Explores how violence structures language and the writing of literature and philosophy. Within the violence our societies must confront today exists a dimension proper to language. Anyone who has been through the educational system, for example, recognizes how language not only shapes and models us, but also imposes itself upon us. During the twentieth century, this system revealed how language can condemn one to a certain death. In The Vocation of Writing, philosopher Marc Crépon explores this dimension of language, (...) convinced that the node of all violence pertains first to language and how we make use of it. Crépon focuses on Kafka, Levinas, Singer, and Derrida, not only because each rose against commandeering language in order to warn against the next massacres, but also because their work affirms the vocation of writing—that which makes literature and philosophy the final weapon for unmasking the violence and hatred that language bears at its heart. To affirm the vocation of writing is to turn language against itself, to defuse its murderous potentialities by opening it toward exchange, responsibility, and humanity when the latter fixes the other and the world as its goals. (shrink)

The Thought of Death and the Memory of War examines the career of Martin Heidegger’s concept of Being-toward-death. For Heidegger, the thought of death, the confrontation with the anxiety of death, reveals the path to a life authentically lived. His analysis of Being-toward-death exercised enormous influence over subsequent thinkers, from Sartre to Derrida, who both admired the power and originality of his thinking, but were confounded by its glaring oversight: the trenches and killing fields of a war that had reached (...) its culmination less than ten years before Being and Time’s publication in 1927. Even more glaring was Heidegger’s resolute and dismaying silence regarding the Holocaust in the years following World War II. Marc Crépon examines the efforts of philosophers and writers – Sartre, Levinas, Patocka, Ricœur, Semprun, and Derrida – to contend critically with Heidegger’s thought of death. But Crépon’s project is not simply or even primarily one of intellectual history. Critical engagement with Heidegger’s Being-toward-death reveals the extent to which political frontiers are grounded in mourning and in the demarcation between those who must be mourned and those whose deaths can be overlooked and ignored. The thought of death thus enables us to discern the contours of a moral and political community that, grounded in our shared mortality, is universal in its extension. The book concludes by examining how the media’s representations of death maintain the frontiers of mourning and thus “eclipse,” hide, or discourage the thought of death. (shrink)

Il y a dans la violence que doivent aujourd’hui affronter nos sociétés une dimension propre à la langue. Quiconque a fait l’apprentissage de l’éducation doit reconnaître au creux de sa propre expérience la manière dont la langue façonne, modèle, impose. Quant au XXe siècle, il s’est chargé de nous montrer comment la langue peut condamner à une mort certaine. C’est cette dimension propre au langage que se propose d’explorer le philosophe Marc Crépon, convaincu que le nœud de toute violence (...) tient d’abord dans la langue et l’usage que nous en avons. S’il chemine avec Kafka, Lévinas, Singer ou Derrida, ce n’est pas seulement parce que chacun d’entre eux s’est en son temps insurgé contre les détournements de la langue, préludes aux plus grands crimes commis contre l’humanité, constituant un réservoir d’expériences, pour prévenir les prochains massacres. C’est aussi parce que leur œuvre affirme la vocation de l’écriture : celle qui fait de la littérature et de la philosophie l’arme ultime pour démasquer, au coeur de la langue, la violence et la haine dont celle-ci est porteuse. Affirmer la vocation de l’écriture, c’est retourner la langue contre elle-même, désamorcer ses potentialités meurtrières en l’ouvrant à l’échange, à la responsabilité, à l’humanité, quand celle-ci se fixe autrui et le monde comme buts. Normalien, agrégé de philosophie, Marc Crépon est directeur de recherches au CNRS et directeur du département de philosophie à l’École normale supérieure. Il a notamment publiéLe Consentement meurtrier. (shrink)

