l volume di Gustavo Gozzi "Diritti e civiltà. Storia e filosofia del diritto internazionale (Bologna, il Mulino, 2010) ha a nostro avviso colmato una lacuna importante nel panorama filosofico-giuridico italiano. Si tratta infatti della prima pubblicazione in lingua italiana che, da un punto di vista insieme storico e filosofico, affronta in modo sistematico lo sviluppo del diritto internazionale dall’età moderna ai giorni nostri. Questo primato è già un eccellente motivo per discutere Diritti e civiltà. Ma c’è di più. Una parte (...) consistente del saggio è dedicata alla ricostruzione e discussione di contributi non-occidentali al dibattito contemporaneo sulla natura e il ruolo del diritto internazionale. Si può anzi dire che Gozzi fa proprio il punto di vista di questi autori: il volume si distingue infatti per un approccio critico nei confronti della pretesa universalità delle dottrine occidentali del diritto internazionale. Questo scetticismo si fonda sulla tesi fondamentale del volume, secondo la quale il diritto internazionale è caratterizzato dalla “continuità del discorso dell’egemonia occidentale dalla prima età moderna fino alla realtà contemporanea” (p. 11). Prendendo avvio dall’approccio sistematico e insieme critico del volume e dai temi in esso trattati, questo forum intende (ri)discutere temi chiave della storia e filosofia del diritto internazionale e metterne a fuoco un programma di ricerca. (shrink)

La metafora del panottico viene oggi spesso invocata per descrivere gli effetti della sorveglianza contemporanea, effettuata con il supporto di tecnologie digitali. L’ubiquità di sistemi di videosorveglianza, di sensori di ogni tipo incorporati nei dispositivi portatili che ci accompagnano nella quotidianità, la continua esposizione telematica necessaria per espletare funzioni essenziali (lavoro, relazioni con le pubbliche amministrazioni, mantenimento di rapporti interpersonali …) creano una costante possibilità di osservazione simile a quella offerta dalla struttura panottica. Questa nuova situazione sembra riprodurre, negli effetti (...) più che nella struttura architettonica, il sistema disciplinare nel panottico. Stiamo quindi scivolando verso una situazione di “panottismo digitale”, in cui ogni nostro comportamento può essere potenzialmente osservato, senza che ci sia data la possibilità di verificare quando e chi ci osservi? E se questo è il caso, quali sono le possibili implicazioni per valori fondamentali quali l’autonomia, la libertà di espressione, l’eguaglianza, la solidarietà e la partecipazione alla vita politica? -/- SOMMARIO: 1. Sorveglianza, potere e tecnologie digitali. – 2. Breve fenomenologia della sorveglianza digitale. – 2.1. Il “capitalismo della sorveglianza”. – 2.2. Controllo della criminalità e della mobilità. – 2.3. La convergenza di pubblico e privato nella sor-veglianza digitale. – 3. Implicazioni e rischi della sorveglianza digitale e possibili rimedi. (shrink)

The relationship between power, law and consent is a key feature of the Western debate on criminal law. On the one side, defining the legitimate ways of exercising the punitive power has been a critical question since the Enlightenment thought onwards and especially as to the rule of law doctrine. On the other side, the role played by public punishment in shaping consent and its communicative potential have been crucial questions for critical, as well as non-critical approaches to criminal law (...) in contemporary thought. These questions gain in strength and radicalism when it comes to international criminal law (ICL). In this case the filter of the state is not present anymore to mediate between power, law and consent, and the power to punish individuals is directly exercised by international institutions. This means, on the one hand, that traditional justifications of the power to punish and which are elaborated on in the domestic sphere are not useful anymore in legitimating international punishment. International criminal norms are not framed by an international democratically elected parliament, and their exercise is not controlled by the complex system of checks and balances typical of the rule of law. On the other hand, having not being created by a sovereign, international criminal law cannot be conceived as an instrument to build or consolidate consent around the sovereign. A double-sided dilemma therefore arises: traditional explanations are no longer apt to answer the question whether ICL is legitimate, while ICL itself can no longer be considered an instrument to build consent around the traditional power exercising it, namely the state. Although I consider both sides of the dilemma equally interesting and stimulating, I will focus here only on one side of the coin: the ability to build consent of the ICL institutions, and in particular the International Criminal Court (ICC). In other words, instead of asking whether the consent around the ICC is broad enough for the Court to be considered legitimate, I shall ask whether the ICC is able to build consent around the world order it embodies. (shrink)

Recent controversies about the level of replicability of behavioral research analyzed using statistical inference have cast interest in developing more efficient techniques for analyzing the results of psychological experiments. Here we claim that complementing the analytical workflow of psychological experiments with Machine Learning-based analysis will both maximize accuracy and minimize replicability issues. As compared to statistical inference, ML analysis of experimental data is model agnostic and primarily focused on prediction rather than inference. We also highlight some potential pitfalls resulting from (...) adoption of Machine Learning based experiment analysis. If not properly used it can lead to over-optimistic accuracy estimates similarly observed using statistical inference. Remedies to such pitfalls are also presented such and building model based on cross validation and the use of ensemble models. ML models are typically regarded as black boxes and we will discuss strategies aimed at rendering more transparent the predictions. (shrink)

