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  1. Unpacking a Charge of Emotional Irrationality: An Exploration of the Value of Anger in Thought.Mary Carman - forthcoming - Philosophical Papers:1-24.
    Anger has potential epistemic value in the way that it can facilitate a process of our coming to have knowledge and understanding regarding the issue about which we are angry. The nature of anger, however, may nevertheless be such that it ultimately undermines this very process. Common non-philosophical complaints about anger, for instance, often target the angry person as being somehow irrational, where an unformulated assumption is that her anger undermines her capacity to rationally engage with the issue about which (...)
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  2. Circumscribing the Space for Disruptive Emotions Within an African Communitarian Framework.Mary Carman - forthcoming - Journal of Global Ethics:1-17.
    Bernard Matolino has recently argued that African communitarianism is an ethics grounded in emotion aligned with reason. If he is correct, questions arise about what emotions have value within African communitarianism, especially as emotions like anger or resentment could stand in tension with important communitarian values, such as social harmony. While little critical attention has so far been paid to such emotions within an African communitarian framework, a wider philosophical literature examining the moral value of disruptive emotions could be drawn (...)
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  3. Questioning the Assumptions of Moralism, Universalism, and Interpretive Dominance in Racist Monument Debates.Dan Demetriou - forthcoming - Public Affairs Quarterly.
    This essay questions three widespread assumptions in monument debates it terms “moralism,” “universalism,” and “interpretive dominance.” Roughly: moralism assumes that memorials should be only to good people or good causes; universalism holds that memorials should represent or be “for” the whole polity or its (real or supposed) corporate values; interpretive dominance maintains that, when faced with monuments with reasonable qualifying and disqualifying interpretations, policy should respond to the disqualifying one(s). These assumptions do not settle the debates between removalists and preservationists, (...)
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  4. Failing Institutions, Whistle-Blowing, and the Role of the News Media.Emanuela Ceva & Dorota Mokrosinska - 2020 - Journal of Applied Philosophy.
    The paper discusses the normative grounds for recognizing a watchdog role to the news media as concerns the dissemination of information about an institutional failure menacing a well-ordered society. This is, for example, the case of the news media’s role in the diffusion of whistleblowers’ disclosures. We argue that many popular justifications for the watchdog role of the news media (as a ‘fourth estate’; a trustee of the people’s right to know; expert communicator) fail to ground that role in some (...)
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  5. Internalizing Aldo Leopold's Land Ethic The Communitarian Perspective on Ecological Sustainability and Social Policy.Arran Gare - 2021 - Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy 17 (3):397-420.
    It is clear that environmentalist are failing in their efforts to avert a global ecological catastrophe. It is argued here that Aldo Leopold had provided the foundations for an effective environmental movement, but to develop his land ethic, it is necessary first to interpret and advance it by seeing it as a form of communitarianism, and link it to communitarian ethical and political philosophy. This synthesis can then be further developed by incorporating advanced ideas in ecology and human ecology. Overcoming (...)
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  6. A Lógica do Poder e a Ética da Ação entre Maquiavel e Weber: Estado, Ética e Política entre o “Animal Político”, o “Homo Homini Lupus”, o “Príncipe-Centauro” e o “Homem Autêntico”.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2021 - Chisinau, Moldávia: Novas Edições Acadêmicas/OmniScriptum Publishing Group.
    Detendo-se na questão "Como nasceu o Estado?", segundo a perspectiva historicista de Aristóteles e o conceito de "animal político", o Prof. Luiz Carlos Mariano Da Rosa estabelece uma relação envolvendo o racionalismo de Hobbes, que aborda o problema "Por que existe o Estado?" e identifica o ser humano como naturalmente antissocial, mostrando que se o bem comum determina a visão platônico-aristotélica, a leitura hobbesiana instaura uma lógica baseada na tendência natural da autopreservação como fundamento da ação, convergindo para a transição (...)
