde astronomi ve astroloji alanlarının oluşumu, gelişimi, bu alanlar içerisinde gerçekleşen düşünce üretimi ve astronomi- astrolojinin kozmoloji ile olan ilişkisi ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır. İlk bölümde İslam düşüncesinin ortaya çıkışına ve bu düşünce geleneği içerisinde geniş bir yer tutan astronomi ve astrolojinin ilimler sınıflandırılmasındaki yerlerine Fârâbî ve İbn Sînâ'nın ilimler sınıflandırması çerçevesinde değinilmiştir. İkinci bölümde ise klasik İslam düşüncesinde astronominin ortaya çıkışı, bu gelenekteki gelişmeleri ve önemli gördüğümüz İslam astronomlarından Bîrûnî, (...) İbn Heysem ve Nasîruddîn Tûsî'nin astronomiye katkılarına değinilmiştir. Üçüncü bölümde İslam düşüncesinde astronomi gibi önemi bir yeri olan astrolojinin de ne olduğu, bu düşünce geleneği içerisindeki yeri ve astronomi-astroloji ilişkisini gözeten, astroloji alanında düşünce üreten Kindî, Bîrûnî, Fârâbî ve İhvân-ı Safâ topluluğunun astrolojiye olan bakış açıları üzerinde durulmuştur. Çalışmamızın son bölümünde ise astrolojinin astronomi ve kozmolojiyle olan ilişkisine değinilmiş, modern bilimle birlikte astrolojinin neden bilim dışında kaldığına değinilmiştir. (shrink)

We reconstruct as much as we can the part of al-Fārābī's treatment of modal logic that is missing from the surviving pages of his Long Commentary on the Prior Analytics. We use as a basis the quotations from this work in Ibn Sīnā, Ibn Rushd and Maimonides, together with relevant material from al-Fārābī's other writings. We present a case that al-Fārābī's treatment of the dictum de omni had a decisive effect on the development and presentation of Ibn Sīnā's modal logic. (...) We give further evidence that the Harmonisation of the Opinions of Plato and Aristotle was not written by al-Fārābī. (shrink)

Farabi in the context of Islamic philosophy and Aquinas in the context of Christian philosophy both use the concept of "perfection" in the definition of "beauty". This research, using by the library collection, and qualitative analysis method, examines the beauty definitions and the concept of perfection in them. The results of this study shows that the two philosophers are similar in their definition of beauty and its grades. Farabi is more concerned with the concept of "perfection" in the definition of (...) beauty, and instead Aquinas refers to "placent", "fit" and "Clarity" which is not explicitly mentioned in Farabi's definitions. Another important issue is linking beauty with holy trinity by Aquinas, which Farabi does not use in Islamic concepts. Also, while there are references to subjective beauty in Aquinas' philosophy, as a conclusion, we can say that beauty in the view of both philosophers is objective. -/- . (shrink)

This volume constitutes an attempt at bringing together philosophies of time—or more precisely, philosophies on time and, in a concomitant way, history—emerging from Christianity’s and Islam’s intellectual histories. Starting from the Neoplatonic heritage and the voice of classical philosophy, the volume enters the Byzantine and Arabic intellectual worlds up to Ibn Al-Arabi’s times. A conscious choice in this volume is not to engage with, perhaps, the most prominent figures of Christian and Arabic philosophy, i.e., Augustine on the one hand and (...) Avicenna/Ibn Sina on the other, precisely because these have attracted so much attention due to their prominence in their respective traditions—and beyond. In a certain way, Maximus the Confessor and Ibn Al-Arabi—together with Al-Fārābi—emerge as alternative representatives of their two traditions in this volume, offering two axes for this endeavor. The synthesis of those approaches on time and history, their comparison rather than their mere co-existence, is left to the reader’s critical inquiry and philosophical investigation. (shrink)

‘[A] valid concept of “Islam” must denote and connote all possible “Islams,” whether abstract or “real,” mental or social’ (104)... Ahmed seeks to avoid two major pitfalls: (1) making Islam into a static essence or a category within an essentialist framework – such as proscription/prescription, ‘religion’,‘civilization’, ‘culture’, ‘orthodoxy’, etc., and (2) rendering Islam into a totally incoherent concept by conceding that there are as many islams as there are communities or individuals. Ahmed’s thesis (presented in Chapter 5) is that Islam (...) is best conceptualized as a process of meaning-making or hermeneutical engagement in which the human agent engages with the Divine Revelation granted to Muhammad in one or more of this Revelation’s hierarchical dimensions – Pre-Text, Text, and Con-Text – in order to constitute meaning for himself.". (shrink)