The idea that transnational dynamics challenge the regulatory capacity of the state has hardly ever received as much attention as in contemporary debates. Different voices denounce the crisis of the state and advocate the establishment of supranational institutions with legally coercive power. It is tempting to jump to the conclusion that these voices are concerned with the same cluster of problems. We think that one should resist this temptation. Firstly, not all the problems pointed out by the advocates of supranational (...) sovereignty are of the same kind and structure. Some concern the need to limit the power of states, whereas others address the almost opposite necessity to support and strengthen their problem-solving capacity through forms of international regulation. Secondly, the corresponding solutions are different. In particular, although they may all imply the establishment of supranational institutions, not all such institutions need be global. The creation of a full-blown global rule of criminal law, for instance, would raise serious concerns of global despotism and cultural imperialism, and we therefore make a case for regional and context-sensitive solutions in this case. However, problems of supranational socioeconomic justice can only be addressed through global regulatory institutions, for regional institutions would, in this case, only recreate current problems at the interregional level. (shrink)

An adequate theory of rights ought to forbid the harming of animals to promote trivial interests of humans, as is often done in the animal-user industries. But what should the rights view say about situations in which harming some animals is necessary to prevent intolerable injustices to other animals? I develop an account of respectful treatment on which, under certain conditions, it’s justified to intentionally harm some individuals to prevent serious harm to others. This can be compatible with recognizing the (...) inherent value of the ones who are harmed. My theory has important implications for contemporary moral issues in nonhuman animal ethics, such as the development of cultured meat and animal research. (shrink)

Value capture occurs when an agent’s values are rich and subtle; they enter a social environment that presents simplified — typically quantified — versions of those values; and those simplified articulations come to dominate their practical reasoning. Examples include becoming motivated by FitBit’s step counts, Twitter Likes and Re-tweets, citation rates, ranked lists of best schools, and Grade Point Averages. We are vulnerable to value capture because of the competitive advantage that such crisp and clear expressions of value have in (...) our private reasoning and our public justification. There is, however, a price. In value capture, we take a central component of our autonomy — our ongoing deliberation over the exact articulation of our values — and we outsource it. And the metrics to which we outsource usually engineered for the interests of some external force, like a large-scale institution’s interest in cross-contextual comprehensibility and quick aggregability. That outsourcing cuts off one of the key benefits to personal deliberation. In value capture, we no longer adjust our values and their articulations in light of own rich experience of the world. Our values should often be carefully tailored to our particular selves or our small-scale communities, but in value capture, we buy our values off the rack. In some cases – like decreasing CO2 emissions – the costs of non-tailored values are outweighed by the benefit of precise collective coordination. In other cases, like in our aesthetic lives, they are not. This suggests that we should want different values suited to different scales. We should want value federalism. Some values are perhaps best pursued at the largest-scale level, others at smaller scales. The problem occurs when we exhibit an excess preference for the largest-scale values – when we consistently let the universal metrics swamp our quieter interests. (shrink)

Moving away from the currently prevalent Big Data mindset towards a Small Data approach would help improve the sustainability of AI systems and would additionally have positive implications for fairness, (global) justice, privacy, transparency, and accountability.

Particular applications of Privacy by Design (PbD) have proven to be valuable tools to protect privacy in many technological applications. However, PbD is not as promising when applied to technologies used for surveillance. After specifying how surveillance and privacy are understood in this paper, I will highlight the shortcomings of PbD when applied to surveillance, using a web-scanning system for counter-terrorism purposes as an example. I then suggest reworking PbD into a different approach: the Minimum Harm by Design (MHbD) model. (...) MHbD differs from PbD principally in that it acknowledges that the potential harms of surveillance bear not only upon privacy but also values that define the very constitution of a society and its political character. MHbD aims to identify and systematise the different categories of such harms and links them to current theories on surveillance on the one hand and on possible design measures on the other. (shrink)

In The Case for Animal Rights, Tom Regan argues that although all subjects-of-a-life have equal inherent value, there are often differences in the value of lives. According to Regan, lives that have the highest value are lives which have more possible sources of satisfaction. Regan claims that the highest source of satisfaction, which is available to only rational beings, is the satisfaction associated with thinking impartially about moral choices. Since rational beings can bring impartial reasons to bear on decision making, (...) Regan maintains that they have an additional possible source of satisfaction that nonrational beings do not have and, consequently, the lives of rational beings turn out to have greater value.. (shrink)