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  7. UMA ANÁLISE DA (IN)JUSTIÇA DA CONDIÇÃO ESCRAVIDÃO NA POLÍTICA DE ARISTÓTELES A PARTIR DE HANNAH ARENDT.Daniel Pires Nunes - 2021 - In Giovane Rodrigues Jardim & Cristiéle Santos de Souza (eds.), Pluralidade, mundo e política: interlúdios em tempos sombrios. Porto Alegre: Mundo Acadêmico. pp. 45-55.
    Este capítulo se propõe a analisar os fundamentos utilizados por Aristóteles (2006) para justificar a escravidão. Para isso, é tomada como chave de leitura a categorização das atividades humanas fundamentais proposta por Hannah Arendt (2008). A escravidão no mundo grego antigo era tida como uma forma de liberar o cidadão dos afazeres domésticos e do trabalho para que pudesse ter ócio e, assim, dedicar-se às atividades entre seus iguais, sobretudo à política.
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  8. Do direito de ser homem: da alienação da desigualdade social à autonomia da sociedade igualitária na teoria política de Jean-Jacques Rousseau.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2014 - PRACS: Revista Eletrônica de Humanidades Do Curso de Ciências Sociais da UNIFAP 7 (2):109-133.
    Investigando a desigualdade da societé civile da sua época, Rousseau, se lhe contrapondo através do Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens, não identifica a sua emergência senão em um pacto iníquo (ilegítimo), que se impõe em função da propriedade privada e da divisão do trabalho e instaura uma organização que converge para a alienação, caracterizando-se o Contrato Social como um pacto legítimo que guarda capacidade de assegurar a constituição de uma sociedade igualitária e uma (...)
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  9. Beaconism and the Trumpian Metamorphosis of Chinese Liberal Intellectuals.Yao Lin - 2021 - Journal of Contemporary China 30 (127):85-101.
    This article examines the puzzling phenomenon that many Chinese liberal intellectuals fervently idolize Donald Trump and embrace the alt-right ideologies he epitomizes. Rejecting ‘pure tactic’ and ‘neoliberal affinity’ explanations, it argues that the Trumpian metamorphosis of Chinese liberal intellectuals is precipitated by their ‘beacon complex’, which has ‘political’ and ‘civilizational’ components. Political beaconism grows from the traumatizing lived experience of Maoist totalitarianism, sanitizes the West and particularly the United States as politically near-perfect, and gives rise to both a neoliberal affinity (...)
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  10. Do bem comum da visão platônico-aristotélica à lógica hobbesiana do contrato social (da ordem mecânica da matéria à ordem final da vontade).Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2014 - Revista Filosofia Capital 9 (16):58-75.
    Detendo-se na investigação dos dois grandes modelos que caracterizam o pensamento polí­tico, a saber, o modelo clássico (grego ou aristotélico) e o modelo jusnaturalista (hobbesiano), o artigo em questão, distinguindo no âmbito daquele as teorias idealistas e realistas, empreende uma abordagem que nas fronteiras deste último sublinha desde a questão que envolve "Como nasceu o Estado?", proposta pela perspectiva historicista (paradigma aristotélico), que traz como fundamento o homem como "animal polí­tico", até a leitura racionalista (parãmetro hobbesiano), que acena com o (...)
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  11. Da Vontade Geral como Poder de Fato e Poder de Direito: do exercício da soberania popular entre a unidade multíplice da sociedade (Unitas Ordinis) e a totalidade Político-Jurídica e Econômico-Social do Estado.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2020 - Cadernos de Direito 19 (36):3-25.
    Ancorada na teoria de Rousseau, uma pesquisa assinala que, consistindo na condição sine qua non para o exercício da soberania popular em uma construção que converge para as fronteiras que encerram a Constituição e o Estado, a Vontade Geral envolve uma possibili-dade de articulação da totalidade dos homens enquanto desejamos em sua concreticidade histórico-cultural e econômico-social, o que implica uma universalidade concreta, que advém do conjunto de vontades e fato econômico que caracterizam uma sociedade e dinâmica das relações intersubjetivas. Dessa (...)
