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  1. Representación Democrática, Reglas de Decisión y la Constitución.Ricardo Restrepo - manuscript
    Este artículo brinda algunas respuestas y alternativas a ciertos problemas y propuestas en el área de la teoría democrática. El ensayo tiene como enfoque la cuestión de distinguir sistemas que pueden parecer democráticos sin serlo de sistemas realmente democráticos. Develando algunos actores disfrazados del discurso democrático en América Latina, el artículo argumenta que es preferible la regla de la mayoría como base para la identificación del bien común por medio del interés general, que reglas de minorías, consentimiento total o bases (...)
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  2. Physical Approach to Possession and Use.Sergei Vasiljev - manuscript
    In this study, the starting point is the well-known physical laws applied to human social life. On the basis of natural laws human actions are considered and through the prism of physical laws such concepts as use and possession are defined. A parallel is drawn between such a representation of these concepts and those conflicting views that are available in the literature regarding the concept of property. To complete the definitions of use and possession nature is introduced as a fictitious (...)
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  3. Celebrity Politics and Democratic Elitism.Alfred Archer & Amanda Cawston - forthcoming - Topoi:1-11.
    Is there good reason to worry about celebrity involvement in democratic politics? The rise of celebrity politicians such as Donald Trump and Vladimir Zelensky has led political theorists and commentators to worry that the role of expertise in democratic politics has been undermined. According to one recent critique, celebrities possess a significant degree of epistemic power that is unconnected to appropriate expertise. This presents a problem both for deliberative and epistemic theories of democratic legitimacy, which ignore this form of power, (...)
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  4. Political Parties and Republican Democracy.Alexander Bryan - forthcoming - Contemporary Political Theory:1-21.
    Political parties have been the subject of a recent resurgent interest among political philosophers, with prominent contributions spanning liberal to socialist literatures arguing for a more positive appraisal of the role of parties in the operation of democratic representation and public deliberation. In this article, I argue for a similar re-evaluation of the role of political parties within contemporary republicanism. Contemporary republicanism displays a wariness of political parties. In Philip Pettit’s paradigmatic account of republican democracy, rare mentions of political parties (...)
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  5. Stanley on Ideology, or How to De-Moralise Democracy.Rossi Enzo - forthcoming - Global Discourse.
    In *How Propaganda Works* Jason Stanley argues that democratic societies require substantial material equality because inequality causes ideologically flawed belief, which, in turn, make demagogic propaganda more effective. And that is problematic for the quality of democracy. In this brief paper I unpack that argument, in order to make two points: (a) the non-moral argument for equality is promising, but weakened by its reliance on a heavily moralised conception of democracy; (b) that problem may be remedied by whole-heartedly embracing a (...)
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  6. Marx, Spinoza, and 'True Democracy'.Sandra Leonie Field - forthcoming - In Jason Maurice Yonover & Kristin Gjesdal (eds.), Spinoza in Germany: Political and Religious Thought in the Long Nineteenth Century. New York: Oxford University Press.
    It is common to assimilate Marx’s and Spinoza’s conceptions of democracy. In this chapter, I assess the relation between Marx’s early idea of “true democracy” and Spinozist democracy, both the historical influence and the theoretical affinity. Drawing on Marx’s student notebooks on Spinoza’s Theological-Political Treatise, I show there was a historical influence. However, at the theoretical level, I argue that a sharp distinction must be drawn. Philosophically, Spinoza’s commitment to understanding politics through real concrete powers does not support with Marx’s (...)
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  7. Epistemic Democracy Without Truth: The Deweyan Approach.Michael Fuerstein - forthcoming - Raisons Politiques.
    In this essay I situate John Dewey’s pragmatist approach to democratic epistemology in relation to contemporary “epistemic democracy.” Like epistemic democrats, Dewey characterizes democracy as a form of social inquiry. But whereas epistemic democrats suggest that democracy aims to “track the truth,” Dewey rejects the notion of “tracking” or “corresponding” to truth in political and other domains. For Dewey, the measure of successful decision-making is not some fixed independent standard of truth or correctness but, instead, our own reflective satisfaction with (...)
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  8. Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  9. Democracy, Paternalism, and Campaign Finance.Adam Hosein - forthcoming - Public Affairs Quarterly.