In this book the author argues that the Falasifa, the Philosophers of the Islamic Golden Age, are usefully interpreted through the prism of the contemporary, western ethics of belief. He contends that their position amounts to what he calls ‘Moderate Evidentialism’ – that only for the epistemic elite what one ought to believe is determined by one’s evidence. The author makes the case that the Falasifa’s position is well argued, ingeniously circumvents issues in the epistemology of testimony, and is well (...) worth taking seriously in the contemporary debate. He reasons that this is especially the case since the position has salutary consequences for how to respond to the sceptic, and for how we are to conceive of extremist belief. (shrink)

The idea that intentionality is the distinctive mark of the mental or that only mental phenomena have intentionality emerged in the philosophical tradition after Franz Brentano. Much of contemporary philosophy is dedicated to a rejection of the view that mental phenomena have original intentionality. In other words, main strands of contemporary philosophy seek to naturalize intentionality of the mental by tracing it to linguistic intentionality. So in order to avoid the problematic claim that a physical phenomenon can in virtue of (...) its own physical structure mean exactly one thing, they adopt a form of holism. Nevertheless, contemporary philosophers are attracted to a naturalist story about the emergence of the logical space. In this work, I am interested in the naturalism and the holism advocated by Wilfrid Sellars and developed by the Pittsburgh school. It is not only a view that I find theoretically attractive but I also admire it for its fecund engagement with the history of philosophy, especially the work of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and, as I will argue, Abū Nas̩r Muḥammad al-Fārābī (Alfarabi). (shrink)

Though currently marginalised in Western philosophy, tenth-century Arabic philosopher Abu Nasr Alfarabi is one of the most important thinkers of the medieval era. In fact, he was known as the ‘second teacher’ (after Aristotle) to philosophers such as Avicenna and Averroes. As this epithet suggests, Alfarabi and his successors engaged in a critical and creative dialogue with thinkers from other historical traditions, including that of the Ancient Greeks, although the creativity of his part is often marginalised as well. In this (...) article, I offer a new interpretation of Alfarabi’s sweeping volume, The Principles of the Opinions of the Virtuous Community. My focus is the materialism that overflows Alfarabi’s account of soul in general and the imaginative power in particular. The political conclusion of this account is that Virtuous Community does not directly present Alfarabi’s ideal ruler or community. Instead, it offers a materialist critique that prefigures critical theory and post-structuralism and thereby provides guidelines for how to more effectively engage monotheistic communities in the pursuit of social justice – including along the axes of race, gender and sexual orientation. (shrink)

Farabi, “the Second Teacher” and the founder of Islamic philosophy is one of the most important philosophers in the history of Islamic philosophy. Like other Muslim philosophers and mystics, he has no independent argument about aesthetic concepts. In this research, one of the main concepts of modern aesthetics, namely the “aesthetic judgment”, is analyzed according Farabi’s perspective, and to achieving this, some of the key concepts of Kant’s aesthetics, as one of the turning points of modern aesthetics, are used. In (...) this paper, concepts such as “second perfection”, in the philosophy of Farabi, and “the ideal of beauty” in Kant’s philosophy are evaluated and then new explanation is introduced of aesthetic judgment in Farabi. The results show that for Farabi the canonical art is that art which has some features, and leads audience toward true happiness. This canon corresponds to Kant’s definition of ideal beauty, and is made clear with combination of the aesthetic normal idea and the rational idea in the philosophy of Kant. (shrink)

Fārābī discusses two kinds of art: art as it is, and art as it should be – that is, utopian art. Art as it is contains desirable and undesirable aspects. But t utopian art, the art of the utopian artist, consists of only that which is desirable. With reference to this art, Fārābī explains how it brings goodness and happiness into the imagination, and moderates the feelings. Undesirable and wicked art is just the opposite; it corrupts thoughts, and inflames sensual (...) impulses. In Fārābī’s view, people come to comprehend intelligible truths and meanings through the use of their imagination. Furthermore, the arousal of people’s feelings and emotions often originates in the imagination, and is caused by imaginary forms. The ultimate utopian goal is for the public to achieve intelligible happiness. Given that the public, based on their nature and general habits, are unable to perceive intelligible truths, the path to intelligible happiness must be presented to them via the imagination. The utopian artist represents intelligible happiness through the use of sensory and imaginary forms; thus, he or she brings intelligible happiness to people's minds through their imagination. (shrink)