This paper addresses issues regarding perceptions of surveillance technologies in Europe. It analyses existing studies in order to explore how perceptions of surveillance affect and are affected by the negative effects of surveillance and how perceptions and effectiveness of surveillance technologies relate to each other. The paper identifies 12 negative effects of surveillance including, among others, privacy intrusion, the chilling effect and social exclusion, and classifies them into three groups. It further illustrates the different ways in which perceptions and effectiveness (...) of surveillance interact with each other, distinguishing between perceived security and perceived effectiveness. Finally, the paper advances a methodology to take into account perception issues when designing new surveillance technologies. By doing so, it rejects manipulative measures aiming at improving perceptions only and suggests measures that address the background conditions affecting perceptions. (shrink)

Анотація. У статті проаналізовані досягнення Соціального Вчительства Католицької Церкви, репрезентовані працями Лева ХІІІ, Пія ХІ, Пія ХІІ, Івана Павла ІІ, що розкривають змістовні характеристики поняття «принцип субсидіарності», його роль і значення в системі християнських цінностей. Принцип субсидіарності робить можливими такі взаємовідносини в соціальному житті, коли спільнота вищого порядку не втручається у внутрішнє життя спільноти нижчого порядку, перебираючи на себе належні тій функції; заради спільного добра, спільного блага вона надає їй у разі потреби підтримку й допомогу, узгоджуючи у такий спосіб її (...) взаємодію з іншими соціальними структурами. Принцип субсидіарності скеровує соціальну практику на утвердження спільного блага в людському співтоваристві. Поширення і застосування принципу субсидіарності протистоїть небезпеці «одержавлення» суспільства та найзагрозливіших проявів колективізму, обмежує абсолютизацію влади, бюрократизацію державних і соціокультурних структур, стає одним із гарантів дотримання прав і свобод громадян своєї країни. (shrink)

In addition to authoring the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of Citizen (1791), for which she is generally known today, Olympe de Gouges devoted several writings to denouncing slavery. In this article, I present the contents of these works by placing them in the context of both the Parisian debate and the situation in the colonies. Furthermore, I highlight the theoretical contribution of these writings with respect to the specific situation of slavery and, more generally, with respect to (...) the question of the universality of human rights. For this purpose, I analyse de Gouges’ reflection on women’s rights and compare her position with that of classical social contract theorists. I conclude by highlighting how de Gouges’ position still provides an effective critique of the pitfalls of a self-proclaimed objective and universal Reason. (shrink)

In her BBC Reith Lectures on Trust, Onora O’Neill offers a short, but biting, criticism of transparency. People think that trust and transparency go together but in reality, says O'Neill, they are deeply opposed. Transparency forces people to conceal their actual reasons for action and invent different ones for public consumption. Transparency forces deception. I work out the details of her argument and worsen her conclusion. I focus on public transparency – that is, transparency to the public over expert domains. (...) I offer two versions of the criticism. First, the epistemic intrusion argument: The drive to transparency forces experts to explain their reasoning to non-experts. But expert reasons are, by their nature, often inaccessible to non-experts. So the demand for transparency can pressure experts to act only in those ways for which they can offer public justification. Second, the intimate reasons argument: In many cases of practical deliberation, the relevant reasons are intimate to a community and not easily explicable to those who lack a particular shared background. The demand for transparency, then, pressures community members to abandon the special understanding and sensitivity that arises from their particular experiences. Transparency, it turns out, is a form of surveillance. By forcing reasoning into the explicit and public sphere, transparency roots out corruption — but it also inhibits the full application of expert skill, sensitivity, and subtle shared understandings. The difficulty here arises from the basic fact that human knowledge vastly outstrips any individual’s capacities. We all depend on experts, which makes us vulnerable to their biases and corruption. But if we try to wholly secure our trust — if we leash groups of experts to pursuing only the goals and taking only the actions that can be justified to the non-expert public — then we will undermine their expertise. We need both trust and transparency, but they are in essential tension. This is a deep practical dilemma; it admits of no neat resolution, but only painful compromise. (shrink)

The importance of French revolutionary and philosopher Olympe de Gouges as a pioneer of the women’s rights movement is generally recognised today. In contrast, the significance of her thought for practical philosophy has not yet been fully appreciated. This article aims to bring out the relevance of de Gouges’ writings for practical philosophy both historically and systematically. Drawing on her 1791 text The Rights of Women, this article compares de Gouges’ depiction of gender relationships in the private and public spheres (...) with depictions by such classical social contract theorists as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Immanuel Kant. From a historical perspective, de Gouges’ key contribution consists in pointing to and overcoming the theoretical assumptions that hamper the universality of individual rights. From a systematic perspective, de Gouges provides an account of the relationship between abstract universalism and concrete experiences of inequality that is now more topical than ever. (shrink)