  10. Democratic Autonomy and the Shortcomings of Citizens.Adam Lovett - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy:1-24.
    A widely held picture in political science emphasizes the cognitive shortcomings of us citizens. We’re ignorant. We don’t know much about politics. We’re irrational. We bend the evidence to show our side in the best possible light. And we’re malleable. We let political elites determine our political opinions. This paper is about why these shortcomings matter to democratic values. Some think that democracy’s value consists entirely in its connection to equality. But the import of these shortcomings, I argue, cannot be (...)
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  11. Voter Motivation.Adam Lovett - forthcoming - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Voters have many motivations. Some vote on the issues. They vote for a candidate because they share that candidate’s policy positions. Some vote on performance. They vote for a candidate because they think that that candidate will produce the best outcomes in office. Some vote on group identities. They vote for a candidate because that candidate is connected to their social group. This paper is about these motivations. I address three questions. First, which of these motivations, were it widespread, would (...)
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  12. Libertarian Paternalism and Susan Hurley's Political Philosophy.Ittay Nissan-Rozen - forthcoming - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy.
    As the use of nudges by governmental agencies becomes more common, the need for normative guidelines regarding the processes by which decisions about the implementation of specific nudges are taken becomes more acute. In order to find a justified set of such guidelines one must meet several theoretical challenges to Libertarian Paternalism that arise at the foundational level. In this paper, I identify three central challenges to Libertarian Paternalism, and suggest that Susan Hurley's political philosophy as presented in her Natural (...)
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  13. Ethical Consumerism, Democratic Values, and Justice.Brian Berkey - 2021 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 49 (3):237-274.
    It is widely believed that just societies would be characterized by some combination of democratic political institutions and market-based economic institutions. Underlying the commitment to the combination of democracy and markets is the view that certain normatively significant outcomes in a society ought to be determined by democratic processes, while others ought to be determined by market processes. On this view, we have reason to object when market processes are employed in ways that circumvent democratic processes and affect outcomes that (...)
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  14. La democracia y la multitud: Spinoza contra Negri.Sandra Leonie Field - 2021 - Revista Argentina de Ciencia Política 1 (26):1-25.
    Spanish translation of Field, S. L. (2012). 'Democracy and the multitude: Spinoza against Negri'. Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory, 59(131), 21-40. Translated by María Cecilia Padilla and Gonzalo Ricci Cernadas. Negri celebra una concepción de la democracia en la que los poderes concretos de los individuos humanos no se alienan sino que se agregan: una democracia de la multitud. Pero ¿cómo puede actuar la multitud sin alienar el poder de nadie? Para contestar esta dificultad, Negri explícitamente apela (...)
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  15. Review of Drutman, Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop. [REVIEW]Walter Horn - 2021 - A Hornbook of Democracy Book Reviews, 3:16 AM.
  16. An Epistemic Case for Positive Voting Duties.Carline Klijnman - 2021 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 33 (1):74-101.
    In response to widespread voter ignorance, Jason Brennan argues for a voting ethics that can be summarized as one negative duty: do not vote badly. The implication that abstaining is always permissible entails no incentive for citizens to become competent voters or to vote once competent. Following the Condorcet Jury Theorem, this can lead to suboptimal outcomes, suggesting that voter turnout should concern instrumentalist epistemic accounts of democratic legitimacy. This could be addressed by adding two positive voting duties: to make (...)
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  17. Must Egalitarians Condemn Representative Democracy?Adam Lovett - 2021 - Social Theory and Practice 1 (1):171-198.
    Many contemporary democratic theorists are democratic egalitarians. They think that the distinctive value of democracy lies in equality. Yet this position faces a serious problem. All contemporary democracies are representative democracies. Such democracies are highly unequal: representatives have much more power than do ordinary citizens. So, it seems that democratic egalitarians must condemn representative democracies. In this paper, I present a solution to this problem. My solution invokes popular control. If representatives are under popular control, then their extra power is (...)
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  18. Democratic Legitimacy and the Competence Obligation.Finlay Malcolm - 2021 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 8 (1):109-130.