This study attempts to identify three passages in which Hermann the German, translator of the Arabic version of Aristotle’s Rhetoric into Latin, assembled extracts from Al-Fārābī’s Great Commentary on the Rhetoric, and two notes in which he mentions the Arabic philosopher by name. The criteria for isolating these passages used by W.F. Boggess in an earlier study were too general. In the article I present an edition of the five passages in question, based on the two sole manuscripts that preserve (...) Hermann’s Arabic-Latin translation, as well as a commentary that restores each passage to its original context. (shrink)

This intriguing work offers a new perspective on Islamic Peripatetic philosophy, critiquing modern receptions of such thought and highlighting the contribution it can make to contemporary Western philosophy. Mohammad Azadpur focuses on the thought of Alfarabi and Avicenna, who, like ancient Greek philosophers and some of their successors, viewed philosophy as a series of spiritual exercises. However, Muslim Peripatetics differed from their Greek counterparts in assigning importance to prophecy. The Islamic philosophical account of the cultivation of the soul to the (...) point of prophecy unfolds new vistas of intellectual and imaginative experience and accords the philosopher an exceptional dignity and freedom. With reference to both Islamic and Western philosophers, Azadpur discusses how Islamic Peripatetic thought can provide an antidote to some of modernity’s philosophical problems. A discussion of the development of later Islamic Peripatetic thought is also included. (shrink)

Farabi has placed artists as the carriers of religion in the second place in utopia and after the prophetic government. He believes that the angel of revelation emanates all intelligibles to the rational faculty of the Prophet and then to his imaginal faculty. Due to their low capabilities or habits, the public are incapable of the rational perception of happiness and the truth. Therefore, the Prophet , who himself enjoys intellectual mastery over all realities based on certain arguments, revealed their (...) images and referents to people's imagination. In Farabi's philosophical system, an artist, in the general sense of the word, deals with the element of imagination, and the utopian or religious and prophetic art is an art that transfers intelligible happiness to the mind of the public through sensual and imaginal forms. (shrink)

Among the many logical works by Ab? Nasr Muhammad al-F?r?b? (870?950), there are two commentaries on particular books or points of Aristotle's Topics, whose original Arabic text has been apparently lost. A number of quotations of one or both of them, translated into Hebrew, has been recently found in a philosophical anthology by a fourteenth-century Provençal Jewish scholar, Todros Todrosi. In this article, a detailed list of these quotations is given, and a tentative short examination of the contents of each (...) of them is offered. (shrink)

The paper first presents the necessary background to appreciate al-Fârâbî’s views and his originality. It explains the issues Anicent philosophers faced: the natural vs. the conventional origin of language, the problem of ambiguous words, and the difficulty to express Greek thought into Latin. It then sketches andcontrasts the views of Christianity and Islam on the origin of language and the diversity of idioms. It argues that al-Fârâbî follows the philosophical tradition butdevelops it in sophisticated and original manner by telling the (...) story of the origin and development of language and giving little place to the Islamic tradition. Foral-Fârâbî language emerges naturally but develops by convention in three phases: (1) The constitution of utterances and crafts to ensure basic necessities; (2) The development of rhetoric, poetry, memorizing, writing, and the language arts; (3) the development of dialectic, sophistical reasoning and demonstration that leads to philosophy reaching its perfection with with Aristotle. Religion for him is posterior to philosophy and derives form it. As for al-Fârâbî philosophy in Islamic lands was imported from Greece, he includes rules to translate technical philosophical terms from one language into another. (shrink)

This article analyzes al-Fārābī's conception of the astronomical method by examining rarely studied texts such as the K. al-mūsīqā and K. al-burhān and by addressing key issues such as the subject matter of astronomy, the techniques used to derive the first principles of this science, the relation between astrology, astronomy, physics, and metaphysics, and the place of al-Fārābī in the Arabic astronomical tradition. The analysis indicates that al-Fārābī's theories combine material from the Greek astronomical tradition, especially Geminus, as well as (...) from the logical works of Aristotle, particularly the Posterior Analytics. Moreover, it enables us to view al-Fārābī as a link between the Greek astronomers on the one hand and Ibn Sīnā and Naşīr al-Dīn al-Tūsī on the other. (shrink)

Al-Farabi saw himself as inheriting from Aristotle the problem of limits to political responsibility for virtue. If the state possesses the authority to habituate citizens to virtue, what are the limits to that responsibility? Aristotle establishes two main limits: the family and the size of the state. Al-Farabi rejects both. Thomas Aquinas’s view of marriage as a sacrament, on the other hand, reinforces the Aristotelian position that the family is the most basic limit to public responsibility for virtue. In fact, (...) Aquinas expands the notion of subsidiarity beyond the family. Moreover, Aquinas and Aristotle agree that political life is not only limited from “below” by the family but also from “above.” Thus, in spite of Aquinas’ views on punishing heretics and apostates, it is not the case, as Leo Strauss’ claims, that Aquinas’ Christian faith led him to increase and exaggerate political responsibility for virtue. (shrink)

Regarding Farabi writing on Happiness, the sources of his specific manuscript will be explored and examined. As a result, we reach his eclectic reading and reception of Aristotle's philosophy.

