Government and Democracy

This essay argues that an alternative conception of time to that underlying the ideology of productivism and growth is not only possible, but desirable. The creation of this time requires what I refer to as the practice of refusal via taking time: the self-determined arrangement of the nexus of time, action and utility that begins with the a-synchronous insertion of unproductive time into the synchronous horizontal time of productivism. The essay is divided into three sections. The first offers the reader (...) a discussion of Jacques Rancière’s notion of time as a social and political medium that partitions and distributes actions and utility. The subsequent section of the essay elaborates in aesthetic terms an account of unproductive time that is indifferent to the time of productivism. In the final section, I discuss examples that show how taking time to do ‘nothing’ can elicit an emancipatory politics that seeks to liberate us from the hegemony of productivism. I conclude that political theory should attend to time as a political medium and to the possibilities of its occupation, and that picturing the taking of time in terms of stopping the force of productivism’s normalized horizontal time by entering the unproductive time of reverie and aesthetic experience, provides a promising perspective from which to apprehend a time for thriftless refusals, deliberate dis-identifications, and the forging of cooperation among people(s) and with nature. (shrink)

The main aim of this final essay is to draw on the insights gathered in the Debate “Do Referendums Enhance or Threaten Democracy” to inform future normative and empirical discussions about the design of popular vote processes. We first offer some clarifications regarding three of the concerns raised by respondents about our introductory essay. We then propose a systematic classification of the lines of variation along which the design of popular vote processes usually varies. More precisely, we highlight nine lines (...) of variation: trigger, origin of the text, legal basis, scope, trigger requirements, time, ballot, information, and decision rule. We conclude by emphasizing the relevance and necessity of debating the formal institutional design of popular vote processes. (shrink)

La société contemporaine connaît de nombreux conflits qui tendent à mettre à mal le vivre-ensemble harmonieux. Le pluralisme qui caractérise les sociétés contemporaines est souvent considéré comme étant l’origine de ces conflits. C’est pourquoi le libéralisme consensualiste cherche une sorte d’entente permanente entre les différentes oppositions au sein de la société afin de résorber ces conflits et ainsi d’éviter l’explosion sociale qui demeure une menace incessante. Seulement le consensualisme ne semble pas être si efficace pour mettre fin aux conflits sociaux (...) qui s’accroissent de plus en plus. Pire, l’on a l’impression qu’au lieu d’être une voie d’apaisement social, le consensualisme constitue plutôt une source supplémentaire de conflits. C’est la raison pour laquelle le consensus falsifiable apparaît de nos jours comme une alternative plus adaptée aux réalités des sociétés contemporaines pour atténuer ces conflits. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

One of the influential contributions to criminalisation theories is Duff’s work on public wrongs, which offers a thin master principle of criminalisation, proposing that we have a reason to criminalise a type of conduct if it constitutes a public wrong; one that violates a polity’s civil order and forms part of that polity’s proper business. The nature of the civil order, the scope of its proper business, and the distinction between the public and private realms of wrongs are context-relative to (...) each polity, structured by their legal, institutional, and informal values and ways of life. Such a context-relative view led to problematic criminalisation examples raised by Duff and his critics. This article engages more fully with the relativism of the civil order and public wrongs in non-democratic and illiberal contexts. It draws on examples such as Saudi Arabi and Iran, and Beetham’s work on the legitimation of power to argue that conceptualising the civil order as an undifferentiated whole that represents a polity’s chosen way of life overlooks the ways in which the civil order’s values and practices are shaped by relations of power and exclusion rules and processes. This, in turn, exposes the theory to the risk of mirroring and legitimising unequal relations of power and impeding efforts to change them. This is also due to the theory’s lack of proper normative guidance on the legitimacy of criminalisation. The potential commitment to – instead of a preference for – democracy and guarantees of equality and freedoms might help strengthen the theory normatively, but it is insufficient to guard against the raised problems. (shrink)