Le Consentement meurtrier interroge au plus profond les racines de la violence. Celle-ci ne se résume pas à son exercice dans certains cas extrêmes : meurtres ou guerres. Elle a pour origine ce qui en chacun de nous déjà commence à pervertir le lien nécessaire entre l'éthique et les intérêts qui commandent toute action, personnelle ou plus généralement politique. Ainsi sommes-nous conduits à transiger en permanence avec le type de responsabilité qu'appellent pourtant de partout le secours, le soin et l'attention (...) exigés par la vulnérabilité et la mortalité d'autrui. Pour autant, un tel consentement n'est pas une fatalité, et ce livre explore aussi quelques-unes des voies qui permettent de s'en dégager : la révolte, la bonté, la critique et la honte. Sa méthode opte pour une démarche rarement explorée : soutenir la réflexion philosophique de sources littéraires (Camus, Zweig, Grossman, Kraus, Ôé) qui nous font pénétrer le surgissement d'un tel consentement plus finement que ne le feraient une théorie et ses concepts. (shrink)

“The Continuous War: note on the sense of the world and the thought of death” is a free commentary on the last chapter of Heretical Essays, “Wars of the Twentieth Century”. It takes as a guiding thread a reflection on the reasons for which, as Patočka suggests, “even in peace, war continues”. It finds these reasons both in the way in which we are bound to the fear of death, and in the sense of the world determined by that bind. (...) It poses the question as to the extent to whichthis calls for another meaning of the world. (shrink)

Ce que les philosophes ont pu dire de la particularite de la (des) langue(s) dans lesquelles ils s'expriment, du rapport entre les idiomes philosophiques, de leur classification et de leur traduction repond a un double souci: circonscrire (ou elargir) la communaute de ceux auxquels ils s'adressent, designer la situation historique et annoncer le destin du nous qui se trouve ainsi determine. Le genie des langues est alors, le plus souvent, l'operateur logique qui permet le repli de la communaute sur ce (...) nous particulier, en meme temps qu'il lui assigne une mission universelle. De ces differents enjeux, plusieurs oeuvres temoignent, de facon exemplaire: celle de Nietzsche d'abord, dont le devenir epouse ces differents cas de figure; mais aussi celles de Heidegger, Rosenzweig ou Adorno. (shrink)

La langue dans laquelle ils ecrivent n'est-elle pour les philosophes que l'instrument indispensable, mais indifferent, de la communication de leurs pensees? Ce pourrait etre le cas, s'ils n'etaient exposes, a chaque pas, au caractere particulier de cette langue, et s'ils ne devaient inventer des stategies diverses pour l'affronter, comme, par exemple, leur enracinement avere et declare dans une culture, voire dans un sol determine, devenu patrie de la philosophie - mais tout aussi bien le parti-pris de la traduction, de la (...) desappropriation de la langue, et meme de la culture, dans ce qu'elles ont de national. Or quelles que soient ces strategies opposees, elles investissent toutes le rapport a la langue, aux langues ou au langage d'une promesse eschatologique. C'est de la langue que vient le malheur, mais c'est aussi un autre rapport au langage qui est source de salut, ou de redemption, voire de revolution. C'est donc une autre philosophie du langage, qui se decouvre a travers les oeuvres de Nieztsche, Kraus, Benjamin, Rosenzweig, Heidegger ou Derrida, une philosophie qui n'est exempte de considerations theologiques et politiques. Qu'attend-on des langues? Au fil conducteur de la promesse, c'est a cette question que les etudes qui composent le present volume entendent reconduire. (shrink)

La langue dans laquelle ils ecrivent n'est-elle pour les philosophes que l'instrument indispensable, mais indifferent, de la communication de leurs pensees? Ce pourrait etre le cas, s'ils n'etaient exposes, a chaque pas, au caractere particulier de cette langue, et s'ils ne devaient inventer des stategies diverses pour l'affronter, comme, par exemple, leur enracinement avere et declare dans une culture, voire dans un sol determine, devenu patrie de la philosophie - mais tout aussi bien le parti-pris de la traduction, de la (...) desappropriation de la langue, et meme de la culture, dans ce qu'elles ont de national. Or quelles que soient ces strategies opposees, elles investissent toutes le rapport a la langue, aux langues ou au langage d'une promesse eschatologique. C'est de la langue que vient le malheur, mais c'est aussi un autre rapport au langage qui est source de salut, ou de redemption, voire de revolution. C'est donc une autre philosophie du langage, qui se decouvre a travers les oeuvres de Nieztsche, Kraus, Benjamin, Rosenzweig, Heidegger ou Derrida, une philosophie qui n'est exempte de considerations theologiques et politiques. Qu'attend-on des langues? Au fil conducteur de la promesse, c'est a cette question que les etudes qui composent le present volume entendent reconduire. (shrink)