    What obligations are there on voters? This paper argues that voters should make their electoral decision competently, and does so by developing on a recent proposal for democratic legitimacy. It then explores three problems arising from this ‘competency obligation’. First, how should voters be competent? I propose three conditions required for voter competence. Second, how competent should voters be? I argue that the competency required tracks the significance of the consequences of the vote. Third, if the electorate are unlikely to (...)
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  19. Democracy Without Enlightenment: A Jury Theorem for Evaluative Voting.Michael Morreau - 2021 - Journal of Political Philosophy 29 (2):188-210.
    Panels, boards, and committees throughout society evaluate all manner of things by grading them, first individually and then collectively. Thus risks are prioritized, research proposals are funded, and candidates are shortlisted for jobs. It is not usual to pick winners in political elections by grading the candidates, but there are examples in history. This article takes up a question about the quality of judgments and decisions made by grading: under which conditions are they likely to be right? An answer comes (...)
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  20. Security, Local Community, and the Democratic Political Culture in Africa.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2021 - In Pathways to Alternative Epistemologies in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 111-122.
    In this study, the idea of the local African community as a social structure ensuring the security of its members is presented. An understanding of the concept of security is first briefly discussed, followed by the meaning of the concept of the local African community. The chapter also makes an a priori distinction between what one can call “moderate” and “radical” types of communal life and two case studies exemplifying them are presented. The chapter aims to analyze the trade off, (...)
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  21. ¿Demarquía o utopía?Miguel Cabrera Machado - 2020 - Foro Venezuela 2020.
    Cualquier propuesta de alternativa a la democracia representativa, sea para mejorarla, sea para sustituirla por otro tipo de forma política, debería de tomar en cuenta dos tipos de restricciones para que la alternativa en cuestión tenga mayores probabilidades de éxito. Al primer grupo de restricciones los llamaremos factores limitantes de la conducta humana, mientras que al segundo grupo los llamaremos funciones impropias de esa forma política, es decir, las funciones que no debería tener. Tanto los factores limitantes de la conducta (...)
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  22. Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that these (...)
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  23. Against Anti-Democratic Shortcuts: A Few Replies to Critics.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Journal of Deliberative Democracy 16 (2):96-109.
    In this essay, I address several questions and challenges brought about by the contributors to the special issue on my book Democracy without Shortcuts. In particular, I address some implications of my critique of deep pluralism; distinguish between three senses of ‘blind deference’: political, reflective, and informational; draw a critical parallelism between the populist conception of representation as embodiment and the conception of ‘citizen-representatives’ often ascribed to participants in deliberative minipublics; defend the democratic attractiveness of participatory uses over empowered uses (...)
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  24. Democracy and Inquiry in the Post-Truth Era: A Pragmatist Solution.Daniel Labrador Montero - 2020 - Disputatio. Philosophical Research Bulletin 9 (13).
    Post-truth has become a commonplace strategy. No longer are objective facts viewed as having evidentiary value; scientific knowledge is on a par with emotions or personal beliefs. We intend to show that in the context of post-truth, those proffering and receiving an assertion do not care about the truth-value of the assertion or about the best way to gather evidence concerning it. Such attitudes raise several questions about how relativism can be a corrupting influence in contemporary democracies. We will analyse (...)
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  25. Democratic Public Justification.Alexander Motchoulski - 2020 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 50 (7):844-861.
    Democratic institutions are appealing means of making publicly justified social choices. By allowing participation by all citizens, democracy can accommodate diversity among citizens, and by considering the perspectives of all, via ballots or debate, democratic results can approximate what the balance of reasons favors. I consider whether, and under what conditions, democratic institutions might reliably make publicly justified social decisions. I argue that conventional accounts of democracy, constituted by voting or deliberation, are unlikely to be effective public justification mechanisms. I (...)
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  26. In the Name of Liberty: An Argument for Universal Unionization.Mark R. Reiff - 2020 - Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
    For years now, unionization has been under vigorous attack. Membership has been steadily declining, and with it union bargaining power. As a result, unions may soon lose their ability to protect workers from economic and personal abuse, as well as their significance as a political force. In the Name of Liberty responds to this worrying state of affairs by presenting a new argument for unionization, one that derives an argument for universal unionization in both the private and public sector from (...)