Philosophical descriptions of democratic music education frequently rely on “inclusion” and “participation” as the defining features of democratically oriented music programs. Democratic epistemic considerations, such as regulatory ideals of musical quality and excellence, however, are less commonly cited, if not actively avoided. This paper addresses several primary reasons for the paucity of epistemic considerations in democratic music education and problematizes current concerns about epistemic judgements from a democratic perspective. Drawing on Miranda Fricker’s influential concept of epistemic injustice, this paper argues (...) that democratic dialogue that respects values of diversity and inclusion cannot legitimately ignore epistemic dimensions because doing so occludes the epistemic dimensions of cultural, racial, and gender diversity in music education classrooms. (shrink)

La production théorique marxiste de RDA sous ses différentes formes n’a pas véritablement bénéficié jusqu’ici du regain d’intérêt pour ce « pays disparu » que l’on a pu constater ces dernières années, tant dans le débat public que dans l’historiographie. En dépit de la fonction de légitimation qui était la sienne, le marxisme de RDA était pourtant un champ traversé par des contradictions et ne se réduisait pas à une idéologie ossifiée. Les outils bibliographiques dont nous disposons aujourd’hui concernant les (...) acteurs et les institutions qui ont contribué à faire exister le marxisme de RDA nous permettent d’adopter une démarche plus nuancée. Il est notamment possible d'identifier, pardelà des approches indéniablement dogmatiques, un certain nombre d'innovations, dont l'un des exemples les plus notables est le courant de la Weltgeschichte. (shrink)

The Chinese government capped executive compensation in state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to address income inequality and promote a more equitable distribution of wealth. This study investigates whether regulating top executives' pay alters their motivation for corporate green innovation (GI) initiatives. Using data from 2006 to 2018 for Chinese-listed SOEs, the regression analysis and difference-in-difference methods revealed that government restrictions on executive compensation negatively affect GI. Furthermore, the types of SOE results show that the negative effect of pay restrictions on GI exists (...) only in local SOEs, as opposed to central SOEs. Moreover, high managerial shareholding positively moderates this negative effect, demonstrating that the adverse effects of compensation restrictions are mitigated by the convergence of interests between managers and stakeholders. These findings are robust to instrumental variables and other robustness tests. This study provides policy recommendations for the government to boost its assistance in GI and establish new environment-related incentives that motivate managers to promote GI and inspire enterprises to deploy sustainable environmental initiatives. (shrink)

In the context of current environmental crises, which threaten to seriously harm living conditions for future generations, liberal-capitalist democracies have been accused of inherent short-termism, that is, of favouring the currently living at the expense of mid- to long-term sustainability. I will review some of the reasons for this short-termism as well as proposals as to how best to represent future people in today’s democratic decision-making. I will then present some ideas of my own as to how to reconceive the (...) idea of democracy and the responsibilities of citizenship in the face of increasing obligations to sustain both the environment and democratic institutions for future people. I argue that taking turns between governing and governed is a key dimension of democracy, and that it implies in-principle consent to others governing after my turn, including future generations. Thus, future people must be better represented than they generally are today, in particular when democratic institutions find themselves squeezed between an overburdened environment in which they are embedded, and a fast-paced and short-termist globalizing economy. (shrink)

The reversal of Roe v. Wade raises the prospect that other due process guarantees upon which individuals have organised their lives, including the constitutional rights to same-sex intimacy and marriage, will be overturned. These potential upheavals in the hard-won legal infrastructure of basic social status call for a careful look at reliance arguments for sustaining constitutional precedent. When does reliance on a judicial decision provide reason for a court to sustain a precedent in the face of substantial doubts or convictions (...) that the original decision was importantly mistaken?Our commitments to democratic law pose distinctive challenges for reliance arguments in the public law domain that do not burden reliance arguments in the private law domain. A persuasive reliance argument in the public law context must offer a merits-independent rationale identifying limited circumstances in which reliance would justify honouring a prior (mistaken) decision and honouring it prospectively, into the future. I detail the challenges and offer a democratic account to identify when overturning a mistaken decision would impose an unfair and inequitable hardship. On this account, abortion, contraception, and same-sex intimacy rights warrant continued affirmation given reliance behaviours, but not other rights, including rights to gun ownership and freedom of contract. (shrink)

Taking seriously the task of sustaining the democratic project requires debunking pessimism, thinking critically about what constitutes the distinctive character of democracy, and taking a future-oriented perspective on democratic transformations.

