Government and Democracy

Jeppe von Platz has recently argued that welfare-state capitalism can be justified by a theory of democratic equality, challenging John Rawls’s critique of capitalism. Von Platz develops his argument by introducing a social democratic interpretation of democratic equality as an alternative to Rawls’s justice as fairness. Unlike justice as fairness, in which there is only one possible principle of reciprocity (the difference principle), social democracy includes four possible principles in an eligible set that could be chosen as a principle of (...) reciprocity. However, I argue that von Platz’s conception of reciprocity still fails to justify welfare-state capitalism. Of the four principles of reciprocity in social democracy’s eligible set, one of them, the principle of utility, does not express a notion of reciprocity and thus does not belong. The other three – the principle of equality, the difference principle, and the principle of equity – are not compatible with welfare-state capitalism. Thus, since capitalism cannot satisfy a principle of reciprocity in the (revised) eligible set, it is incompatible with the social democratic interpretation of democratic equality. (shrink)

In this paper, I discuss the teacher’s role in Laclaudian democratic education in light of the notion of the organic intellectual as proposed by Antonio Gramsci. Unlike common readings of the figure of the organic intellectual, where it is understood as developing organically from within the ranks of the oppressed, I argue that the term “organic” also refers to organization, and that the role of the organic intellectual is to be a political organizer. In contrast to the figure of the (...) charismatic leader to which Laclau and Mouffe often appeal, a political organizer works dialogically, without altogether renouncing the position of active leadership. I argue, accordingly, that the democratic teacher should be an organizer who creates for the students the conditions for articulating their demands and identities and strives to stir the emerging political subjects in a democratic direction, namely against oppressive elites and mechanisms rather than other oppressed groups. (shrink)

Em seus últimos anos de vida, Foucault empreendeu uma genealogia da parresia (do dizer-verdadeiro) no campo da política e na história da filosofia. Alicerçando suas análises nas fontes clássicas, gregas e romanas, Foucault descortinou um cenário no qual a coragem da verdade tem um lugar maior na experiência política desde sempre. O que pretendemos nesse trabalho é discutir alguns pontos que nos parecem problemáticos nessa genealogia foucaultiana, em especial, a referência à verdade na parresia democrática e a relação entre filosofia (...) e política. Palavras-Chave: Foucault. Parresia. Democracia. Filosofia. (shrink)

Este artigo questiona a dimensão anárquica da democracia defendida por Jacques Rancière. A crítica de Rancière à democracia convencional pode ser resumida como, em primeiro lugar, uma crítica ao consenso. Ele não condena o desejo de que as partes conflitantes cheguem a um acordo sobre um tópico de disputa. O que Rancière critica é a construção de um consenso básico ao sugerir a participação igualitária no logos, ao mesmo tempo em que expulsa os enunciados dos que não têm parte – (...) geralmente, os pobres. Sempre que se fazem ouvir, encenam um desacordo, o que prova a injustiça do consenso original. Em segundo lugar, em sua desconstrução da noção liberal de consenso, Rancière, no entanto, concorda com a ênfase dos contratualistas na igualdade como pré-condição para sociedades modernas desiguais. Terceiro, sua definição de democracia contradiz o conceito de democracia representativa; no entanto, como demonstrado, ele não rejeita a representação em si. Em vez disso, ele se opõe à ideia de que a representação define a democracia. As reivindicações representativas, ao contrário, podem fazer parte do conceito de política de Rancière. (shrink)