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  12. Conceptual Domination.Matthew Shields - 2021 - Synthese 199 (5-6):15043-15067.
    Implicit in much of the recent literature on conceptual engineering and conceptual ethics is the assumption that when speakers argue that we should talk or think about a concept in a specific way, they are doing so as inquirers—as speakers who are invested in arriving at the correct or best view of this concept. In this paper I question that assumption and argue that philosophers have been too quick to project idealized versions of themselves into the contexts of conceptual articulation (...)
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  13. Was It Polarization or Propaganda?C. Thi Nguyen - 2021 - Journal of Philosophical Research 46:173-191.
    According to some, the current political fracture is best described as political polariza-tion – where extremism and political separation infest an entire whole population. Po-litical polarization accounts often point to the psychological phenomenon of belief po-larization – where being in a like-minded groups tends to boost confidence. The politi-cal polarization story is an essentially symmetrical one, where both sides are subject to the same basic dividing forces and cognitive biases, and are approximately as blame-worthy. On a very different account, what's (...)
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  14. The Morality of Social Movements.Sahar Heydari Fard - 2020 - Dissertation, University of Cincinnati
    Understanding a normative concept like oppression requires attention to not only its harms but also the causes of those harms. In other words, a complete understanding of such a concept requires a proper causal explanation. This causal explanation can also inform and constrain our moral response to such harms. Therefore, the conceptual explanatory framework that we use to inform our moral diagnosis and our moral response become significant. The first goal of this dissertation is to propose complexity theory as the (...)
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  15. Collective Action, Philosophy and Law.Teresa Marques & Chiara Valentini (eds.) - 2021 - Routledge.
    Collective Action, Philosophy and Law brings together two important strands of philosophical analysis. It combines general philosophical inquiry into collective agency with analyses of specific questions about plural entities and activities in the legal domain. These are issues of growing interest in areas of philosophy like action theory and social ontology, as well as in philosophy of law. The book contains thirteen original chapters written by an international team of leading philosophers and legal theorists, and is divided into four clear (...)
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  16. Feminist Philosophy: An Introduction.Elinor Mason - 2021 - Routledge.
    Feminist Philosophy: An Introduction provides a comprehensive coverage of the core elements of feminist philosophy in the analytical tradition. Part 1 examines the feminist issues and practical problems that confront us as ordinary people. Part 2 examines the recent and historical arguments surrounding the subject area, looking into the theoretical frameworks we use to discuss these issues and applying them to everyday life. -/- With contemporary and lively debates throughout, Elinor Mason provides a rigorous and yet accessible overview of a (...)
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  17. “儒家的哲学理念与当今国际政治秩序” (Confucian Ideals for Today’s World Order).Chenyang Li - 2014 - 黑龙江社会 1:8-13.
    当代儒家研究的一个特点,是不仅把儒家哲学看做伦理道德哲学,而且也看做社会政治哲学。结合当今世界语境,尝试提出一个儒家关于世界和谐理念的构想,应从研究儒家思想中的道义领先原则、恕道以及“和而不同”等方面 着手,重点研究这些问题,对于现实当今世界的政治秩序和谐,有着重要价值。.
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  18. Kollektive Verantwortung und Armut.Anne Schwenkenbecher - 2021 - In Gottfried Schweiger & Clemens Sedmak (eds.), Handbuch Philosophie Und Armut. J.B. Metzler. pp. 326-332.
    Die Frage nach der Verantwortung für globale Armut laesst sich auf mindestens zwei Weisen stellen – als Frage nach der (retrospektiven) Verantwortung für das Auftreten dieses Problems oder als Frage nach der (prospektiven) Verantwortung für dessen Behebung. Dieses Kapitel wird sich vor allem auf die zweite Frage konzentrieren: Inwiefern sollte die Verantwortung, Armut zu bekaempfen, als kollektive Verantwortung verstanden werden? Für viele von uns werden diese Pflichten nur im weiten (schwachen) Sinne kollektiv sein, naemlich in dem Sinne, dass die kollektive (...)