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  27. 'Warrior Mindset' Can Get People Killed.Susanna Siegel & Caroline Light - 2020 - Tampa Bay Times Newspaper, December 18.
    Op-ed written with historian Caroline Light about some of the ways that ideas of democratic citizenship can become perverted by the idea that personal safety required armed defense against attacks by strangers.
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  28. Why Populists Do Well on Social Networks.Kai Spiekermann - 2020 - Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 12 (2):50-71.
    A link between populism and social media is often suspected. This paper spells out a set of possible mechanisms underpinning this link: that social media changes the communication structure of the public sphere, making it harder for citizens to obtain evidence that refutes populist assumptions. By developing a model of the public sphere, four core functions of the public sphere are identified: exposing citizens to diverse information, promoting equality of deliberative opportunity, creating deliberative transparency, and producing common knowledge. A wellworking (...)
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  29. Le Suicide par la Démocratie -une Nécrologie n pour l' Amérique et le Monde.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In Bienvenue en Enfer sur Terre : Bébés, Changement climatique, Bitcoin, Cartels, Chine, Démocratie, Diversité, Dysgénique, Égalité, Pirates informatiques, Droits de l'homme, Islam, Libéralisme, Prospérité, Le Web, Chaos, Famine, Maladie, Violence, Intellige. Las Vegas, NV, USA: Reality Press. pp. 296-347.
    L’Amérique et le monde sont en train de s’effondrer à cause d’une croissance démographique excessive, la plupart pour le siècle dernier, et maintenant tout cela, en raison des personnes du 3e monde. La consommation de ressources et l’ajout de 4 milliards d’euros supplémentaires vont effondrer la civilisation industrielle et provoquer la famine, la maladie, la violence et la guerre à une échelle stupéfiante. La terre perd au moins 1% de sa terre maximale chaque année, de sorte qu’il approche de 2100, (...)
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  30. Comprender las Conexiones entre Ciencia, Filosofía, Psicología, Religión, Política, Economía, Historia y Literatura - Artículos y reseñas 2006-2019.Michael Richard Starks (ed.) - 2020 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    Dado que los problemas filosóficos son el resultado de nuestra psicología innata, o como Wittgenstein lo afirma, debido a la falta de perspicuidad del lenguaje, se ejecutan a lo largo del discurso y el comportamiento humano, por lo que hay una necesidad infinita de análisis filosófico, no sólo en el 'human ciencias de la filosofía, la sociología, la antropología, la ciencia política, la psicología, la historia, la literatura, la religión, etc., pero en las "ciencias duras" de la física, las matemáticas (...)
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  31. Selamat Datang di Neraka di Bumi: Bayi, Perubahan Iklim, Bitcoin, Kartel, Tiongkok, Demokrasi, Keragaman, Disgenik, Kesetaraan, Peretas, Hak Asasi Manusia, Islam, Liberalisme, Kemakmuran, Web, Kekacauan, Kelaparan, Penyakit, Kekerasan, Kecerdasan Buatan, Perang.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    America and the world are in the process of collapse from excessive population growth, most of it for the last century and now all of it due to 3rd world people. Consumption of resources and the addition of one or two billion more ca. 2100 will collapse industrial civilization and bring about starvation, disease, violence and war on a staggering scale. Billions will die and nuclear war is all but certain. In America this is being hugely accelerated by massive immigration (...)
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  32. 民主自杀-葬礼在美国和世界的演说 (Suicide by Democracy-an Obituary for America and the World(2019)).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 欢迎来到地球上的地狱: 婴儿,气候变化,比特币,卡特尔,中国,民主,多样性,养成基因,平等,黑客,人权,伊斯兰教,自由主义,繁荣,网络,混乱。饥饿,疾病,暴力,人工智能,战争. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 268-292.