Protagoras est un sophiste, les sophistes sont les ennemis de Platon... De ce syllogisme, la conclusion semble evidente. Elle appelle cependant quelques nuances. Plus qu'un ennemi, Protagoras apparait en effet chez Platon comme une figure exemplaire, un interlocuteur valable qui, a travers son affirmation selon laquelle l'homme est la mesure de toutes choses, incarne la democratie, ses conditions et ses consequences.Ce livre traite le theme general, et classique, de l'opposition entre sophistique et philosophie, mais en le limitant a une seule (...) question dont il deploie les differentes facettes : l'idee de mesure. Il reconstitue une pensee protagoreenne qui replace Platon dans son contexte intellectuel et montre comment, a travers la figure de Protagoras, c'est le debat avec la democratie qui se joue, non seulement en tant que regime politique, mais aussi en tant que modele theorique aux implications multiples (epistemologiques, morales, pedagogiques, techniques).Sur quel critere fonder la mesure? Comment concevoir l'expertise et le savoir? Quel role attribuer au langage dans l'education? Que faire de l'identite du sujet dans le processus de memoire? Comment penser l'unite de la Cite? Autant de questions soulevees dans le dialogue avec le modele protagoreen. Comprendre ce que Platon doit a Protagoras, c'est ainsi chercher par quels elements cette pensee l'a mis au defi et par reaction a quoi il a elabore sa propre theorie de la mesure, de l'expertise, de l'education et de l'unite politique. (shrink)

I refer to the social embodiment of creative intelligence as creative democracies. Today’s world pose great challenges and serious threats to human life and cannot be faced by just having new ideas or more knowledge and thoughts. Today’s world requires the power to face the unknown, a key feature of intelligence. Hence the urgent need of societies to mutate into creative democracies. We need to begin with a strong base. We need an understanding and development of human life from its (...) foundations and the simplicity of its origin in the creative freedom of reality and its intra-active intelligence, the power of all humans in our global world to meet and share meaning and interests. This essaysuccinctly highlights their foundations, prefaced by three cautionary reflections. (shrink)

John Rawls is frequently perceived as being an advocate for purely redistributive policies designed to mitigate the consequences of a capitalist economy — an assumption I challenge in this article. My objective is to elucidate the biased nature of this view and provide a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the corporate landscape that a just society would entail within Rawls's framework. Through a meticulous examination of Rawls's delineation of economic regimes, I underscore the profound — and often unsuspected — (...) implications of liberal egalitarianism on corporate ownership and management. Rawls's proposition of a “property-owning democracy” posits that citizens should retain ownership of shares in companies throughout their lifetimes. Liberal socialism implies the nationalization of the means of production and the socialization of their management. (shrink)

– Le mensonge? – Depuis la nuit des temps, il foisonne dans le discours public et infecte le monde; aujourd’hui, il prolifère sur la Toile informatique, sape notre conscience citoyenne et nourrit la cacocratie. – La cacocratie? – C’est une oligarchie financière, informe, amorale, ubiquiste, insidieuse et nocive, qui se cache dans l’assourdissant brouillard informationnel pour siphonner les richesses de la planète. – Et alors? – C’est le régime politique qui nous gouverne aujourd’hui, à notre insu. – Ne sommes-nous pas (...) en démocratie? – Elle n’est plus qu’une façade... elle agonise. – Ne devons-nous pas réagir? – C’est l’objet de cet ouvrage. (shrink)

On a l’habitude de lire dans Antigone l’histoire d’un conflit entre d’un côté l’expression des liens affectifs et de la piété, et de l’autre les prérogatives de l’État dont le but premier serait le maintien des institutions. D’un côté Antigone fidèle à son frère, de l’autre Créon attaché à sa Cité. D’un côté la morale de l’affectivité ou de la conviction (Gesinnungsethik), de l’autre la morale de la responsabilité (Verantwortungsethik), pour parler comme Max Weber. Cette lecture classique de la tragédie (...) demeure sans doute pertinente à bien des égards, mais traduit-elle l’essentiel? Et si l’intention du poète n’avait pas été d’en rester à cette confrontation mais de suggérer, par-delà l’affrontement ruineux, une troisième voie possible? Il n’y aurait plus alors deux termes seulement, le privé et le public que tout sépare, mais deux manières pour l’ordre public lui-même de se rapporter au privé, l’une conflictuelle et tyrannique, celle de Créon, l’autre conciliatrice et délibérative – démocratique en ce sens –, celle défendue par Hémon, par Tirésias, et finalement peut-être par Sophocle lui-même qui, par l’emploi d’un vocabulaire tiré de l’expérience politique athénienne, dénoue d’une main l’intrigue qu’il noue de l’autre. Éclairée entre autres par Aristote, une interprétation nouvelle de la pièce en découle, celle d’un poète qui surjoue les conflits pour mieux insinuer les moyens politiques de les résoudre ou de les atténuer. (shrink)

Présenter les problèmes de gestion politique et administrative que pose la COVID 19 d’après l’OMS, les gouvernants et les intellectuels africains, présenter les positions respectives de ces acteurs, focaliser sur les propositions des intellectuels, voilà les objectifs des auteurs de cet ouvrage.