Are there any prima facie reasons that democracies might have for disenfranchising older citizens? This question reflects increasingly salient, but often incompletely theorized complaints that members of democratic publics advance about older citizens’ electoral influence. Rather than rejecting these complaints out of hand, we explore whether, suitably reconstructed, they withstand democratic scrutiny. More specifically, we examine whether the account of political equality that seems to most fittingly capture the logic of these complaints – namely, equal opportunity of political influence over (...) electoral outcomes – can justify disenfranchising older citizens. We conclude that equal opportunity of influence cannot ground a blanket disenfranchisement of older people and that, taken in conjunction with other general considerations that apply to all sound electoral policies, partial disenfranchisement proposals (i.e. proposals for reducing the electoral influence of older citizens via age-weighted voting) are both quasi-inapplicable and practically unrobust across a relevant range of political contexts. (shrink)

In this paper, we discuss challenges associated with implementing a policy for Ancillary Care (AC) for related and unrelated (serious) adverse events during an Ebola vaccine trial conducted in a remote area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Conducting clinical trials in resourceconstrained settings can raise context-related challenges that have implications for study participants’ health and wellbeing. During the Ebola vaccine study, three participants were injured in road traffic accidents, but there were unexpected difficulties when trying to apply the (...) AC policy. First, because of the nature of the adverse events, the insurer refused to cover the costs. Second, the AC policy did not address treatments by traditional medicine, even though traditional medicines are frequently used and highly trusted in the study community. This highlighted a contrast between the researchers’ well-intentioned AC approach and the participants’ legitimate preferences. The way in which researchers should address their responsibility to provide AC is not straightforward; it requires contextualization. Our experience highlights the importance of involving community representatives and the local ethics committee to ensure development of an AC policy that is culturally and ethically appropriate. Additionally, the insurance contract should clearly stipulate which adverse events are linked to the trial participation, and thus eligible for coverage, to avoid controversies when claims are made. (shrink)

We argue that a reinvention of the plebeian tribunate should play a key role in addressing the challenges stemming from increasing concentrations of, and inequalities in, social, political, economic, and cultural power in liberal democracies. Addressing these challenges, which negatively affect parliamentary representation, requires a form of institutional innovation that gives voice to non-elites who are ruled but do not rule. We propose revisions of the composition and tasks of the tribunate that are tailored to these current challenges. Our fully (...) randomly selected tribunate emerges as a vehicle not only for contesting concentrated power but also for articulating lines of conflict, disruptive agenda-setting, and political experimentation. Our proposal contributes to developing realist democratic theory. We argue that the reinvented tribunate not only meets realist commitments to avoiding moralization and idealization but also demonstrates the underexploited capacity of realism to inform institutional innovation and thus contribute to substantial political analysis. (shrink)

Academic supervision is considered an important mechanism to improve the performance of an educational institution. This article aims to investigate the situation of academic supervision in Bangladeshi Government Colleges (GCs).The article, in particular, explores the impacts of academic supervision on Bangladeshi students and teachers in developing their competencies and confidence in postsecondary educational settings. The study was conducted employing thequalitative research method and collecting data from in-depth interviews, secondary published literature, such as books, journal articles etc. The study finds that (...) effective academic supervision considerably helps students achieve their learning progress as well as teachers attain their professionalization in the GCs of Bangladesh. Various challenges exist in higher education in Bangladesh, which include the lack of resources, limited use of educational tools and technology, policy problems, lack of sufficient training and scope of research for teachers, and so on. This article has made several recommendations for improving academic supervision to enhance quality education in the Bangladeshi GCs. Philosophy and Progress, Vol#71-72; No#1-2; Jan-Dec 2022 P 97-128. (shrink)