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  19. The Right Extremist Identitarian Movement in Europe: A Critical Theory Analysis.Claudia Leeb - 2020 - Azimuth: An International Journal of Philosophy 16 (8):71-88.
    In this article, I expose the psychologically oriented techniques a core leader of the right extremist Identitarian Movement in the German-speaking context, Martin Sellner, uses to capture new followers. I show that such techniques offer the prospective followers irrational gratifications and release their feelings of failure and frustration of not living up to capitalist and patriarchal values, thereby distracting them from the Identitarian Movement's destructive aims. I also engage with Theodor W. Adorno's psychoanalytically inspired writings on fascist agitators and their (...)
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  20. The Meaning of Travel. [REVIEW]Pilar Lopez-Cantero - 2021 - Philosophical Quarterly 71 (3):655-658.
    A philosopher's inquiry on travel may take different paths. Emily Thomas follows several in The Meaning of Travel, where she uncovers novel philosophical debates such as the ontology of maps or the ethics of ‘doom tourism’. Perhaps unexpectedly for the reader, Thomas also offers accessible and engaging discussions on—mostly Early—Modern philosophy by connecting travel-related topics to the work of some well-known authors (René Descartes and Francis Bacon), some unjustly neglected ones (Margaret Cavendish) and some known mostly to specialists (Henry More). (...)
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  21. The Encyclopedia of Political Thought.Michael Gibbons (ed.) - 2014 - Wiley-Blackwell.
    The Encyclopedia of Political Thought is the most comprehensive and rigorous treatment of significant political thinkers, political theories, concepts, ideas, and schools of thought. Comprises over 900 A-Z entries, including brief definitions, biographies, and major topics, written by a team of 700 contributors from around the world Explores key theories and theorists, including non-western perspectives, in tracing the evolution of political thought from antiquity to the present day Published in association with The Foundations of Political Theory, an organized section of (...)
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  22. An Evolutionary Paradigm For International Law: Philosophical Method, David Hume And The Essence Of Sovereignty.John Martin Gillroy - 2013 - New York, NY, USA: Palgrave MacMillan.
    Preface The status of sovereignty as a highly ambiguous concept is well established. Pointing out or deploring, the ambiguity of the idea has itself become a recurring motif in the literature on sovereignty. As the legal theorist and international lawyer Alf Ross put it, “there is hardly any domain in which the obscurity and confusion is as great as here.” 1 The concept of sovereignty is often seen as a downright obstacle to fruitful conceptual analysis, carried over from its proper (...)
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  23. Justice, Democracy, and the Role of Political Philosophy.Brian Berkey - 2020 - Australasian Philosophical Review 4 (1):51-56.
    In this paper, I argue that de Shalit’s claim that there is a tension between a commitment to democracy and methodological approaches in political philosophy that do not take the views of members of the public as inputs to theorizing is mistaken. I also argue that adopting the method of ‘public reflective equilibrium’ that de Shalit recommends would undercut important roles that political philosophy should play in both our thinking about and our pursuit of justice.
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  24. Fanon's Frame of Violence: Undoing the Instrumental/Non-Instrumental Binary.Imge Oranli - 2021 - Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies (Currently published online).
    The scholarship on Frantz Fanon’s theorization of violence is crowded with interpretations that follow the Arendtian paradigm of violence. These interpretations often discuss whether violence is instrumental or non-instrumental in Fanon’s work. This reading, I believe, is the result of approaching Fanon through Hannah Arendt’s framing of violence, i.e. through a binary paradigm of instrumental versus non-instrumental violence. Even some Fanon scholars who question Arendt’s reading of Fanon, do so by employing a similar binary logic, hence repeating the same either/or (...)