    美国和世界正处于人口过度增长的崩溃过程中,其中大多数在上个世纪,现在全部归功于第三世界人民。消耗资源,增加40亿人口,将崩溃工业文明,带来惊人的饥饿、疾病、暴力和战争。地球每年至少损失1%的表土,因此 ,当它接近2100年时,大部分粮食的生长能力将消失。数十亿将死去,核战争几乎可以肯定。在美国,由于大规模移民和移民再生产,加上民主带来的滥用,这大大加速了这一点。堕落的人性无情地把民主和多样性的梦想变 成了犯罪和贫穷的恶梦。只要中国坚持限制自私的独裁统治,中国将继续压倒美国和世界。崩溃的根本原因是我们与生俱来的心理无法适应现代世界,这导致人们把不相干的人当作他们共同的利益对待。人权观念是左派分子宣扬 的邪恶幻想,旨在转移人们对无节制的第三世界母性无情毁灭地球的注意力。再加上对基础生物学和心理学的无知,导致部分受过教育的控制民主社会的人产生社会工程错觉。很少有人明白,如果你帮助一个人,你伤害了别人— —没有免费的午餐,任何人消耗的每一件东西都会破坏无法修复的地球。因此,各地的社会政策是不可持续的,一个个、没有严格控制自私的社会将崩溃为无政府状态或独裁。最基本的事实几乎从未提及过,即美国或世界上没有 足够的资源来使相当一部分穷人摆脱贫困并使他们继续生活。这样做的企图正在使美国破产,毁灭世界。地球生产食物的能力每天都在下降,我们的遗传质量也是如此。现在,和往常一样,穷人最大的敌人是其他穷人,而不是富 人。如果不进行戏剧性和立即的变化,就不可能阻止美国或任何遵循民主制度的国家的崩溃。.
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  33. 민주주의에 의한 자살 - 미국과 세계를위한 죽음 연설.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 지구상의 지옥에 오신 것을 환영합니다 : 아기, 기후 변화, 비트 코인, 카르텔, 중국, 민주주의, 다양성, 역학, 평등, 해커, 인권, 이슬람, 자유주의, 번영, 웹, 혼돈, 기아, 질병, 폭력, 인공 지능, 전쟁. Las Vegas,NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 329-389.
    미국과 세계는 지난 세기 동안 과도 한 인구 증가에서 붕괴의 과정에, 그리고 지금 그것의 모든, 3 세계 사람들 로 인해. 자원 의 소비와 40 억 더 ca. 2100의 추가는 산업 문명을 붕괴하고 엄청난 규모의 기아, 질병, 폭력과 전쟁을 초래할 것입니다. 지구는 매년 표토의 적어도 1 %를 잃고, 그래서 그것은 2100 에 가까워지면, 그것의 음식 성장 능력의 대부분은 사라질 것입니다. 수십억 달러가 죽을 것이고 핵전쟁은 확실합니다. 미국에서, 이것은 거 대 한 이민 및 이민자 재생산에 의해 크게 가속화 되 고, 민주주의에 의해 (...)
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  34. पृथ्वी पर नर्क में आपका स्वागत है: शिशुओं, जलवायु परिवर्तन, बिटकॉइन, कार्टेल, चीन, लोकतंत्र, विविधता, समानता, हैकर्स, मानव अधिकार, इस्लाम, उदारवाद, समृद्धि, वेब, अराजकता, भुखमरी, बीमारी, हिंसा, कृत्रिम बुद्धिमत्ता, युद्ध.Michael Richard Starks (ed.) - 2020 - Ls Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    अमेरिका और दुनिया अत्यधिक जनसंख्या वृद्धि से पतन की प्रक्रिया में हैं, यह सबसे पिछली सदी के लिए और अब यह सब 3 दुनिया के लोगों के कारण । संसाधनों की खपत और एक या दो अरब अधिक सीए के अलावा औद्योगिक सभ्यता का पतन होगा और भुखमरी, बीमारी, हिंसा और युद्ध को चौंका देने वाले पैमाने पर लाएगा । अरबों मर जाएगा और परमाणु युद्ध सब लेकिन निश्चित है । अमेरिका में यह बेहद बड़े पैमाने पर आव्रजन और आप्रवासी (...)
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  35. 중국을 지배하는 7 명의 정신병자들이 제 3 차 세계 대전에서 승리하는 방법과 그들을 막을 수있는 세 가지 방법 (2019).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 지구상의 지옥에 오신 것을 환영합니다 : 아기, 기후 변화, 비트 코인, 카르텔, 중국, 민주주의, 다양성, 역학, 평등, 해커, 인권, 이슬람, 자유주의, 번영, 웹, 혼돈, 기아, 질병, 폭력, 인공 지능, 전쟁. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 390-400.