Avec sa succession de bouleversements institutionnels, le dix-septième siècle anglais fut un fabuleux terrain d'expérimentation et de réflexion politique d'où surgirent les grandes théories modernes. A cette période, philosophes et acteurs engagés tentèrent de penser, avec une acuité particulière liée aux événements (guerres civiles, régicide, république, dictature), les tensions inhérentes au pouvoir, tout à la fois perçu comme contraignant, tyrannique et libérateur. Quatre d'entre eux ont été retenus : Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), le théoricien de l’absolutisme, James Harrington (1611-1677), le républicain (...) classique, Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), le martyr whig, John Locke (1632-1704), le père du libéralisme. Le propos de l’ouvrage est de montrer que, par-delà leurs différences, ces quatre penseurs partagent une approche qui constitue le socle commun d’une théorie de l’Etat moderne. Leur doctrine s’affranchit de l’exercice utopique comme de la théorie de la raison d’Etat et se conçoit comme une anatomie du corps politique. Par un examen minutieux des textes, l’auteur cherche à s’écarter de l' interprétation trop « idéologique » sans doute accentuée par les combats de l’histoire. Elle met en évidence un objet philosophique commun aux quatre auteurs, que l’on retrouve au cœur de toute conception moderne du pouvoir. (shrink)

John Locke's account of natural law, which forms the very basis of his political philosophy, has troubled many critics over time. The two works that shed light on Locke's theory are the early Essays on the Law of Nature and the Second Treatise of Government, published over 20 years later. Many critics have assumed that the early work presents a voluntarist approach to natural law and the second a rationalist approach, but the present analysis in this book shows that Locke's (...) theory is consistent. Both works present a concept of the law of nature that must be placed between voluntarism and rationalism. (Series: Polyptoton. Munster Collection, Academic Writings / Polyptoton. Munsteraner Sammlung Akademischer Schriften - Vol. 3). (shrink)

This comprehensive volume details the variety of constitutions and types of governing bodies in the ancient Greek world. A collection of original scholarship on ancient Greek governing structures and institutions Explores the multiple manifestations of state action throughout the Greek world Discusses the evolution of government from the Archaic Age to the Hellenistic period, ancient typologies of government, its various branches, principles and procedures and realms of governance Creates a unique synthesis on the spatial and memorial connotations of government by (...) combining the latest institutional research with more recent trends in cultural scholarship. (shrink)

Pleidooi om in een democratie naast of zelfs in plaats van verkiezingen een systeem van loting in te voeren.

It is possible to imagine a theory of democracy and a constitutional history independent of human subjectivity.

Shows that the Western tradition of statecraft, long considered the method of tyrants and oligarchs, can steer our thinking about democracy in bold new directions.

Problem uzasadnienia demokracji jest jedną z centralnych kwestii, którymi zajmują się specjaliści z zakresu teorii społecznej. Po straszliwych doświadczeniach XX wieku nie jest sprawą łatwą ani jednoznaczną wskazać, dlaczego powinniśmy bronić systemu demokratycznego. Oczywiste jest, że liberalna demokracja minimalizuje zagrożenia jednostki, ale powstaje wtedy kwestia, czy wolność jednostki powinna być centralną wartością, do której wszelkie inne wartości społeczne powinny zostać odniesione. Niniejsza książka dotyka właśnie tego węzłowego dla nowoczesności tematu. […] Autor włożył wiele wysiłku w analizę i interpretację koncepcji Deweya, (...) Habermasa i Rorty’ego. Każdy z tych myślicieli jest autorem skomplikowanych i niejednoznacznych koncepcji. Nie jest więc łatwo w jasny sposób przedstawić ich czasem niezwykle zawiły tok rozumowania. Jedną z wielkich zalet omawianej monografii jest właśnie jasna prezentacja omawianych w niej poglądów”. Prof. dr hab. Leszek Koczanowicz (Szkoła Wyższa Psychologii Społecznej) „to doskonała książka […]. Świetnie napisana, oryginalna, nowatorska, a jednocześnie przybliżająca polskiemu czytelnikowi istotne aspekty twórczości dwóch spośród najwybitniejszych i najbardziej wpływowych filozofów współczesności”. Prof. Wojciech Sadurski (Sydney University). (shrink)