Ideally, the government of any nation is in a contract with the citizens for protection of life, property and freedom while the citizens are obliged to obey government laws. Moreso, the government is to discharge her duties without discriminating against any person or group. In Nigeria there are economic and administrative policies that discriminate against the Igbo nation resulting in dire consequences. Since economic policies make or mar the wellbeing of citizens especially in business, the need for fairness, equity, and (...) justice in the formulation and execution of policies is unquestionable. The Igbo of South East Nigeria, who are very active in business and entrepreneurship, suffer untold disadvantages and massive economic losses due to the lopsided and discriminatory economic policies churned out by successive Nigerian governments. Here we examine and argue against such policies based on their ethical implications and effects on individual and national development. (shrink)

How should political power and influence be allocated in democratic systems? That is, roughly, the core of the boundary problem in democratic theory. As of late, some authors have begun paying increased attention to the methodological aspects of this dispute. This paper attempts to make a twofold contribution to this ‘methodological turn’. On the one hand, it identifies and analyzes five desiderata of a successful principle of democratic inclusion. Any such principle, I argue, must be grounded in a clearly identifiable (...) set of values, must provide a clear standard of inclusion, must specify the relevant modalities of inclusion, must provide sound bridging principles, and must be extensionally adequate. In the first half of the paper, these desiderata are developed and critically scrutinized. On the other hand, I also extract three lessons from the previous discussion. First, that a unique answer to the boundary problem (i.e. one grounded in one single principle) is unlikely. Second, that a satisfactory answer to the boundary problem need not necessarily appeal, as some have argued, to distinctively democratic values. And third, that intuitions about political exclusion (i.e. those requiring or permitting the exclusion of some individuals) should be treated with special caution. (shrink)

In this article I attempt to systematically reconstruct Theodor Adorno’s account of the relationship between the processes of authoritarian subject formation and the processes of political formation of the democratic common will. Undertaking a reading that brings Adorno into dialogue with contemporary philosophical perspectives, the paper asks the question of whether it is possible to think of a “democratic We” in nihilistic times. In order to achieve this aim, I will analyze in reverse the modifications that the concept of narcissism (...) has undergone, from Adorno’s use of it to account for the symbolic obstacles to the formation of democratic subjectivities after the Holocaust, to the initial formulations of Freudian psychoanalysis. Finally, I will attempt to outline an affirmative answer to the initial question, formulating the potentials and merits of what I will call a politics of negativity. (shrink)

This work offers a new democratic case for federalism, understood as a form of governance in which multiple entities in a country possess final decision-making authority (viz., can make decisions free from others substituting their decisions, issuing fines, etc.) over at least one subject (e.g., immigration, defense). It argues that leading solutions to the democratic boundary problem provide overlapping arguments for federalism. The underlying logic and many details of the most commonly cited solutions focused on those relevantly affected by and (...) subject to decisions each support three distinct arguments (focused on voteshares, other forms of democratic influence, and persistent minorities) for multiple demoi possessing authority in a polity. Federalism is the best available method for recognizing the distinct demoi. This not only supports federal governance as opposed to unitary governance and subsidiarity. It also suggests that democracy and federalism are importantly related and have several implications for institutional design. (shrink)