A diferença como valor humano: Ensaio sobre as contribuições do pensamento de Boaventura Sousa Santos, Gilles Deleuze e Homi Bhabha para o Paradigma da Inclusão Resumo: A economia e a particularização marcam a sociedade contemporânea como importantes vetores para a ampliação das desigualdades sociais e produção de variados mecanismos de exclusão social. A diferença é parâmetro para categorizar e apartar pessoas à invisibilidade social. O presente ensaio tem como objetivo o diálogo junto aos autores Boaventura Sousa Santos, Gilles Deleuze e (...) Homi Bhabha e seus respectivos pensamentos como contributores para o entendimento da diferença como valor humano no contexto do paradigma da inclusão. Nos caminhos e entre-lugares da descolonização de nosso ser, é preciso desnaturalizar as barbáries produzidas pelo colonizador e aceitar as diferenças como próprias da espécie humana para a invenção de nossa educação e sociedade.Palavras-chave: Inclusão. Diferença. Educação. Descolonização. Apoio: CNPq DIFFERENCE AS HUMAN VALUE: Essay on the contributions of the thoughts of Boaventura Sousa Santos, Gilles Deleuze and Homi Bhabha to the Inclusion Paradigm: Economics and particularization mark contemporary society as important vectors for widening social inequalities and producing various mechanisms of social exclusion. The difference is a parameter to categorize and separate people to social invisibility. This essay aims to dialogue with the authors Boaventura Sousa Santos, Gilles Deleuze and Homi Bhabha and their respective thoughts as contributors to the understanding of difference as a human value in the context of the inclusion paradigm. In the ways and places between the decolonization of our being, we must denaturalize the barbarism produced by the colonizer and accept the differences as proper to the human species for the invention of our education and society.Keywords: Inclusion. Difference. Education. Decolonization. DIFERENCIA COMO VALOR HUMANO: Ensayo sobre las contribuciones de los pensamientos de Boaventura Sousa Santos, Gilles Deleuze y Homi Bhabha al paradigma de la inclusión Resumen: La economía y la particularización marcan a la sociedad contemporánea como vectores importantes para ampliar las desigualdades sociales y producir diversos mecanismos de exclusión social. La diferencia es un parámetro para clasificar y separar a las personas de la invisibilidad social. Este ensayo tiene como objetivo dialogar con los autores Boaventura Sousa Santos, Gilles Deleuze y Homi Bhabha y sus respectivos pensamientos como contribuyentes a la comprensión de la diferencia como un valor humano en el contexto del paradigma de inclusión. En los modos y lugares entre la descolonización de nuestro ser, debemos desnaturalizar la barbarie producida por el colonizador y aceptar las diferencias como propias de la especie humana para la invención de nuestra educación y sociedad.Palabras clave: Inclusión. Diferencia. Educación. Descolonización. Data de registro: 21/09/2019Data de aceite: 22/07/2020. (shrink)

The International Criminal Court (ICC) and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) were created at the end of the last century in order to redress the most serious violations of human rights. However, the two organisms are an example - and for most observers the best ones to date - of two radically different paradigms of justice: retributive justice on the one hand and restorative justice on the other. This article analyses the theoretical background, the challenging mandates, and (...) the activities and achievements of these two exemplary experiences. It further submits an evaluation of their work, according to which the TRC was better able to fulfil its mandate than the ICC has been so far. The article concludes by arguing that transitional justice's chances of success depend on adopting methodological guidelines such as a context-oriented approach and the involvement of the affected communities. (shrink)

Il concetto di legittimità è al tempo stesso definito e indefinito, chiaro e sfuggente. Da un lato, esso evoca immediatamente e spontaneamente un sentimento di approvazione, perché chiaramente collegato nel linguaggio comune a un giudizio valutativo positivo. Dall’altro lato, se analizzato da vicino, il suo contenuto appare sfuggente, polisemico, controverso. Questo ne fa una categoria potente dal punto di vista politico ed estremamente affascinante da un punto di vista scientifico. Nelle pagine seguenti verranno analizzate le teorie di tre autori che (...) si sono confrontati con questo concetto indagando uno degli ambiti in cui la dicotomia sopra presentata è più evidente: quello internazionale. Si tratta della teoria di Ian Clark sulla legittimità nella società internazionale, della prospettiva interciviltà sul diritto internazionale proposta da Onuma Yasuaki e della riflessione di Antony Anghie sullo sviluppo dei principi fondamentali del diritto internazionale e il loro rapporto con il colonialismo. Come vedremo, si tratta di indagini tra loro fortemente eterogenee, e che non sempre fanno del concetto di legittimità internazionale l’oggetto principale o esplicito delle proprie ricerche. Nel confronto tra queste teorie che proporrò nelle mie pagine, il concetto di legittimità internazionale mostrerà tutta la sua complessità e tutto il suo ambiguo rapporto con elementi valutativi. (shrink)

The book introduced in this text is based on the premise that the trade-off between privacy and security is both unsound and conceals important aspects of surveillance and control. Accordingly, the authors analyse the symbiotic relationship between liberty and security, and the emptiness of both concepts when considered in isolation. They explore and contextualise different notions of risk, surveillance practices and the value of the rights to private life and data protection. Thereby, they show that surveillance and control neither necessarily (...) attain security, nor always pose a threat to privacy and, conversely, that protecting privacy does not necessarily hamper security provision. Moreover, they appreciate how surveillance and control, mediated through technology, express and sustain specific power relationships. The book thus offers a kaleidoscope of perspectives, ranging from critical studies to international relations, law, philosophy and sociology, to rethink surveillance and control. (shrink)