This volume introduces the major classical Arabic philosophers through substantial selections from the key works (many of which appear in translation for the first time here) in each of the fields—including logic, philosophy of science, natural philosophy, metaphysics, ethics, and politics—to which they made significant contributions. -/- An extensive Introduction situating the works within their historical, cultural, and philosophical contexts offers support to students approaching the subject for the first time, as well as to instructors with little or no formal (...) training in Arabic thought. A glossary, select bibliography, and index are also included. (shrink)

This paper examines al-F?r?b?'s logical thought within its Arabico-Islamic historical background and attempts to conceptualize what this background contributes to his logic. After a brief exposition of al-F?r?b?'s main problems and goals, I shall attempt to reformulate the formal structure of Arabic linguistics (AL) in terms of the ontological and formal characteristics that Arabic logic is built upon. Having discussed the competence of al-F?r?b? in the history of AL, I will further propose three interrelated theses about al-F?r?b?'s logic, in terms (...) of which I will attempt to redefine it: the logico-linguistic conception, the project of logicization, and nuclear logic. The final question that will arise is how Aristotle's logic could be built upon AL, which has a nature contrary to logic. The present paper also contributes to examining our traditional research habits in Arabic studies. (shrink)

Al-Fârâbî’s thought on intellect was known to the Latin West through the translation of his Letter on the Intellect, through the Long Commentary on the De Anima by Averroes and through some other works. Al-Fârâbî identified the active power of intellect in Aristotle’s De Anima 3.5 as the unique and separately existing Agent Intellect, but the role of the Agent Intellect in forming intelligibles in act in the human soul is by no means unequivocally clear. Further, the apprehension of intelligibles (...) by human beings and the intellectual development of the soul, oftentimes described as an activity of abstracting , seems to be a genuineabstraction from experience, yet it somehow involves the emanative power of the Agent Intellect. This paper works to provide a coherent explanation of the natureof abstraction and the role of Agent Intellect in that activity. (shrink)

Philosophy in the Islamic world emerged in the ninth century and continued to flourish into the fourteenth century. It was strongly influenced by Greek thought, but Islamic philosophers also developed an original philosophical culture of their own, which had a considerable impact on the subsequent course of Western philosophy. This volume offers new translations of philosophical writings by Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ghazali, Ibn Tufayl, and Ibn Rushd. All of the texts presented here were very influential and invite comparison with later (...) works in the Western tradition. They focus on metaphysics and epistemology but also contribute to broader debates concerning the conception of God, the nature of religion, the place of humanity in the universe, and the limits of human reason. A historical and philosophical introduction sets the writings in context and traces their preoccupations and their achievement. (shrink)

The classic Arabic bibliographies ascribe to al-Farabi a treatise entitled Fi mahiyyat al-nafs (“On the Essence of the Soul”), of which no Arabic manuscript is known to exist. There is however a Hebrew text, translated from the Arabic by Zera[hudot]iah ben She'altiel [Hudot]en of Rome in 1284, which is ascribed to al-Farabi in all the manuscripts and which carries the title Ma'amar be-mahut ha-nefesh (“Treatise on the Essence of the Soul”). Since Steinschneider, this text is taken to be the translation (...) of al-Farabi's treatise lost in the original. In this paper I argue that the Ma'amar be-mahut ha-nefesh is not by al-Farabi: it is in vain that one looks in it for ideas characteristic to the Second Master, while the ideas expressed therein are incompatible with those of al-Farabi. I offer a study of Ma'amar be-mahut ha-nefesh, followed by an annotated translation into French. This is a “popular” Neoplatonic text, whose ideas are mostly very ordinary, but in part uncommon. It notably explains the emergence of forms in matter by positing the existence of a pneuma that by circulating around the body “brings forth” the vegetative and animal souls. The author also draws on an unusual notion called hemshel in Hebrew (a term probably translating the Arabic mithal, rendered as exemplum in Latin): the exemplum is said to become visible as a result of the pneuma's circular motion. The paper is followed by a short Note by Rémi Brague looking into the sources of the treatise. Brague concludes that the text cannot be assigned to any specific tradition. (shrink)