The book is based on the proceedings of the conference on 'Philosophy, Language and the Political - Reevaluating Poststructuralism' held at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, on the 10th, 11th and 12th December 2014. Several scholars from India and abroad participated in it. The book comprises 17 papers that were presented at the event, besides three additional papers, plus a Preface by Marc Crepon, as well as a description of the conference and a thematic introduction, both by Franson Manjali. (...) -/- The contributiors discuss diverse aspects of the poststructuralist and related philosophical ideas and practices, in the works of Jacques Derrida, Michael Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, Helene Cixous, Jurgen Habermas, Jean-Luc Nancy, Georgio Agambed, Maurice Blanchot, Emmanuel Levinas, Martin Heideggar, Jean-Paul Sartre, Friedrich Nietzche, Baruch Spinoza, and several other philosophers. The questions of language, literature, culture, art, the political, feminism, self and the other death, theology, violence, shame, the animal, psychoanalysis, Marxism, etc, receive scholarly attention of the contributors. (shrink)

Winner, 2002 French Translation Prize for Nonfiction Murderous Consent details our implication in violence we do not directly inflict but in which we are structurally complicit: famines, civil wars, political repression in far-away places, and war, as it’s classically understood. Marc Crépon insists on a bond between ethics and politics and attributes violence to our treatment of the two as separate spheres. We repeatedly resist the call to responsibility, as expressed by the appeal—by peoples across the world—for the care (...) and attention that their vulnerability enjoins. But Crépon argues that this resistance is not ineluctable, and the book searches for ways that enable us to mitigate it, through rebellion, kindness, irony, critique, and shame. In the process, he engages with a range of writers, from Camus, Sartre, and Freud, to Stefan Zweig and Karl Kraus, to Kenzaburo Oe, Emmanuel Levinas and Judith Butler. The resulting exchange between philosophy and literature enables Crépon to delineate the contours of a possible/impossible ethicosmopolitics—an ethicosmopolitics to come. Pushing against the limits of liberal rationalism, Crépon calls for a more radical understanding of interpersonal responsibility. Not just a work of philosophy but an engagement with life as it’s lived, Murderous Consent works to redefine our global obligations, articulating anew what humanitarianism demands and what an ethically grounded political resistance might mean. (shrink)

The paper focuses on violence, claiming that it is not action, but silence and inaction that become?murderous?, given that we are forced into a permanent and impossible process of choosing between responsibility for the other and the possibility of responding to a call for help. Still, this position is not final and the author offers certain alternative strategies, such as rebellion, goodness, critique and shame.

This article considers the notion of an event, of something happening to language, through a reading of Jacques Derrida's Monolingualism of the Other. In particular, the issues of language, translation and the untranslatable are linked to the three forms of madness that Derrida distinguishes. The paper, in turn, contends that there are only target languages, or again, that all languages are in fact target languages, languages-to-come, and that this experience of language is the only test worthy of the untranslatable. The (...) madness of language is thus associated with the singularity of not only every language and every speaker, but also with the non-programmable character of language. The literature of Kafka and Celan, among others, is henceforth invoked as exemplary, and examined as both an intra-lingual and inter-lingual event. The overall aim is to disrupt the Globish of global communication and the nationalism of linguistic proprietorship. (shrink)