En el marco de la reflexión sobre las relaciones entre ética y política como dimensiones de la experiencia humana y de la vida en común, se presenta una aproximación comparativa a la noción de democracia del filósofo estadounidense John Dewey y la del neozapatismo mexicano. Se señalan algunos puntos de encuentro entre estas nociones, principalmente, la consideración de la democracia como forma de vida comunitaria, como ethos, no sólo como forma de gobierno, y la afirmación de la coexistencia entre lo (...) diverso, en distintas escalas, como condición de la democracia —el pluralismo en Dewey y el pluriversalismo en el neozapatismo—. Se indican también importantes diferencias como el énfasis en el desarrollo de las potencialidades humanas individuales presente sólo en Dewey, y la historicidad y las relaciones de poder que contempla la noción de democracia de los neozapatistas, a diferencia de la de Dewey. El texto afirma la posible fecundidad del diálogo entre distintas tradiciones de pensamiento para la comprensión de la democracia en un sentido más radical, en el que se imbriquen ética y política. (shrink)

Jean-Marc Narbonne est reconnu internationalement pour ses travaux sur le néoplatonisme et la métaphysique grecque. Il dirige actuellement la Chaire de recherche du Canada en Antiquité critique et modernité émergente (ACMÉ), qui vise à mettre en lumière le rôle que l’héritage philosophique et littéraire de la Grèce antique a joué dans la modernité, et son importance pour la démocratie telle que nous la connaissons et qu’il nous revient encore aujourd’hui de la construire. Les présents entretiens permettent de mieux comprendre les (...) liens qui unissent ces deux moments de sa trajectoire, depuis son point de départ dans la vie intellectuelle au Québec et dans les débats contemporains de la philosophie continentale. Il se veulent ainsi le portrait d’un penseur original, qui est resté fidèle à des questions posées dès ses années de formation et à une culture antique qu’il n’a cessé par ses travaux d’illustrer et de faire connaître. (shrink)

I claim that the revisions John Rawls made to his theory of justice—as seen in his political conception of justice as fairness in the revised edition of Political Liberalism and Justice as Fairness: A Restatement—result in him being able to secure justice for all persons even in their private lives. Thus, I defend his theory against common communitarian and feminist criticisms, viz the lack of moral community and inability to secure justice for individuals in the private domain. I demonstrate that (...) justice is secured from the categorical requirement that all associational life and moral doctrines must adhere to the constraints of justice, by (what Rawls terms) the indirect application of the first principle of justice. The implications of and necessity for this indirect application are precisely what I interrogate in this thesis. I suggest that this indirect application requires unconditional acknowledgement and internalisation of the values of liberty and equality (political values of the first principle) into all aspects of civil society. I claim that Rawls realised this necessity for the congruence between the moral powers of persons, the spheres of society, and the right and the good and, as such, developed a complementary relation between these three features. Coherence between these three aspects is essential; without coherence, citizens would have a split moral personality, the public and the non-public spheres would be in conflict, and the political values and the moral doctrines of individuals would undermine one another. The significance of this strict coherence is that it can ensure the adequate development of individuals’ capacity for citizenship during the three stages of moral development. This results in citizens being able to form bonds of civic friendship necessary for justice as reciprocity to be realised. Thus, in this thesis, I position my argument against theorists such as Nancy Rosenblum, who argue for a more relaxed congruence between political institutions and civil society, as according to her illiberal forms of associational life can help form the necessary bonds of love and care needed for mutual cooperation in a liberal society. In opposition to this, I claim that strict congruence is necessary; without it, a stable liberal society is not possible as the citizens would not be able to able to respect one another on free, equal, and mutually beneficial terms. I rely on Hochschild’s sociological evidence to demonstrate that civic friendship has not been developed, due to a lack of reciprocity, impacting the negative development of one’s sense of justice. I then illustrate how this lack of reciprocity is amplified by digital and artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. The significance of this thesis is that I claim, firstly, Rawls’s last revisions and works before his death demonstrate that justice is a collective non-comprehensive good that results by constraining individuals’ associational life and their partial comprehensive doctrines to Rawlsian demands of justice. Thus, Rawls takes seriously the feminist and communitarian critiques he received. Secondly, I claim that this interpretation of Rawls’s theory of justice cannot be conceptualised in terms of a binary presentation of the priority of the right versus the good debate and, instead, I argue for a reconceptualisation of the priority of the right versus the good as ranges on a continuum of structural relations between the right and the good. (shrink)