    가장 먼저 명심해야 할 점은 중국이 이것을 말한다면, 우리는 중국 인민에 대해 말하는 것이 아니라 중국 공산당을 통제하는 사회병리학자들, 즉 중국 공산당의 7대 노인사회병연쇄살인범(SSSSK)이나 공산당 상무위원 25명 등이다. 중국 정부의 제3차 세계대전과 총체적 지배에 대한 중국 공산당의 계획은 중국 정부의 출판물과 연설에서 아주 분명하게 드러나며 이는 시진핑의 '중국의 꿈'이다. 중국을 지배하는 소수 민족(아마도 수십~수백 명)과 다른 모든 사람들에게 는 악몽(14억 중국인 포함)의 꿈입니다. 매년 100억 달러를 통해 그들 또는 인형은 신문, 잡지, TV 및 라디오 채널을 소유하거나 제어하고 매일 대부분의 주요 (...)
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  36. Suicidio por la Democracia - un Obituario para América y el Mundo 5ª Edición.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    Estados Unidos y el mundo están en el proceso de colapso de un crecimiento excesivo de la población, la mayoría de ella para el siglo pasado, y ahora todo ello, debido a la gente del 3ª mundo. El consumo de recursos y la adición de 4 mil millones más ca. 2100 colapsarán la civilización industrial y traerán hambre, enfermedad, violencia y guerra a una escala asombrosa. La tierra pierde al menos el 1% de su suelo vegetal cada año, por lo (...)
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  37. Altruismo, Jesús y el Fin del Mundo - Artículos y Reseñas 2006-2020.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    La predisposición genética a ayudar a nuestros parientes cercanos ("altruismo"), que era vital para la supervivencia en nuestros antepasados en las llanuras de Africa de cenas de miles a decenas de millones de años atrás, es un defecto fatal en un mundo superpoblado donde nuestros vecinos ya no están estrechamente relacionados y están involucrados en una lucha de vida o muerte por la supervivencia. Me he referido a esto como "El gran delirio de la familia feliz" y es fundamental para (...)
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  38. लोकतंत्र द्वारा आत्महत्या-अमेरिका और विश्व(2019)के लिए एक प्रसूति Suicide by Democracy-an Obituary for America and the World.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In पृथ्वी पर नर्क में आपका स्वागत है: शिशुओं, जलवायु परिवर्तन, बिटकॉइन, कार्टेल, चीन, लोकतंत्र, विविधता, समानता, हैकर्स, मानव अधिकार, इस्लाम, उदारवाद, समृद्धि, वेब, अराजकता, भुखमरी, बीमारी, हिंसा, कृत्रिम बुद्धिमत्ता, युद्ध. Las Vegas, NV, USA: Reality Press. pp. 336-388.
    अमेरिका और दुनिया अत्यधिक जनसंख्या वृद्धि से पतन की प्रक्रिया में हैं, पिछली सदी के लिए यह सबसे अधिक है, और अब यह सब, 3 दुनिया के लोगों के कारण. संसाधनों की खपत और 4 अरब से अधिक ca. 2100 के अलावा औद्योगिक सभ्यता पतन और भुखमरी, रोग, हिंसा और एक चौंका देने वाले पैमाने पर युद्ध के बारे में लाना होगा. पृथ्वी हर साल अपने topsoil के कम से कम 1% खो देता है, तो के रूप में यह 2100 (...)
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  39. J.K Rowling 私より悪い?.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 地獄へようこそ 赤ちゃん、気候変動、ビットコイン、カルテル、中国、民主主義、多様性、ディスジェニックス、平等、ハッカー、人権、イスラム教、自由主義、繁栄、ウェブ、カオス、飢餓、病気、暴力、人工知能、戦争. Las Vegas, NV , USA: Reality Press. pp. 232-235.