At the end of the Second World War, the figure of Gandhi haunts political philosophy as it wrestles with the task of justifying violence in the name of history. The story begins with Arthur Koestler’s Darkness at noon in 1938. Gandhi’s name appears during a discussion between Roubachof and Ivanof. A few years later (1946), Koestler publishes in French a book entitled Le Yogi et le commissaire, analysed by Merleau-Ponty in Humanisme et terreur (1946–1947). Camus replies in L’Homme révolté (1951). (...) Ricœur’s thinking, examined in the present article, has its own place in this debate. At stake is our own knowledge of the conditions under which the rejection and condemnation of violence might, in fact, accommodate violence. (shrink)

“The Continuous War: note on the sense of the world and the thought of death” is a free commentary on the last chapter of Heretical Essays, “Wars of the Twentieth Century”. It takes as a guiding thread a reflection on the reasons for which, as Patočka suggests, “even in peace, war continues”. It finds these reasons both in the way in which we are bound to the fear of death, and in the sense of the world determined by that bind. (...) It poses the question as to the extent to whichthis calls for another meaning of the world. (shrink)

This article, inspired by the Derridean thinking of hospitality, attempts to reflect upon the conditions of peace and hospitality, taking a reading of Kant's ‘Toward Perpetual Peace’ as its guiding thread. It endeavours to show that the peace that inhospitable nations maintain between themselves is necessarily illusory, as they continue to amass the restrictive conditions of their hospitality. The hypothesis is proposed that the guiding thread that links the elements of the hyperbolic ethics that Derrida deploys in his ‘questions of (...) responsibility’ seminars indeed concerns this unconditional condition of peace, of which hospitality is the first law. (shrink)

The article analyzes the political motives of Ukrainian resistance to Russian invasion and aggression. First of all, it emphasizes the falsification of history by Russian propaganda, its use of history as a political instrument, the destruction of the traumatic memory of the recent imperial past and the glorification of the “glorious centuries-old” imperial history in modern Russia. This determines the difference in the structure of the historical memory of Russians and other former peoples of the empire, and the recent memory (...) of the tragic imperial past is the leading factor in the choice of the Ukrainian and Moldovan peoples for their political destiny. The article also shows that this choice, as well as the desire for truth, freedom and rights, determines these peoples’ slow but sure progress toward democracy. These choices and aspirations are at the same time a determining factor in the ability of the Ukrainian people to resist Russian armed aggression. Instead, the so-called “civilizational” links between the former peoples of the empire, with which Russia tries to justify its aggression, are actually a cover for its desire for political dominance. The article also outlines the importance of Ukrainian resistance for European democracies, calling for their unconditional support. The war in Ukraine is a challenge for them, because no matter what problems democracies around the world are facing today, they will remain actors of their own history only if they provide support to all those who resist the destruction of the minimum of rights and freedoms that define democracy. Using Kant’s work «Perpetual Peace» as an example, the article also shows that the cessation of war for the sake of cessation of war, which is often called for today, will not contribute to the establishment of peace. It will leave grounds for the renewal of war, which the aggressor, if he will not change its political essence, will always be able to use it again. (shrink)

Lire ensemble: cela devrait s'entendre en plus d'un sens, au fil croise d'au moins quatre lectures. La premiere et la seconde sont la double attention, explicite ou plus secrete, que Derrida et Levinas ont accordee, chacun, a leurs oeuvres respectives et a l'effet de celles-ci sur leur cheminement. L'un et l'autre se sont ecoutes et cela fait deja deux lectures. A chaque moment de son histoire, la philosophie rassemble des penseurs autour d'une (ou plusieurs) oeuvre(s) singuliere(s) a laquelle ils se (...) confrontent communement. Ils forment alors autour d'elle parfois contre elle la constellation de ses lecteurs, dans la conviction, partagee, qu'aucun pas ne saurait etre accompli hors cette confrontation. Pour tous deux, outre la phenomenologie husserlienne, une oeuvre s'est imposee plus qu'aucune autre: Etre et temps de Heidegger qu'ils n'ont cesse de lire et relire, sinon ensemble, du moins en echo. A celle-ci, bien d'autres pourraient etre ajoutees, a commencer par celles qui auraient pour foyer les recits de Blanchot ou les poesies de Celan voici une troisieme facon d'entendre ce qui les associe. Mais on a parle de quatre lectures. La derniere est celle qui preside doublement a l'organisation de ce volume. Il ne s'agit plus de ce que Derrida et Levinas ont lu ensemble, mais de la facon dont nous les lisons ensemble a la fois l'un et l'autre et a plusieurs. (shrink)