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  25. Universal Basic Income and Divergent Theories of Gender Justice.Olga Lenczewska - forthcoming - Hypatia.
    This paper focuses on the potential for basic income to become a tool for empowering women in the household and at the workplace. A recent debate among feminist political theorists showed that it is not obvious whether basic income has the potential to push our society toward socio-economic gender justice. I review feminist arguments for and against basic income in order to identify implicit beliefs about how women’s work should be conceived. I sort them into two categories: one concerned with (...)
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  26. Two Models of Disestablished Marriage.Vaughn Bryan Baltzly - 2014 - Public Affairs Quarterly 28 (1):41-69.
    Many theorists have recently observed that the response to the same-sex marriage controversy most congruent with basic liberal principles is neither the retention of the institution of marriage in its present form, nor its extension so as to include same-sex unions along with heterosexual ones, but rather the ‘dis-establishment’ of marriage. Less commonly observed, however, is the fact that there are two competing models for how the state might effect a regime of disestablished marriage. On the one hand, there is (...)
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  27. A travers la pandémie, vers un nouveau communisme ?Sfetcu Nicolae - manuscript
    Suite à la déclaration de la pandémie COVID-19, Slavoj Žižek a publié un livre intitulé « Pandemic!: COVID-19 Shakes the World », qui a déclenché une vague de réactions. Dans le livre, il présente comment les médias ont impitoyablement exploité ce sujet, accentuant la panique. De nombreuses études majeures ont prédit l'émergence d'une telle pandémie, mais ont été ignorées par tous les gouvernements, les déclarant exagérées. Žižek estime que la pandémie actuelle a conduit à la faillite du capitalisme « barbare (...)
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  28. Biopolitique dans la pandémie COVID-19.Sfetcu Nicolae - manuscript
    Le biopouvoir fait référence à la pratique des États-nations modernes à travers une explosion de techniques nombreuses et diverses pour parvenir à l'assujettissement des corps et au contrôle des populations. Foucault a utilisé le terme pour désigner spécifiquement les pratiques de santé publique, entre autres mécanismes de régulation. La biopolitique est un concept qui prend en compte la gestion de la vie et des populations d'une région gouvernée. La biopolitique produit une société disciplinaire généralisée et des contrôles réglementaires à travers (...)
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  29. Xenophobia and Identitarian Nationalism.Aleksandar Prnjat - 2019 - In Vladimir Milisavljević & Natalija Mićunović (eds.), XENOPHOBIA, IDENTITY AND NEW FORMS OF NATIONALISM. Belgrade: pp. 240 - 251.
    In this paper, the author considers the concepts of xenophobia and nationalism. He distinguishes between three diferent forms of nationalism: 1) classical nationalism, 2) anti-colonial nationalism, and 3) identitarian nationalism. The frst is based on a belief in the racial and civilizational superiority of one’s nation, and is used to justify colonialism as a kind of messianic civilizing of the “inferior” Other. The second type emerges as a reaction to the frst one and acts as a defense against the cultural (...)
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  30. Through the Pandemic, Towards a New Communism?Sfetcu Nicolae - manuscript
    Following the declaration of the COVID-19 pandemic, Slavoj Žižek published a book called "Pandemic!: COVID-19 Shakes the World", which triggered a wave of reactions. In the book, he presents how the media ruthlessly exploited this subject, accentuating the panic. Many major studies have predicted the emergence of such a pandemic, but have been ignored by all governments, declaring them to be exaggerated. Žižek believes that the current pandemic has led to the bankruptcy of the current "barbaric" capitalism, wondering if the (...)
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  31. Tele-Mournings: Actuvirtual Events and Shared Responsibilities.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2020 - Derrida Today 13 (2):189-197.