There has been a lively debate amongst political theorists about whether certain liberal concepts of democracy are so idealized that they lack relevance to ʹrealʹ politics. Echoing these debates, Lois McNay examines in this book some theories of radical democracy and argues that they too tend to rely on troubling abstractions - or what she terms ʹsocially weightlessʹ thinking. They often propose ideas of the political that are so far removed from the logic of everyday practice that, ultimately, their supposed (...) emancipatory potential is thrown into question. Radical democrats frequently maintain that what distinguishes their ideas of the political from others is the fundamental concern with unmasking and challenging unrecognized forms of inequality and domination that distort everyday life. But this supposed attentiveness to power is undermined by the invocation of rarefied models of political action that treat agency as an unproblematic given and overlook certain features of the embodied experience of oppression. The tendency of radical democrats to define democratic agency in terms of dynamics of perpetual flux, mobility and agonism passes over too swiftly the way in which objective structures of oppression are often taken into the body as subjective dispositions, leaving individuals with the feeling that they are unable to do little more than endure a state of affairs beyond their control. -- Back cover. (shrink)

At the beginning of a new reign it seems appropriate to re-assess the meaning of monarchy in modern Britain. The new King heads a fractured royal family, a divided nation, and a disaffected Commonwealth. How can we as scholars make sense of where the monarchy has been, and where it might be going? This article suggests a new scholarly approach is required. Through a critical analysis of three classic studies of monarchy: Walter Bagehot’s The English constitution (1867), Kingsley Martin’s The (...) magic of monarchy (1937) and Tom Nairn’s The enchanted glass (1988), the lecture traces the lineage of modern interpretations of the British monarchy and points up their limitations. Preoccupied with the symbolism of monarchy, conventional scholarship neglects its important political functions. As the lecture argues, in the era of Brexit at home and populist regimes around the world, modern democracies may actually need monarchy more than ever before. (shrink)

O sistema democrático é entendido por Norberto Bobbio em dois vieses: como um conjunto de regras de procedimento para a constituição do governo e para a formação das decisões políticas, isto é, a democracia formal; e a democracia substancial, a qual pressupõe um conjunto de fins ideais — igualdade jurídica, social e econômica — independentemente dos meios adotados para os alcançar. Essas noções distintas se complementam no conceito que o autor explicita, visto que o ideal igualitário que o inspira (democracia (...) como valor, substancial) se realiza somente na formação da vontade geral (democracia como método, formal). Esse sistema se estende por alguns objetivos, os quais buscam alcançar o resultado mais próximo de sua aspiração que, em um contexto pluralista, são: liceidade de dissenso; participação mais ampla das pessoas nos assuntos públicos por meio de associações, partidos, sindicatos, etc; e descentralização do poder em diversos polos, nos quais cada grupo encontrará sua identidade e representatividade. Contudo, em sua obra Liberalismo e Democracia (1994), Bobbio apresenta tais objetivos em uma perspectiva diferente, elencando as possíveis falhas em cada um desses. Um dos principais problemas afirmados por ele tange à incapacidade dos governos democráticos de dominarem convenientemente os conflitos em uma sociedade complexa e de atender às exigências dos cidadãos, resultando em um cenário de sobrecarga de demandas financeiras e sociais, falta de legitimação do poder central e conflitualidade entre este e a população. Posto isso, o presente trabalho se debruça sobre os principais pressupostos da democracia e seus possíveis efeitos negativos, isto é, os riscos de sua aplicação em demasia. Desta maneira, conduziremos nossa análise perpassando por esse problema para, ao final, elencarmos os fatores limitantes para uma melhor execução dos cânones democráticos. (shrink)