In taking up the question of translation as its guiding thread, this essay considers the extent to which deconstruction consists in a radical calling into question of the type of thought and practice of translation implied in what Derrida has called "the passage into philosophy." At the same time, a whole other thought of translation —of the very kind that Derrida put into practice—is demanded insofar as something like the survival of works and the very possibility of a tradition are (...) at stake. (shrink)

À quelques années d’intervalle, Heidegger et Musil s’interrogent tous deux sur ce qui fait obstacle à la compréhension mutuelle des peuples. Tandis que le premier en découvre la raison dans l’insuffisante méditation de la mission historique propre à chacun (obscurcie par les concepts de race et d’organisation), Musil dénonce dans l’idéalisation de la nation et de l’État une véritable maladie de la pensée – celle-là même qui empêche la mise au jour d’un « amorphisme humain » originel et universel.

Dans leurs réflexions sur la sécularisation de l’hébreu comme sur la traduction de la Bible en allemand, Rosenzweig et Scholem redoutaient la possibilité que la langue perde sa vocation à délivrer un enseignement et une consolation. Il y allait du pouvoir magique des mots. C’est à l’analyse des conditions de transmission de ce pouvoir dans et par les langues, y compris profanes, que cette étude est consacrée.L’héritage des languesIn his thoughts on the secularization of the Hebrew as well as in (...) the translation of the Bible into German, Rosenzweig and Scholem question the possibility that language loses its vocation to deliver a lesson or a consolation. They dealt with the magic power of words. This is an analysis of the conditions of transmission of this power by and for the languages, including the profane. (shrink)

Dans « L’éternel retour et la pensée de la mort », la pensée nietzschéenne de la mort est interrogée dans l’horizon de sa promesse. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence comment la « prophétie » de l’éternel retour, si elle existe, n’est rien d’autre que l’annonce d’un autre rapport à la mort – d’une autre façon, plus qu’humaine, d’affronter simultanément l’expérience de la finitude et l’épreuve du deuil.In der folgenden Ueberlegung über « Ewige Wiederkiehr und Denken über den Tod » (...) wird die Gesinnung Nietzsche’s über Tod in der Perspektive seines Versprechens. Es handelt sich dabei auszulegen, dass die « Prophezeiung » der ewigen Wiederkehr, wenn sie besteht, nichts anderes ist, als die Verkündung eines anderen Verhältnisses zum Tode nach einer mehr als menschlichen, verschiedenen Weise, welche erlaubt, sich dem Erlebnis der Endlichkeit und der Probe des Trauerns zugleich zu stellen. (shrink)

Relaying reflections from Les Mouches, Morts sans sépulture, Les mains sales and Huis-clos to some important arguments concerning death in L’Etre et le néant, the author discusses the relation between death and freedom. Criticizing Martin Heidegger’s views on Sein zum Tode, Jean-Paul Sartre argues that one’s relation to death deeply implies relations with the others, the living, but also the dead ones. The experience of death being absurd, the others are those who can make it meaningful, in the same way (...) that I do for their own death. Sartre’s philosophy of freedom defends the original choice of the ones that I will remember and cherish, in a community that is more important than the living one: the community established beyond death. (shrink)

This essay situates “singularity” at the heart of the power dynamics operative in contemporary pedagogy and the system supporting it. More than merely academic learning, indeed, “school” here denotes not only the range of disciplinary authorities at work within the classroom and the educational system at large but also discursive obedience to knowledge. Supported by close readings of Arendt and Derrida, this paper thus argues that nothing less than the formation of identity is at stake in “school.” What are the (...) boundaries, limits, and conditions of possibility for a student’s invention of his or her own singularity within an institution and curriculum that, at the same time, demands obedience to authority? This paradoxical formation of identity within the constrictive demands of authority constitutes the primary task of thinking the “invention of singularity” at the heart of schooling in conjunction with democracy, language, vocation, and ideology. (shrink)