    This thought piece dealing with the Covid-19 ‘crisis’ was written – in the form of a diary that runs from February to July 2020 – for a special issue of Derrida Today entitled ‘Fire, Flood, Pestilence and Protest’, edited by Nicole Anderson, and published in November 2020. The piece deals with matters of biopolitics, telecommunication, death and mourning through Derrida and Agamben, and interrogates the eventness of what is called an ‘event’.
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  32. Nietzsche on Conflict, Struggle and War.James S. Pearson - 2021 - Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
    Nietzsche controversially valorizes struggle and war as necessary ingredients of human flourishing. In this book, James S. Pearson reconstructs Nietzsche's rationale for placing such high value on relations of conflict. In doing so, Pearson reveals how Nietzsche's celebration of social discord is interwoven with his understanding of nature as universal struggle. This study thus draws together Nietzsche's writings on politics, culture, metaphysics, biology and human psychology. It also overcomes an entrenched dispute in the critical literature. In the past, commentators have (...)
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  33. Prin pandemie, spre un nou comunism?Sfetcu Nicolae - manuscript
    După declararea pandemiei COVID-19, Slavoj Žižek a publicat o carte numită „Pandemic!: COVID-19 Shakes the World”, care a declanșat un val de reacții. În carte, el prezintă modul în care media a exploatat fără milă acest subiect, accentuând panica. Multe studii majore au prezis apariția unei astfel de pandemii, dar au fost ignorate de toate guvernele, declarându-le ca fiind exagerate. Žižek crede că actuala pandemie a dus la falimentul actualului capitalism ”barbar”, întrebându-se dacă nu cumva drumul pe care îl va (...)
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  34. Freiheit und Institution. Für eine anti-anarchistische Foucault-Lektüre.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Zeitschrift Für Politische Theorie 10 (1):103-124.
    Wie können Freiheit und Widerstand innerhalb von Foucaults Theorie der Macht und Subjektivierung konzipiert werden? Diese zentrale Frage der Interpretation von Foucaults vielschichtigem Werk wurde breit diskutiert und dennoch nicht befriedigend beantwortet. Dass bis heute kaum Klarheit über den Status von Freiheit in Foucaults Werk erreicht werden konnte, liegt auch daran, dass die gängigen Interpretationen die verschiedenen Freiheitsbegriffe, die in Foucaults Werk zu finden sind, vermischen. Der Artikel bringt deshalb Ordnung in diese unübersichtliche Lage, indem er die verschiedenen Freiheitsbegriffe und (...)
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  35. „Political Correctness“ als Kern der Politik. Mit Nietzsche gegen die neue Rechte.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - In ARSP-B (Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie - Beihefte), Band 164. Stuttgart: pp. 167-176.
    The article develops the concept of "political judgement" - a new, affirmative understanding of the phenomena which are criticized as "political correctness" by both right-wing and liberal commentators. To that end, it takes the right's claims, that "political correctness" is slave morality in Nietzsche's sense seriously and proposes a systematic reading of a right-nietzschean position. Connecting current "political-correctness"-critique and Nietzsche in this way allows for a deeper understanding of the right-wing rationality and the affective energy underlying the critique. Through contrasting (...)
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  36. Critical Social Work Education as Democratic Paideía: Inspiration From Cornelius Castoriadis to Educate for Democracy and Autonomy.Phillip Ablett & Christine Morley - 2020 - In Christine Morley, Phillip Ablett, Carolyn Noble & Stephen Cowden (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Critical Pedagogies for Social Work. London, UK: Routledge. pp. 176-188.
    The question of education for democratic ‘empowerment and liberation’, and how this might guide pedagogic practice is seldom raised and extremely challenging for social work education today. This chapter takes up the proposition that social work, through its educational practices, ‘can’ deliver on its promise of ‘democratic practice’ if democracy is understood as a process and not a predefined product. We argue that such a process and its embodiment in institutions cannot exist without the formation of radically democratic subjects, people (...)