This essay focuses on the approach to the study of political and legal phenomena that can be defined “critical realism” and with its apparent paradox. By “critical realism” I understand a way of looking at political and legal phenomena that combines a blunt analysis of social reality with a transformative, non-resigned critical attitude towards the status quo. I argue that this is the approach that inspired Danilo Zolo’s lifelong reflections on politics and law. The same approach, moreover, is in my (...) opinion shared by authors such as Raymond Geuss and Bernard Williams, who, since the beginning of the new millennium, have contributed to re-shape the international debate on the methods of political philosophy. Inherent in this approach is a paradox that can be encapsulated in the following two questions. First, if the theoretical analysis should not start from ideals and principles, but must instead take as point of departure the social and political situation in which we are inescapably entangled (both central assumptions of the critical realism), how is it possible to gain the distance necessary for criticisms? Second, if we cannot transcend our societal reality and cannot therefore rely on external and objective values, on which basis is it possible to suggest “better” alternatives to the status quo? The mentioned authors could not explain convincingly, in my opinion, how these two questions can be answered. However, and this is the central claim of the article, the paradox is not unresolvable. The two questions mentioned above can be answered, so my argument, by recurring, respectively, to the negativism characteristic of Judith Shklar’s approach to political and legal theory and to the concept of “immanent critique” as understood by Rahel Jaeggi. Shklar convincingly shows that the critique of the status quo can be made not notwithstanding the blunt analysis of social reality, but exactly in reason of it. In order to recognise abuses of power and injustices, so her argument, we do not need an ideal theory of justice or of the perfect state. On the contrary, nothing better than history and the analysis of contemporary social reality can show us that injustices and abuses of power are a recurring and ever possible characteristics of politics. Jaeggi’s concept on immanent critique, moreover, indicates how it is possible to build an alternative to the criticized situation that is not anchored on transcendent principles and yet can plausibly explain why the suggested alternative is “better” than the status quo. Finally, I argue that both Shklars’ negativism and Jaeggi’s concept of immanent critique operate implicitly in Zolo’s approach, but that they, having not being made explicit, could not develop their whole potential. (shrink)

Lo sviluppo del diritto internazionale penale è stato accolto con entusiasmo da attivisti per i diritti umani, giuristi e studiosi di questioni internazionali. La punizione dei crimini internazionali più gravi, come i crimini di guerra, quelli contro l’umanità e il genocidio è considerata un importante passo avanti verso l’effettiva protezione dei diritti umani e l’affermazione della pace. Questo entusiasmo sembra però aver lasciato sullo sfondo alcune domande fondamentali: come si giustifica l’esercizio del potere punitivo internazionale? Chi ne è il titolare (...) e in virtù di cosa? Il tribunale del mondo prova a rispondere a queste domande, indagando da una prospettiva filosofico-politico-giuridica la giustificazione del diritto internazionale penale e assumendo come punto di partenza le specificità del contesto internazionale. L’autrice auspica il superamento del diritto internazionale penale a favore di un sistema plurale di risposta alle gravi violazioni dei diritti elementari: un sistema che comprenda anche soluzioni non penali e che in alternativa all’universalismo del diritto penale internazionale offra meccanismi orientati alle esigenze delle comunità coinvolte. (shrink)

A partire dal XX secolo si è fatta strada l’idea che l’istituzione di tribunali penali internazionali sia un fondamentale e necessario contributo al processo di ricostruzione della pace in contesti post-bellici. Attraverso l’imparzialità nell’individuazione delle colpe e nella distribuzione delle pene, i tribunali penali internazionali sarebbero in grado, secondo questa linea interpretativa, di sopire odi e divisioni, di scoraggiare la commissione di ulteriori crimini e di porre così le basi per una nuova convivenza pacifica. Questa fiducia nella funzione pacificatrice del (...) diritto internazionale penale ne ha sostenuto lo sviluppo storico. Sulla base di questa funzione il Consiglio di Sicurezza ha motivato la creazione di tribunali penali internazionali negli anni Novanta. L’atteggiamento del Consiglio di Sicurezza nei confronti del rapporto tra giurisdizioni penali internazionali e pace non si è però mantenuto lineare nel tempo. Il Consiglio di Sicurezza ha infatti mostrato successivamente di nutrire scarsa fiducia nella funzione pacificatrice del diritto internazionale penale e talvolta di ritenere che i procedimenti penali internazionali possano ostacolare il processo di pace. Il saggio indaga questo complesso rapporto e le ambiguità dell'atteggiamento del Consiglio di Sicurezza rispetto ai tribunali penali internazionali. (shrink)