This article reflects on the crisis of political reason in this heyday of populistic rhetoric, proposing to move beyond the erroneous dichotomy between?democratic reason? and?raging passions,? and the demo-phobia that often derives from it. We propose instead to follow Bourdieu?s footsteps in bringing our attention to the forms of impermeability that fracture our contemporary political and social life, establishing the conditions of possibility of the reasonable and the unreasonable. What marks contemporary political passions as particularly dangerous is their impermeability to (...) the lessons of our historical past, to the moral condemnation of the political instrumentalization of difference and to the sacred character of fundamental principles. This hermeneutical gap, however, is later explained by a more fundamental analysis of the problem of contemporary impermeability, one which operates as a reversal of the dichotomy between political reason and passion. It is no longer the electorate, seduced by the sirens of populism, which is impermeable to the voice of political reason; it is, instead, this very reason, embodied by the elites who claim to recognize themselves in its values and principles, which has become impermeable to the?conditions of non-existence? in which a considerable part of the population lives. If there is a problem of contemporary impermeability, or imperturbability, it is that of a political discourse that has lost touch with?all the misery of the world?. (shrink)

Marc Crépon es director de investigación en el Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique y director del Departamento de Filosofía de l’École normale supérieure de París. Entre sus publicaciones se encuentran: La culture de la peur, I. Démocratie, identité, sécurité ; La culture de la peur, II. La guerre des civilisations ; Le consentement meurtrier ; La vocation de l’écriture ; La gauche c’est quand?.

War lays bare death and our relation to it. And in the wars—or more precisely the memories of war—of the twentieth century, images of the deaths of countless faceless or nameless others eclipse the singularity of each victim’s death as well as the end of the world as such that each death signifies. Marc Crépon’s _The Thought of Death and the Memory of War_ is a call to resist such images in which death is no longer actual death since (...) it happens to anonymous others, and to seek instead a world in which mourning the other whose mortality we always already share points us toward a cosmopolitics. Crépon pursues this path toward a cosmopolitics of mourning through readings of works by Freud, Heidegger, Sartre, Patocka, Levinas, Derrida, and Ricœur, and others. The movement among these writers, Crépon shows, marks a way through—and against—twentieth-century interpretation to argue that no war, genocide, or neglect of people is possible without suspending how one relates to the death of another human being. A history of a critical strain in contemporary thought, this book is, as Rodolphe Gasché says in the Foreword, “a profound meditation on what constitutes evil and a rigorous and illuminating reflection on death, community, and world.” The translation of this work received financial support from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (shrink)

" Le nihilisme est devant la porte : d'où nous vient ce plus inquiétant de tous les hôtes? ", demande Nietzsche dans un fragment posthume. L'hôte est ici celui qui vient chez nous et non celui qui octroie l'hospitalité. Le nihilisme est donc cette figure étrange qui vient nous saisir dans notre maison et faire de nous, en dépit de notre résistance, des nihilistes. Mais alors, si " la catastrophe nihiliste " dont parle Nietzsche s'abat sur nous et nous pétrifie (...) sur notre propre seuil, comment devons-nous entendre la dénonciation nietzschéenne du nihilisme et sa tentative héroïque de le surmonter? Les auteurs réunis dans ce volume tentent d'éclairer le sens de la direction à prendre en ces temps obscurs où, toujours selon Nietzsche, nous ne savons plus où aller, où venir parce que nous avons perdu le sens de la terre. Le nihilisme est peut-être la seule lumière qui permet d'éclairer le caractère équivoque du monde moderne. Mais c'est une lumière noire. Ont participé à la rédaction de cet ouvrage : Yannis Constantinidès, Marc Crépon, françoise Dastur, Paolo D'Iorio, Thierry Gontier, Dominique Janicaud, Mathieu Kessler, Jean-Paul Larthomas, Marc de Launay, Jean-François Mattéi, Olivier Ponton, franco Volpi. (shrink)