Throughout his writings, Hume extols the benefits of an attribute he calls “Strength of Mind,” which he defines as the “prevalence of the calm passions over the violent” (T 2.3.3.10). But there is some question as to how he thought a person could attain this important trait. Contemporary scholars have committed Hume to the view that only indirect and social methods, such as state punishment or sympathetic pressure, could effectively cultivate it. Yet a closer examination of Hume’s corpus reveals a (...) more direct approach applicable at the individual level. Though rarely achieved and difficult to execute, self-government of the passions is possible according to Hume. The key to success lies in harnessing the power of habit. In its most sophisticated form, the process centrally involves cultivating a certain transformative connoisseurship, the ability to appreciate regularities in one’s own mental activity and thereby alter it. (shrink)

Resumen Jürgen Fuchs (1950-99) fue uno de los escritores nacidos en la RDA, cuyas biografías no solo fueron moldeadas por el régimen del SED, sino también deformadas con eficacia. Asimismo, fue uno de los pocos que trató expresiva y abruptamente los tabúes y mecanismos de un Estado gobernado de manera totalitaria. La obra literaria de Fuchs es un testimonio de época, un desafío al régimen comunista y a su legado contenido en los archivos de la Stasi. Por un lado, su (...) escritura, saturada de experiencia y teñida de autobiografía, lleva al lector a un impactante viaje a los tiempos de la segunda dictadura alemana y le permite echar un vistazo, entre bastidores, a la sociedad (post)socialista; por otro lado, se nos revela que Jürgen Fuchs, en su calidad de intelectual, se sintió obligado a intervenir allí donde había que prevenir la violencia, la mentira y el olvido. Este artículo examina el desarrollo literario de este autor, independiente en muchos aspectos, y examina las razones que le motivaron a romper el silencio y tender la mano hacia la verdad y la justicia e incluso, de ser necesario, a provocar un debate abierto. Abstract Jürgen Fuchs (1950-1999) was one of those GDR-born writers, whose biographies were not only shaped by the SED regime, but which also successfully deformed it. He was one of the few individuals who eloquently and unwaveringly exposed the taboos and mechanism of the totalitarian state. Fuchs’s literary oeuvre is a testimony of his times as well as a confrontation with the communist regime and its legacy in the form of the Stasi records. Coloured autobiographically and saturated with his own life experience, his writing takes the reader on a shocking journey into the time of the second German dictatorship, allowing them a look behind the scenes of the (post) socialist society. At the same time it brings about a realisation that as an intellectual Fuchs felt obliged to interfere whenever it was necessary to prevent violence, lies and forgetting about the past. This article traces the literary development of Fuchs as an independent writer and examines his motivation not to remain silent, to strive for truth and justice, and to provoke debate, whenever necessary. (shrink)

Botswana’s history is one of an unwavering exercise of self-determination and quest for self-rule. Post-independence, self-government prioritized an overarching philosophy of Kagisano or social harmony within which the aims of education were framed, in conjunction with a political commitment to Botho through democracy. For economic and social reasons the current educational policy of Botswana is based on outcomes based education (OBE), with its metrics of quantifiable outcomes. The article argues that Olúfemi Táíwò’s analysis of decolonization provides a philosophical lens through (...) which to interpret Botswana’s current educational pathway within the prevailing decolonization discourse. OBE clearly exhibits features of neo-colonialism, as it pertains to the national value principles. We draw on Ndlovu-Gatsheni decolonial epistemic perspective to frame the discussion that were possible to integrate OBE with Botswana’s ethnically inclusive, community-based view of democracy and associated virtues, this would be a worthwhile goal for education and could lead to a particular form of indigenised democracy. Substantive distinctions among the concepts of decolonization, neo-colonialism, and decoloniality, underwrite this thesis. We see the project of envisaging a future of education in Botswana as having to do with disentangling colonialist-imperialist cultural reproduction from indigenous aspirations. (shrink)