Le politiche di sicurezza hanno assunto nel corso degli ultimi decenni un ruolo centrale all’interno dell’Unione Europea (UE) e ne costituiscono attualmente uno dei settori più controversi. Nel porsi come attore in grado di garantire sicurezza, l’Unione assume da un lato sempre più compiti e funzioni che sin dall’inizio dell’età moderna sono stati prerogativa del potere statale, senza poter direttamente avvalersi, dall’altro lato, dei principi di legittimazione propri dello Stato. Gli sviluppi recenti delle politiche di sicurezza UE, inoltre, sono fortemente (...) condizionati dai processi di digitalizzazione. Questi favoriscono l’emergere di nuovi modi di intenderle, caratterizzati da un approccio “preemptivo”. Questo denota un modo di affrontare la criminalità che si concentra sugli effetti piuttosto che sulle cause e, attraverso la formulazione di prognosi, mira a intervenire prima che determinati avvenimenti si manifestino al fine di evitarli. Il libro esplora questi sviluppi e discute se, alla luce di essi, i principi fondamentali di legittimità dell’UE siano in grado di esercitare effettivamente la propria funzione di limitazione del potere e tutela dei diritti fondamentali. Attraverso analisi di pratiche concrete quali l’utilizzo e il potenziamento di grosse banche dati, tra cui il sistema di informazione Schengen (SIS), l’analisi dei codici di prenotazione recentemente introdotti dalla Direttiva PNR e l’incremento dell’interoperabilità tra le banche dati europee, il volume mette in atto un approccio filosofico “critico-realistico”, che si ancora nella realtà ma non rinuncia alla normatività e all’elaborazione di proposte alternative. Nel far ciò, le ricerche qui esposte intendono offrire un contributo agli ambiti disciplinari della filosofia politica e della filosofia del diritto, e, più specificamente, dei Security Studies e degli European Studies. (shrink)

This book examines the current dynamic and momentous development of European security policy. In doing so, it provides an important and original contribution to both practical philosophy and to the fields of security studies and European studies. Using concrete analyses and by offering possible solutions to certain problems, the book develops an approach that is embedded in reality and which, at the same time, insists on theory and normativity. It focuses on the characteristics of new security technologies and ways in (...) which security is understood as well as their influence on the ‘Copernican Revolution’ of the modern age, through which individuals and the protection of their fundamental rights have become the focus of political legitimation. (shrink)

Il diritto internazionale penale è un fenomeno relativamente recente della vita internazionale ed è una disciplina tuttora in formazione. La sua nascita e il suo sviluppo hanno suscitato grande interesse nella comunità scientifica, perchè il trasferimento, seppur parziale, del potere punitivo dallo Stato a organismi internazionali è una novità assoluta della struttura politico-giuridica dei rapporti internazionali. Il trasferimento della competenza penale dalla sfera nazionale alla sfera internazionale è realizzato, secondo l'argomento giustificativo che sostiene la creazioni dei tribunali penali internazionali, in (...) nome di interessi e valori anch'essi sopranazionali, espressione delle esigenze della 'società internazionale' globale. La categoria di 'società internazionale' assume dunque un'importanza centrale nella giustificazione del diritto penale internazionale, divenendo un utile, e forse imprescindibile, strumento interpretativo per la comprensione e la valutazione del diritto internazionale penale e della sua legittimità. (shrink)