Dans les quatre essais qui composent ce livre s'ébauche ce que Foucault nommerait une analytique de la démocratie contemporaine en rupture ouverte avec les courants dominants de la science politique et de la philosophie politique. Il ne s'agit pas en effet de s'y demander ce qui définirait à proprement parler un régime démocratique, quelles seraient les normes de la culture démocratique, à quelles valeurs se réfèrent les usages démocratiques, en quoi consiste la vie démocratique, quelles en sont les institutions appropriées, (...) (etc) - mais de partir d'une tout autre question : de quelle espèce est l'opération contemporaine consistant à faire valoir le nom de la démocratie comme celui de la seule figure d'organisation et de vie politique acceptable et conforme aux exigences d'une vie civilisée? Qu'est-ce qui est en jeu dans le balisage de notre présent par l'ensemble des discours tendant à accréditer la notion d'un horizon indépassable de "la démocratie", comme horizon du politique et de la vie commune? De quoi cet usage du mot démocratie est-il la manifestation ou le symptôme? Il s'agirait donc bien de déplacer l'angle du questionnement, de se situer dans un autre champ. On ne se demandera pas dans ces textes ce qu'est en vérité la démocratie contemporaine, on n'en dénoncera pas les faux-semblants ou les illusions, on n'opposera pas à ces mensonges ou ces trahisons allégués ce qu'elle devrait être - on s'interrogera plutôt sur le point suivant : sous quelles conditions sommes-nous astreints aujourd'hui à parler de la démocratie, quels sont les principes d'agencement qui président à l'établissement de l'ordre des discours régissant la formation des énoncés à propos de "la démocratie" aujourd'hui? Ce qui constitue donc la trame de ces textes, ce ne sont pas des questions de définitions adéquates, ce n'est pas la critique des apparences fallacieuses ou des impostures des appareils de la démocratie contemporaines, c'est plutôt l'analyse du champ de forces et des jeux stratégiques de pouvoir qui s'établissent autour du nom de la démocratie dans nos sociétés. (shrink)

MacIntyre and the plurality of traditions -- Charles Taylor : strong evaluation and the hermenutics of the modern social imaginary -- Hannah Arendt on reasoning without banisters -- Seyla Benhabib : thinking with Arendt and Habermas against Arendt and Habermas -- Foucault and the art of telling the truth of ourselves -- Connolly and the practice of deep pluralism -- Reasoning through baggage in a global polity.

Quels sont les attributs indispensables pour qu'un être humain soit un être humain démocratique? L'ouvrage examine l'apport aussi bien que les limites des sources théoriques et des différents langages des sciences humaines et sociales afin de questionner à nouveau le problème de l'anthropologie de la démocratie.

​Kaum ein Konzept in der jüngeren politischen Theoriegeschichte kann auf eine solch steile und, wie sich mittlerweile gezeigt hat, auch langanhaltende Karriere zurückblicken wie das der Deliberation. Die in diesem Sammelband vereinigten Überlegungen stehen unter der zweiteiligen übergreifenden Überschrift "Deliberative Kritik – Kritik der Deliberation", die in einem Zug den kritischen Sinn der Deliberation und die Notwendigkeit einer reflexiven Kritik am Konzept der Deliberation selbst deutlich macht. Neben Erkundungen der Ideengeschichte und der normativen Grundlagen der Deliberation geht es um eine (...) Auseinandersetzung mit alternativen Konzeptionen und institutionellen Kontexten. Angesichts des Umstands, dass sich politische Prozesse bekanntlich seit geraumer Zeit aus den nationalstaatlichen Rahmungen herauslösen, werden zudem transnationale und kosmopolitische Perspektiven umfassend ausgeleuchtet. All diese topoi berühren wesentliche Denklinien der Arbeiten Rainer Schmalz-Bruns’, dem dieser Sammelband zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet ist. (shrink)