    金持ちと有名人に別のテイクはどうですか?まず、ハリー・ポッターの小説は、子供たちが世界に責任を持つのではなく、ファンタジーを信じることを奨励する原始的な迷信です。JKRは、ほとんどの人と同じくらい自分 自身と世界について手がかりはありませんが、平均的なアメリカ人の約200倍、平均的な中国人の約800倍の破壊的です。彼女は、これらのゴミ小説とそれに続くすべての侵食を生み出すために、おそらく30,000 ヘクタールの森林の破壊を担当してきました(地球上のすべての人のために海に少なくとも6トンとおそらく12トン/年の土壌、またはアメリカ人1人あたり100トンなので、ローリングの本やmov iesと彼女の3人の子供たちのために約5000トン/年ですies and her)。地球は毎年表土の少なくとも1%を失うので、2100に近づくにつれて、その食糧栽培能力のほとんどはなくなりました。その後、本や映画、プラスチック人形などを作り、配布するために作られた燃料や廃棄 物の膨大な量があります。彼女は、何百万人もの人々を使って家族計画や熱帯雨林の購入を奨励するのではなく、子供たちを生み出し、イギリス、アメリカ、世界、そして彼女の子孫の将来を破壊している第3世界至上主義 の従来のリベラルな愚かさを促進することによって、社会的責任の欠如を示しています。もちろん、彼女は他の7とそれほど変わりません。80億の手がかりのない - ちょうど騒がしい、より破壊的な. それは無料の昼食の問題は大きいです。暴徒は、他の人に危害を加えずに一人の人を助けることのようなものがないことを見ることができません。過密な世界への新規参入者に与えられた権利や特権は、他の人の権利や特権 を暗くすることしかできません。毎日どこでも目の前で起こっている大規模な生態学的災害にもかかわらず、彼らは前世紀の人口増加の大部分を占める「多様」の拘束されていない母性にそれらを固定することはできません 。彼らは、産業文明の最終的な崩壊に社会の資源と機能に対する日々の攻撃を推定するために必要な知性、教育、経験と正気のいくつかの組み合わせを欠いています。各食事、車やバスでの各旅行、靴の各ペアは、地球の棺 の中の別の釘です。ロンドンからサンフランシスコへの飛行機の1つの座席が、約3平方メートルの海氷を溶かす約1トンの炭素を生産し、過剰な特権の一つとして、彼女はおそらく何百ものフライトを飛ばしたことは、彼 女の心を横切ったことはありません。 金持ちや有名人だけでなく、事実上すべての教師を含むほぼすべての公人は政治的に正しいと圧力を受けており、西洋民主主義では、現在、社会民主主義(ネオマルクス主義者、すなわち希薄な共産主義者)第三世界至上主 義者が自分たちの社会と子孫の破壊のために働くことを意味しています。だから、教育、経験、知性(そして基本的な常識)が欠けている人々は、彼らが公の声明を出すのを全く禁止すべきであるが、すべてのメディアを完 全に支配し、知的で文明的な人々が民主主義、多様性、平等を支持しなければならないという印象を作り出す一方で、真実はこれらが問題であり、解決策ではなく、彼ら自身が文明の主要な敵であるという印象を作り出す。 民主主義第2nd ed(2019年)などによる私の自殺を参照してください .
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  40. Raymond Aron: l’esigenza di realismo nell’analisi della democrazia, in Carla Danani (a cura di), Democrazia e verità. Tra degenerazione e rigenerazione, Morcelliana, Brescia 2020, pp. 395-406 [ISBN 978-88-372-3446-1].Tommaso Valentini - 2020 - In Volume 10 della collana a cura della Fondazione Centro Studi Filosofici di Gallarate. Roma: pp. 395-406.
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  41. Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  42. A Case for Global Democracy? Arms Exports and Conflicting Goals in Democracy Promotion.Pavel Dufek & Michal Mochťak - 2019 - Journal of International Relations and Development 22 (3):610–639.
    Employing the framework of conflicting goals in democracy promotion as departure point, the paper addresses the issue of arms exports to non-democratic countries as an important research topic which points to a reconsideration of certain fundamental conceptual and normative commitments underpinning democracy promotion. Empirically, we remind of the lingering hypocrisy of Western arms exporters, knowing that exports to non-democratic countries often hinder or block democratisation. This is not easily circumvented, because of the many conflicting objectives both internal and external to (...)