Desde a Constituição federal de 1988, o Brasil tem avançado, mesmo que vagarosamente, na construção de políticas públicas de inclusão de pessoas que se encontram em condições de desvantagem social. Dentre os movimentos sociais de luta, estão as pessoas com deficiência, seus familiares e profissionais de distintas áreas de atuação. Em agosto de 2021 o Ministro da Educação brasileira proferiu discursos que se engajam em atitudes excludentes. Dentre as falas mais polemizadas, afirmou que nas escolas há crianças com deficiência que (...) atrapalham o aprendizado dos demais alunos. O objetivo deste ensaio é discutir acerca dos discursos do Ministro como impactantes dispositivos de marginalização e exclusão social dos estudantes com deficiência. O teor do ensaio se ampara no acervo documental e legislativo que fundamenta a história, a emanação e a implementação de políticas públicas pró-educação inclusiva, bem como em autores que sustentam as Ciências Humanas e Sociais no entendimento que a diferença e as liberdades de Ser e estar no mundo, com o mundo, com as outras pessoas, sendo diferente, são valores humanos inegociáveis. Palavras-chave: Diferença; Inclusão; Educação; Políticas públicas; Exclusão. "We don't want inclusiveness": an (un)inspired essay by the Minister of Brazilian education Abstract: Since the Federal Constitution of 1988, Brazil has advanced, albeit slowly, in the construction of public policies for the inclusion of people who find themselves in conditions of social disadvantage. Among the social struggle movements are people with disabilities, their families and professionals from different areas of activity. In August 2021 the Brazilian Minister of Education delivered speeches that engage in exclusionary attitudes. Among the most controversial speeches, he stated that in schools there are children with disabilities who hinder the learning of other students. The objective of this essay is to discuss about the Minister's speeches as impacting devices of marginalization and social exclusion of students with disabilities. The content of the essay is supported by the documentary and legislative archive that underlies the history, emanation and implementation of public policies for inclusive education, as well as by authors who support the Human and Social Sciences in the understanding that the difference and the freedoms of Being and being in the world, with the world, with other people, being different, are non-negotiable human values. Keywords: Difference; Inclusion; Education; Public policy; Exclusion. No queremos inclusivismos”: un ensayo (des)inspirado por el Ministro de la Educación brasileña Resumen: Desde la Constitución Federal de 1988, el Brasil ha avanzado, aunque lentamente, en la construcción de políticas públicas para la inclusión de personas que se encuentran en condiciones de desventaja social. Entre los movimientos sociales de lucha se encuentran personas con discapacidad, sus familias y profesionales de diferentes áreas de actividad. En agosto de 2021, el Ministro de la Educación brasileña pronunció discursos que involucran actitudes excluyentes. Entre los discursos más controvertidos, afirmó que en las escuelas hay niños con discapacidad que dificultan el aprendizaje de otros estudiantes. El objetivo de este ensayo es discutir sobre los discursos del Ministro como dispositivos impactantes de marginalización y exclusión social de los estudiantes con discapacidad. El contenido del ensayo se sustenta en el archivo documental y legislativo que sustenta la historia, emanación e implementación de las políticas públicas de educación inclusiva, así como por autores que apoyan a las Ciencias Humanas y Sociales en el entendimiento de que la diferencia y las libertades de Ser y estar en el mundo, con el mundo, con otras personas, siendo diferente, son valores humanos innegociables. Palabras clave: Diferencia; Inclusión; Educación; Políticas públicas; Exclusión. Data de registro: 21/09/2021 Data de aceite: 17/05/2022. (shrink)

Olympe de Gouges (Montauban 1748 – Parigi 1793) è generalmente nota come autrice della Dichiarazione dei diritti della donna e della cittadina. Il documento, scritto nel 1791 in risposta alla Dichiarazione dei diritti dell’uomo e del cittadino, mette in luce la parzialità di quest’ultima, che, nonostante le rivendicazioni formalmente universalistiche, fu proclamata esclusivamente “da” e “per” esseri umani di sesso maschile. Nella sua dichiarazione, de Gouges rivendica il riconoscimento dei diritti civili e politici delle donne e anticipa così alcune delle (...) istanze centrali del femminismo. L’approccio di de Gouges, inoltre, pur aderendo al paradigma teorico del giusnaturalismo, si distingue all’interno di quest’ultimo per modernità e coerenza. L’impegno politico e intellettuale di de Gouges non rimase confinato alla rivendicazione dei diritti delle donne. Ella si espresse infatti su molti dei temi centrali del dibattito pubblico francese negli anni della Rivoluzione, tra cui la sanità pubblica e le politiche sociali, la questione del voto per testa o per ordine, l’esecuzione di Luigi Capeto, il divorzio, la schiavitù e la tratta degli schiavi. De Gouges denunciò inoltre le ingiustizie che caratterizzavano la situazione delle donne, degli schiavi, dei meno abbienti, dei malati, delle partorienti, dei figli illegittimi, mostrando le cause strutturali e sociali della loro vulnerabilità. Alcune delle sue proposte furono fatte proprie e realizzate dal governo rivoluzionario, come quella riguardante l’introduzione di una tassa volontaria per risanare le casse statali. La produzione intellettuale di de Gouges include romanzi e racconti, opere teatrali, saggi filosofici, pamphlet, lettere aperte e altri scritti brevi, e consta di circa 150 opere. Il suo impegno politico, che in lei si saldò sempre strettamente al lavoro intellettuale, le costò infine la vita. Nell’estate del 1793 fu arrestata mentre cercava di affiggere un manifesto dal titolo Le Tre Urne, in cui suggeriva di far decidere al popolo francese quale fosse la forma migliore di governo per la Francia. Dopo alcuni mesi di prigionia e un processo sommario, fu condannata a morte. La sentenza fu eseguita il 3 novembre del 1793. (shrink)

This book is based on the premise that the trade-off between privacy and security is both unsound and con-ceals important aspects of surveillance and control. Accordingly, the authors analyse the symbiotic relati-onship between liberty and security, and the emptiness of both concepts when considered in isolation. They explore and contextualise different notions of risk, surveillance practices and the value of the rights to pri-vate life and data protection. Thereby, they show that surveillance and control neither necessarily attain security, nor always (...) pose a threat to privacy and, conversely, that protecting privacy does not necessarily hamper security provision. Moreover, they argue that surveillance and control, mediated through technolo-gy, express and sustain specific power relationships. The book offers a kaleidoscope of perspectives, ranging from critical studies to international relations, law, philosophy and sociology, to rethink surveillance and control. (shrink)