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  37. No tan distintos. El secularismo estatal, la politización eclesiástica y el imperativo del consenso.Macarena Marey - 2020 - Revista Argentina de Ciencia Política 1 (24):45-69.
    ¿Es el desideratum secularista de separación Iglesia-Estado capaz de enfrentar las consecuencias negativas de la revitalización política de los conservadurismos religiosos y la instrumentalización de la religiosidad popular para fines antiigualitarios? La respuesta negativa es la tesis de la que parto para analizar por qué los liberalismos secularistas y postsecularistas no pueden procesar ni en la teoría ni en la práctica la reordenación política de las iglesias cristianas conservadoras (católicas y evangélicas) en nuestra región. Esto no me conduce a abrazar (...)
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  38. Group Rights, Collective Goods, and the Problem of Cross-Border Minority Protection.Annamari Vitikainen - 2019 - International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 2 (26):261-288.
  39. The Limits of Liberal Multiculturalism: Towards an Individuated Approach to Cultural Diversity.Annamari Vitikainen - 2015 - Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Why should the liberal state be concerned about people's cultural differences? How should it respond to these differences? Can culturally differentiated treatment, including the rights and exemptions of minority members, be justified within the liberal framework? And if it can, to whom should this treatment be extended? The Limits of Liberal Multiculturalism discusses cultural accommodation from the perspective of liberal political theory on the one hand, and concrete multicultural policies on the other. It explores some of the weaknesses, but also (...)
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  40. Claude Ake o rozwoju i demokracji w Afryce.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - In R. Vorbrich (ed.), Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne. Wrocław: pp. 89-107.
    W artykule tym przedstawiam koncepcję rozwoju autorstwa wybitnego nigeryjskiego myśliciela i demokraty Claude’a Akego. Ake zaproponował abstrakcyjny paradygmat rozwoju społeczeństw afrykańskich w warunkach demokracji. Paradygmat ten opiera się na rolnej strategii rozwoju, zgodnie z którą powinien być on uzyskiwany małymi krokami i pierwotnie generowany na wsi. Ake zdefiniował rozwój jako proces, „poprzez który ludzie kształtują i zmieniają siebie oraz swoją sytuację życiową, by osiągać wyższe poziomy cywilizacyjne, zgodnie z własnymi wyborami i wartościami”. Zdaniem nigeryjskiego myśliciela, rozwój jako proces zbiorowy powinien (...)
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  41. Państwo w świecie współczesnym.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2006 - Warszawa: ASPRA-JR.
  42. Lying, Misleading, and Dishonesty.Alex Barber - 2020 - The Journal of Ethics 24 (2):141-164.
    An important moral category—dishonest speech—has been overlooked in theoretical ethics despite its importance in legal, political, and everyday social exchanges. Discussion in this area has instead been fixated on a binary debate over the contrast between lying and ‘merely misleading’. Some see lying as a distinctive wrong; others see it as morally equivalent to deliberately omitting relevant truths, falsely insinuating, or any other species of attempted verbal deception. Parties to this debate have missed the relevance to their disagreement of the (...)
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  43. Crying for Repression: Populist and Democratic Biopolitics in Times of COVID-19.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Critical Legal Thinking.
    We live in very Foucauldian times, as the many think-pieces published on biopolitics and COVID-19 show. Yet what is remarkable—biopolitically—about the current situation has gone largely unnoticed: We are witnessing a new form of biopolitics today that could be termed populist biopolitics. Awareness of this populist biopolitics helps illuminate what is needed today: democratic biopolitics.
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  44. Önigazgatás és föderalizmus: Rehák László és a jugoszláviai nemzetiségi kérdés.Szilárd János Tóth - 2019 - In Márk Losoncz & Krisztina Rácz (eds.), A jugoszláviai magyarok eszme- és politikatörténete 1945-1989. Budapest, Magyarország: pp. 165-180.