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  43. Constitutional Democracy in the Age of Populisms: A Commentary to Mark Tushnet’s Populist Constitutional Law.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2019 - Res Publica:1-17.
    This contribution aims at discussing constitutional democracy in the age of populisms, by explaining how populist movements oppose liberal-democratic constitutionalism and by presenting the thesis of a so-called ‘populist constitutionalism’, as proposed by Mark Tushnet. In the first section, a general and analytic exploration of populist phenomena will be drawn, by focusing on the so-called thesis of a ‘populist’ constitutionalism. In the second part, Tushnet’s arguments for a populist constitutionalism will be presented, through the analysis of his two main contributions: (...)
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  44. Délibérer entre égaux. Enquête sur l'idéal démocratique.Charles Girard - 2019 - Paris: Vrin.
    L’idéal démocratique est accusé d’être irréaliste. Le gouvernement du peuple par le peuple et pour le peuple serait une chimère dans les sociétés contemporaines. Il faudrait lui préférer les visées plus modestes associées à l’élection : un droit de vote égal et la satisfaction du plus grand nombre. La démocratie ne se laisse pourtant pas réduire à la compétition électorale. Les acteurs et les institutions politiques qui s’en réclament invoquent non seulement un marché, où rivalisent des intérêts privés, mais un (...)
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  45. De la presse en démocratie.Charles Girard - 2019
    Les nouveaux médias représentent-ils une menace ou un progrès pour la presse en régime démocratique ? À partir d’une analyse du rôle politique de la presse, qui contribue au droit de chacun à gouverner, Charles Girard s’interroge sur le renouvellement du métier de journaliste et sur les modes de délibération démocratique.
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  46. Judicial Democracy.Robert C. Hughes - 2019 - Loyola University Chicago Law Journal 51:19-64.
    Many scholars believe that it is procedurally undemocratic for the judiciary to have an active role in shaping the law. These scholars believe either that such practices as judicial review and creative statutory interpretation are unjustified, or that they are justified only because they improve the law substantively. This Article argues instead that the judiciary can play an important procedurally democratic role in the development of the law. Majority rule by legislatures is not the only defining feature of democracy; rather, (...)
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  47. The Egalitarian Quality of Lottocracy.Julia Jakobi - 2019 - Quaderns de Filosofia 6 (2):43.
    Recently, political models which employ lottery-selection instead of ballot voting have been proposed. Proponents argue that such lottocratic models can improve the representation of the population and reduce undemocratic influences. In this paper, I argue that these proposals also satisfy the egalitarian requirement of democracy. I claim that having an equal chance to be selected by lot is equally egalitarian as having an equally weighed vote for two reasons: first, having a chance to be selected by lot satisfies the requirement (...)
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  48. Markets in Votes: Alienability, Strict Secrecy, and Political Clientelism.Nicolás Maloberti - 2019 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 18 (2):193-215.
    Standard rationales for the illegality of markets in votes are based on concerns over the undue influence of wealth and the erosion of civic responsibility that would result from the commodification of votes. I present an alternative rationale based on how the mere alienability of votes alters the strategic setting faced by political actors. The inalienability of votes ensure the strict secrecy of voting, that is, the inability of voters to communicate credibly to others the content of their votes. In (...)
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  49. Why Public Reason Could Not Be Too Modest: The Case of Public Reason Confucianism.Franz Mang - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):163-176.
    In Public Reason Confucianism, Sungmoon Kim presents an important Confucian political theory that seeks to combine a specific conception of Confucianism and the ideal of public reason. My article examines this theory and identifies some of the theoretical complications with Rawlsian public reason.
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  50. Technological Revolution, Transhumanism, and Social Deliberation: Enhancement or Welfare?Daniel Labrador Montero - 2019 - Handbook of Research on Industrial Advancement in Scientific Knowledge.
    The aim of this chapter is to show some of the assumptions that lie behind transhumanism. The concept of enhancement is analyzed. While, from transhumanism, human welfare depends on the enhancement of human capabilities, here it shall be argued that to begin with, a social debate over what is considered welfare is needed before we can establish what we wish to improve (enhance). This reflection must emphasize the necessity to reflect, ex ante, on what kind of technological development we want, (...)
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