Activism undertaken by CEOs has been on the rise in recent years. Research on this practice has been primarily concerned with determining the conditions under which a CEO’s public statements on sociopolitical issues are beneficial or detrimental to her firm’s business performance. We complement this instrumental perspective on CEO activism with an ethical investigation of the implications of CEO activism for the democratic process. Drawing on political philosophy, we show that the answer to the question of whether CEO activism is (...) conducive to the democratic process depends on the view of democracy that is adopted. From the perspective of liberalism, the sole requirement that an instance of CEO activism must fulfill is that it is lawful, provided that the applicable law sufficiently protects people’s essential rights. However, from the viewpoint of republicanism, this is not a sufficient condition. Besides being law-abiding, CEOs should be “civic-minded” when intervening in public debates, i.e., concerned with the quality and fairness with which those debates are conducted. Based on the literature on republicanism, we suggest four possible criteria that civic-minded CEOs can apply to gauge the democratic conduciveness of a possible public intervention: added insight, timeliness, constructiveness, and transparency. Our article complements the predominantly instrumentally oriented literature on CEO activism and contributes, more broadly, to the literature that explores the normative dimensions of corporate political involvement, as well as to a growing strand of research that draws on philosophical theory to inform business leaders’ ethical decision-making. (shrink)

Este artigo aborda a democracia a partir das contribuições teóricas de Eric Weil, especialmente em seus escritos “Limites da democracia” e “A democracia em um mundo de tensões”. Weil critica definições do termo e busca estabelecer as condições gerais para um sistema político verdadeiramente democrático. O artigo está estruturado em três partes. Primeiramente, discute o panorama atual das percepções das crises democráticas. Em seguida, trata das condições para a participação nos processos democráticos, adotando a concepção weiliana da democracia como um (...) “sistema de livre discussão em evolução”. Por fim, o texto se volta às inconsistências dos discursos que, dentro de um contexto democrático, defendem um Estado autoritário. Esse problema será analisado à luz do “paradoxo da tolerância” de Karl Popper, e com o apoio dos argumentos de Robert Dahl. (shrink)

The exacerbating energy crises that are wreaking havoc around the globe, as well as the apparent effects of climate change, have spurred, amongst other causes, the concerted orientation towards amelioration aims such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and environmental, social, and corporate governance (ESG). Although often presented as not only the solution to these global problems (if adopted wholesale), they are increasingly being used as a vehicle to traffic the centralisation of power and exacerbate growing authoritarian trends. (...) This chapter aims to demonstrate how the narratives surrounding ESG package the problem into what might otherwise be the solution to global problems, missing the forest for the trees. (shrink)

Rarely in the short history of liberal-democratic government has a primer on basic liberal-democratic values and institutions been more needed than now. Popular discontent, even anger, with democratic governments has grown steadily over the past twenty years. And not since the 1930s have citizens and their elected officials been so baffled about their respective roles in the maintenance of both democratic governments and liberal economies. This book attempts to address this growing need. Especially written as a primer for courses in (...) Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE), it has introductory chapters on all three main disciplines. It also has chapters on the rule of law and on three important public-policy areas: Corruption, Climate, and Civil Society. Individual topics discussed include free and fair elections, populism, responsible government, republican and Westminster systems of government, regulated free markets, the Great Recession of 2008, globalization, greenwashing, identity politics, academic freedom, utilitarianism, social contract theory, positive and negative liberty, and the good life. Historically informed, The Ethics and Economics of Liberal Democracies: Foundations for PPE is sure to be of interest to students who are interested in public-policy work, as well as those who are interested in both the theory and practice of democratic government. (shrink)

Is democracy worth saving? Responding to the erosion of democracy, philosophical debates have pivoted from analyzing the best forms of democracy to questioning what is so valuable about democracy to begin with, how we can save it, and whether it is indeed worth saving. Contemporary Democratic Theory charts this pivot and surveys the most important new developments in the philosophical, theoretical, and normative examination of the concept of democracy. Comparisons that dominated 20th century democratic theory - between direct democracy, participatory (...) democracy, deliberative democracy, and agonistic democracy - are in the 21st century giving way to comparisons between democracy and its challengers: epistocracy, technocracy, meritocracy, oligarchy, and autocracy. Philosophical interest in the canonical figures of democratic theory like Aristotle, Rousseau and Mill is being eclipsed by damage control in the face populism, sinking trust in democratic institutions, failing political parties, and the spread of misinformation. (shrink)