This essay will explore some of al-Farabi’s paradoxical remarks on the nature and status of the democratic city (al-madinah al-jama'iyyah). In describing this type of non-virtuous city, Farabi departs significantly from Plato, according the democratic city a superior standing and casting it in a more positive light. Even though at one point Farabi follows Plato in considering the timocratic city to be the best of the imperfect cities, at another point he implies that the democratic city occupies this position. Since (...) Farabi’s discussion of imperfect cities is derived from Plato’s Republic and follows it in many important respects, I will argue that his departure from Plato in this context is significant and points to some revealing differences between the two philosophers. In order to demonstrate this, I will first set up a comparison between Plato’s conception of the democratic city and Farabi’s. Then I will propose three explanations for the greater appreciation that Farabi seems to have for democracy, as well as for the apparent contradiction in Farabi’s verdict concerning the second best city. (shrink)

After a very brief introduction, Davidson begins with an informed and detailed account of the views of Aristotle and his major commentators, whose writings had enormous influence on the development of the medieval traditions. Davidson's account is supplemented with a critical exposition of the relevant teachings from the Plotiniana Arabica, from al-Kindi, and from a treatise on the soul attributed to Porphyry in the Arabic tradition. Impressive as all this is, it is simply stage setting for Davidson's detailed accounts of (...) the doctrines and arguments of al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Averroes. (shrink)

A short reconstruction of the origin and evolution of Islamic moral doctrines and their re-interpretation by Arabic philosophers.

Islamic Philosophy has often been treated as mainly of historical interest, belonging to the history of ideas rather than to philosophy. This is volume challenges this belief. The Routledge History of Philosophy is made up entirely of essays by a distinguished list of writers. They provide detailed discussions of the most important thinkers and the key concepts in Islamic philosophy, from earliest times to the present day. Fifty authors from over sixteen countries have contributed to this volume. Each Together the (...) authors represent a wide variety of views. It includes analysis of Arabic, Persian, Indian, Jewish, Turkish and South East Asian Philosophy, together with extensive discussion of relevant areas of Greek and Western philosophy. An important but so far little understood philosophical tradition is clearly and thoroughly explored in this volume. Islamic philosophy is viewed as a continuing and lively philosophical activity, one which is just as capable of asking relevant questions today as it was in the past. (shrink)

1 The Roots of the Laws Perhaps the most ready assumption of any reader of the Laws-it only because of its title-is that its primary purpose is to provide a ...

C'est un long cheminement qui a conduit la langue arabe de ses débuts à une expression philosophique. À partir du premier monument littéraire qui nous soit parvenu, le Coran, l'évolution a progressivement ajouté, à une langue et à une production très marquées par l'oralité, les caractères propres à l'écriture. À travers l'étude de la langue du Coran et du ḥadīṯ, à travers les disciplines religieuses comme le kalāmou le fiqh, à travers certaines formes littéraires, se sont longtemps manifestés les caractères (...) de l'oralité. Tandis qu'avec les sciences et plus particulièrement la philosophie, les traits caractéristiques de l'écrit vont se trouver affirmés. C'est ce que cherchera à établir la seconde partie de ce travail en analysant ce que nous apporte l'œuvre de Farabi (870-950) dans sa réflexion sur le langage. Héritier des générations qui l'ont précédé, Farabi l'est aussi des grands penseurs de l'Antiquité grecque, et plus particulièrement de Platon et Aristote. Mais il réalisera une synthèse originale et posera une problématique qui lui est propre pour aborder, dans son Kitāb al-ḥurūf(Le livre des lettres), les questions de la naissance du langage et des sciences. Il en ressort un recours et un rapport au langage qui sont tout à fait différents de ceux de ses contemporains. Avec Farabi, la langue philosophique arabe est née, et cette langue a quitté le terrain de l'oralité pour celui de l'écrit. (shrink)

The distinction between the potential intellect and the active intellect was first drawn by Aristotle. Medieval Islamic, Jewish, Christian philosophers, and European philosophers in the sixteenth century considered it a possible key to deciphering the nature of man and the universe. In this book, Herbert Davidson examines the treatment of intellect in Alfarabi , Avicenna and Averroes , with particular attention to the way in which they addressed the tangle of issues that grew up around the active intellect.