This book is based on the premise that the trade-off between privacy and security is both unsound and conceals important aspects of surveillance and control. Accordingly, the authors analyse the symbiotic relationship between liberty and security, and the emptiness of both concepts when considered in isolation. They explore and contextualise different notions of risk, surveillance practices and the value of the rights to private life and data protection. Thereby, they show that surveillance and control neither necessarily attain security, nor always (...) pose a threat to privacy and, conversely, that protecting privacy does not necessarily hamper security provision. Moreover, they appreciate how surveillance and control, mediated through technology, express and sustain specific power relationships. The book thus offers a kaleidoscope of perspectives, ranging from critical studies to international relations, law, philosophy and sociology, to rethink surveillance and control. (shrink)

The European Union and the International Criminal Court are two of the most original and interesting elements of the contemporary international situation. Both of them are the result of a delicate balance between ethical issues and political interests and, consequently, institute a complex relationship with states' sovereignty. Their common ground of values has brought the European Union to sustain the International Criminal Court since its preparatory works. Through the analysis of the most significant documents and the ways of the cooperation (...) between these two organisms, this essay focuses on the problems that face the international justice and the possible means of its affirmation. It seems to be drawn a new aspect of international relations, far from the traditional power politics and underpinned by the consent that international organisms can gain among the public opinion through their policy consistence with justice and peace values. (shrink)

Surveillance, understood as the collection of information about populations for supervision purposes, is a critical technique of social control. As such, it can reveal important features of the power that exercises it. The article analyses two contemporary surveillance measures in Europe: the Schengen Information System and the Directive 2006/24/EC on data retention. The analysis aims to identify the structural characteristics of the changing power of the EU and the role security plays in it. The main thesis is that security is (...) a key element of the legitimacy claim of the expanding power of the EU. (shrink)

Bolzaneto, Abu Grahib, Guantanamo: luoghi in cui la tortura è riemersa nel “civile”occidente contemporaneo. A perpetrarla sono i rappresentanti di uno Stato che si definisce “di diritto”: uno Stato la cui giustificazione ultima è la difesa e la protezione dei diritti inviolabili degli individui. La tortura, lungi dall’essere scomparsa, dunque permane come tecnica di potere nei moderni stati democratici. Essa non solo persiste come dato di fatto. Al contrario, negli ultimi decenni sono riemerse giustificazioni della tortura come pratica legale e (...) legittima per garantire la sicurezza dello Stato. Di fronte a queste nuove giustificazioni della tortura è oggi più che mai importante lasciarsi guidare dall’esperienza storica piuttosto che da ipotetici scenari futuri e, seguendo l'amonimento della studiosa statunitense Judith Shklar, fondare la difesa dei diritti sull’assunto, “ampiamente giustificato da ogni pagina di storia politica, che alcuni rappresentanti del potere statale si comporteranno regolarmente, su piccola o grande scala, in modo illegale e brutale, a meno che non venga loro impedito di farlo”. (shrink)

As a technique of social control based on the collection of information, surveillance has been a central instrument of any administrative power since the modern era. Surveillance, however, can be carried out in different ways and these can provide important information on the basic features of a particular political system. Indeed, the introduction of surveillance measures has an impact on key relationships of a political system, such as liberty and security, autonomy and authority. When a political system is, like the (...) European Union (EU), in a dynamic and build-up phase, by analysing its surveillance practices one can even discern the trajectories of its developments. The paper analyses two surveillance measures in the EU: the Schengen Information System (SIS) and the Directive 2006/24/EC on data retention. It puts forth the argument that the reference to security as a value enables the EU to compensate its legitimacy deficiencies and to develop into a power system characterised by a more supranational structure than before. (shrink)

The International Criminal Court (ICC) seems to have finally realized the ending legal globalists have long yearned for: a potentially universal, centralized and permanent court, able to enforce international humanitarian law without the mediation of the state. A legal system of mankind seems now more possible than ever before. The universalistic claim of the ICC, I contend in this article, is nevertheless potentially biased by a West-centric prejudice. Critically drawing on the transcivilizational perspective suggested by Onuma Yasuaki, I propose to (...) overcome the West-centric approach of the ICC by assuming the multiplicity of universalisms, thus relativising each of them. (shrink)

Recent discussions in the just war literature suggest that soldiers have a duty to assume certain risks in order to protect the lives of all innocent civilians. I challenge this principle of risk by arguing that it is justified neither as a principle that guides the conduct of combat soldiers, nor as a principle that guides commanders in the US military. I demonstrate that the principle of risk fails on the first account because it requires soldiers both to violate their (...) strict duty of obedience and loyalty and to exceed their special obligations to protect their fellow comrades, the state, the state's constituents and other protected civilians. I then illustrate that the principle of risk fails on the second account since it conflicts with the commander's primary obligation to protect and promote the welfare and lives of his or her soldiers. I conclude by arguing that we cannot reasonably expect soldiers and commanders to adhere to the principle of risk until there is a radical, institutional-level transformation of militaristic goals, values, strategies, policies, warrior codes and expectations of service members in the US Armed Forces. (shrink)