Tant par son œuvre politique importante que par le potentiel créateur de son travail sur la perception, l'expression et l'ontologie, Maurice Merleau-Ponty a exercé une influence peu remarquée sur la pensée politique française. Aux lectures des Aron, Sartre et Lefort qui ont déterminé la compréhension et le sens politiques de l'œuvre de Merleau-Ponty s'ajoute une postérité immédiate chez ses contemporains. Colette Audry, Tran Duc Thao, Jean-Toussaint Desanti, et Frantz Fanon furent marqués par leur proximité à Merleau-Ponty tout autant que par (...) ses écrits, reprenant chacun à son propre compte son attitude. Une postérité silencieuse, quelque peu différée, se remarque chez Cornelius Castoriadis, Françoise Collin et Jean-François Lyotard, qui construisirent leurs pensées dans une rupture créative avec celle de Merleau-Ponty. Enfin, une postérité politique se fait sentir dans le moment qui nous est contemporain): Vincent Peillon, Marc Crépon et Luce Irigaray reviennent ici sur leur relation à sa philosophie et sur ce qu'elle permet de penser. À travers ces postérités, les contributrices et contributeurs de cet ouvrage se penchent sur les questions de l'engagement militant et philosophique, de la relationalité et de l'altérité, de la racisation et des émotions, du corps et de la parole, de la vie esthétique, de l'ontologie et la révolution, du républicanisme, du conflit et des épreuves historiques, ou encore du toucher et de la culture politique. (shrink)

These 17 essays covers all aspects of Bernard Stiegler's work, from poststructuralism, anthropology and psychoanalysis to his work on the politics of memory, 'libidinal economy', technoscience and aesthetics, keeping a focus on his key theory of technics throughout. Stiegler brings together key concepts from Plato, Freud, Derrida and Simondon to argue that the human is 'invented' through technics rather than a product of purely biological evolution. Stiegler is a thinker at the forefront of our contemporary concerns with consumerism, technology, inter-generational (...) division, political apathy and economic crisis. His ambitious project is to go beyond these sources of social distress to uncover and examine precisely 'what makes life worth living'. Contributors include: Stephen Barker, University of California Irvine and translator of Steigler; Richard Beardsworth, American University of Paris and translator of Stiegler; Miguel de Beistegui; University of Warwick; Marc Crepon, Ecole normale superieure and co-founder of Stiegler's think tank, Ars Industrialis and Daniel Ross, co-director of 'The Ister', the award-winning film on Heidegger, and translator of Stiegler. (shrink)

: To what extent do moral judgments depend on conscious reasoning from explicitly understood principles? We address this question by investigating one particular moral principle, the principle of the double effect. Using web-based technology, we collected a large data set on individuals’ responses to a series of moral dilemmas, asking when harm to innocent others is permissible. Each moral dilemma presented a choice between action and inaction, both resulting in lives saved and lives lost. Results showed that: patterns of moral (...) judgments were consistent with the principle of double effect and showed little variation across differences in gender, age, educational level, ethnicity, religion or national affiliation and a majority of subjects failed to provide justifications that could account for their judgments. These results indicate that the principle of the double effect may be operative in our moral judgments but not open to conscious introspection. We discuss these results in light of current psychological theories of moral cognition, emphasizing the need to consider the unconscious appraisal system that mentally represents the causal and intentional properties of human action. (shrink)

The goal of this essay is to assess the Selected-Effects Etiological Theory of biological function, according to which a trait has a function F if and only if it has been selected for F. First, I argue that this approach should be understood as describing the paradigm case of functions, rather than as establishing necessary and sufficient conditions for function possession. I contend that, interpreted in this way, the selected-effects approach can explain two central properties of functions and can satisfactorily (...) address some recent counterexamples. This reading, however, shows that there is only a partial overlap between biological functions and selected effects, so the former cannot be reduced to the latter. Finally, I maintain that this result is still compatible with a naturalistic theory of function that appeals to some evolutionary process. (shrink)