El presente artículo expone la propuesta política de la etapa madura de Ágnes Heller, como ejemplo que permite observar el cambio que ha sufrido el horizonte político tras el fin de las grandes narrativas históricas y cómo sería aún posible pensar la emancipación. La propuesta de Heller veremos considera que el proyecto moderno de construir un mundo de libertad y reconocimiento de las personas como iguales es posible porque la modernidad se encuentra fundada en la libertad y no en principios (...) teológico-metafísicos, pero esa cualidad impide al mismo tiempo garantizar el logro o permanencia de cualquier proyecto político. La conciencia de esa limitación será la impronta del pensamiento helleriano, pero también la de la comprensión política contemporánea, por lo que el artículo suma a esta actitud prudente que podría parecer desalentadora, el recordatorio de que las luchas que se han emprendido en favor de la justicia constituyen ya un legado que permite continuar la tarea de construcción de ésta. (shrink)

This paper is based on the concept of environmental political philosophy and from its perspective, it highlights the weaknesses and contradictions of contemporary, existing democracies. It aims to formulate an outline of the concept of environmental democracy, following the accounts of M. Bookchin, R. Morrison and H. Skolimowski, as well as international environmental law enshrined in United Nations documents and resolutions. It is based on the hypothesis that the preservation of a democratic political system in a situation of a collapsing (...) planetary system (the Anthropocene) requires improving the foundations of democratic theory with the insights of the Earth system sciences, particularly of political ecology and critical environmentalism. Through philosophical analysis, explanation and interpretation, this paper explores an environmental democracy that would, on the one hand, preserve the basic constitutional principles of current democratic constitutional regimes, and, on the other hand, reconcile them with the current state of understanding in the Earth sciences concerning the vulnerability of the planetary system. In a sense, J. Habermas’s understanding of human rights characterizes the concept of environmental democracy as a realistic utopia. The author concludes by drawing up the imperative of sustainability, which he sees as a guiding organizing principle of institutions and public policies for the climatic, demographic and economic regime of the Anthropocene. -------------------------- Received: 16/12/2022. Reviewed: 09/03/2023. Accepted: 30/03/2023. (shrink)

Este trabajo pretende analizar críticamente la interpretación llevada a cabo por Étienne Balibar en relación con las tres antinomias de la igualibertad descritas en su obra, así como con las definiciones balibarianas de «ciudadanía social», «Constitución material» y «co-ciudadanía». Para ello, se hará un recorrido por el pensamiento del filósofo a través de su obra La igualibertad. A continuación, se confrontarán algunas de sus tesis con el propósito de mostrar sus límites internos a través de la filosofía del derecho mediante (...) la obra de Luigi Ferrajoli. Para terminar, se propone la propuesta de constitucionalismo garantista de Ferrajoli como posible superación de las antinomias planteadas por Balibar acerca de la igualibertad. (shrink)

Este artículo analiza los riesgos a los que está expuesta la democracia en nuestras sociedades, una vez que se constata el aumento de las actitudes antiinmigración y de los delitos de odio cometidos contra las personas migrantes. Para ello se establecerá un diálogo entre los diagnósticos de las ciencias sociales y las aportaciones de Étienne Balibar que nos permitirá mostrar que, más que en una situación de crisis coyuntural, nos encontramos ante un riesgo de retroceso democrático cuya fuente está en (...) los rasgos estructurales de la política democrática moderna y sus conflictos, siempre violentos. Por último, se mostrará que la propuesta democrática de Balibar no pretende suprimir la violencia, sino integrarla en formas políticas que tengan como horizonte la emancipación y la transformación. (shrink)

En este artículo se propone un desarrollo esquemático del concepto de paridad participativa de Nancy Fraser como elemento complementario a la propuesta de democratizar la democracia de Étienne Balibar que se inscribe en la dialéctica de la igualibertad como marco de interpretación de la modernidad política. Se mostrará que el neoliberalismo implica un evento particular en el desarrollo de la lucha por la igualibertad anulando el contenido insurreccional de ésta y por tanto, dificultando una perspectiva democratizadora que, en la visión (...) del autor francés, requiere recuperar la conflictividad política iniciada en la Revolución francesa en torno a la igualibertad. La paridad participativa, se argumentará, cumple los requisitos que exige la visión de Balibar y, la interpretación particular de la misma que se expondrá serviría como elementos básicos para democratizar la democracia. (shrink)