    Az alábbi tanulmány a Jugoszláv Kommunisták Szövetségének (JKSZ) nemzetiségi doktrínájáról és politikájáról, valamint a JKSZ egyik prominens vajdasági magyar teoretikusának, Rehák Lászlónak az idevágó írásairól szól. Rehák Lenin és Kardelj nyomán magyarázza a nemzetiségi kérdés összefüggését a gazdasággal. Habár a munkáiban nincs nyílt kritika az alkotmányos renddel és a politikával szemben, amellett érvelek, hogy ha összeszedjük az elszórt és valamicskét burkolt kritikai megjegyzéseit, világos, hogy elég jól látta a rezsim hibáit és igazságtalanságait.
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  45. Moral Archetypes - Ethics in Prehistory.Roberto Arruda - 2019 - Terra à Vista - ISBN-10: 1698168292 ISBN-13: 978-1698168296.
    ABSTRACT The philosophical tradition approaches to morals have their grounds predominantly on metaphysical and theological concepts and theories. Among the traditional ethics concepts, the most prominent is the Divine Command Theory (DCT). As per the DCT, God gives moral foundations to the humankind by its creation and through Revelation. Morality and Divinity are inseparable since the most remote civilization. These concepts submerge in a theological framework and are largely accepted by most followers of the three Abrahamic traditions: Judaism, Christianity, and (...)
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  46. Foucault and the Two Approaches to Biopolitics.Marco Piasentier - 2018 - In Hannah Richter (ed.), Biopolitical Governance Race, Gender and Economy. London, UK: Rowman & Littlefield International. pp. 21-39.
    What is biopolitics? What kind of relationship does biopolitics establish between politics and biology? Although the etymology of the term ‘biopoli- tics’ seems to suggest a straightforward meaning resulting from the relation- ship between biological life and politics, the current literature is characterised by a wide variety of definitions. As the social theorist Thomas Lemke notes in his thoughtful introduction to this field of research, ‘[p]lural and divergent meanings are undoubtedly evoked when people refer to biopolitics’ (Lemke 2011, 2). Lemke (...)
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  47. Roman Patriotism and Christian Religion.Alex V. Halapsis - 2017 - Socio-Political Processes 6 (2-3):251-267.
    Ideology is an important part of the political mechanism that helps to ensure the loyalty of citizens to the state and give it a moral basis and justification. Roman patriotism was deeply religious. The community was the subject of faith, but also faith was a state duty, a testimony of trustworthiness. Personal religiosity was res privata, but loyalty to the state cult was res publica. Roman ideology was based on respect for ancestors, respect for the institution of the family and (...)
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  48. Laughing at the Other: Toward an Understanding of the Alt-Right with Adorno.Claudia Leeb - 2019 - In Reading Adorno: The Endless Road. Palgrave Macmillan Press. pp. 75-100.
    What is the growing appeal of the “Alt-Right” (Alternative Right), a white-supremacist and anti-feminist movement, for young, primarily male, Millennials in the United States? In this chapter, I outline how the Alt-Right uses laughter in its culture industry on the internet to recruit new members to its right extremist ideas. I also explain how laughter connects Alt-Right extremism with Trumpism. Throughout the chapter, I draw on Theodor W. Adorno’s critical theorizing of laughter fabricated by the culture industry to establish the (...)
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  49. Poulantzas' Strategic Analysis of Fascism.Phillip Ablett & George Evangelista - 1987 - Diliman Review 35 (5-6):104-112.
    The term 'fascism' continues to be very much in currency in Philippines society. To the Filipino people, its meaning is often drawn from pained memory of wholesale deprivation of democratic rights and large-scale human rights abuses. Yet, to many, the fear of fascism has still to give way to a deeper understanding of this menace. This may hold true even among those belonging to the progressive movement. One Marxist philosopher and theoretician who gave extended treatment of the issues surrounding the (...)
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  50. A többségi zsarnokság fogalomtörténete. [REVIEW]Szilárd János Tóth - 2019 - Elpis 2:149-152.
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