This article offers a new theory about how using lotteries to distribute scarce benefits satisfies beneficiaries' claims. In the first section of the article I criticize John Broome's view and on the basis of these criticisms set out four desiderata for a philosophically adequate account of claim satisfaction by lottery. In section II I propose and defend a new view called the dual structure view, so called because it posits that claimants have two types of claims in the relevant scarce (...) benefit distribution cases under discussion. This view meets all the desiderata set out in section I. Section III draws out the practical implications of my view for a variety of temporally extended cases, including the distribution of corneas to patients who have suffered corneal degeneration. (shrink)

This book is devoted to a thorough analysis of the role that models play in the practise of physical theory. The authors, a mathematical physicist and a philosopher of science, appeal to the logicians’ notion of model theory as well as to the concepts of physicists.

This work challenges the textbook assessment of Schopenhauer as militant atheist and absolute pessimist. In examining Schopenhauer's grappling with religion, theology and Kant's moral philosophy, Mannion suggests we can actually discern a 'religious' humility in method in Schopenhauer's work, seen most clearly in his ethics of compassion and his doctrine of salvation. Given current debates between theologians and philosophers in relation to 'postmodernity' and 'postmodern thought', this book illustrates that Schopenhauer should be a key figure in such debates.

This book will appeal to second- and third-year undergraduates, and graduates and academics in sociology and social theory, politics, cultural studies and other ...

In the fourth chapter of the Hippocratic treatise De mortis II 1 an unnamed illness is discussed which arises allegedly from an overabundance of blood in the vessels around the brain. The author of the chapter, however, disputes this aetiology.

On a charge of murder or manslaughter it must be shown that the person killed was one who was in being. It is neither murder nor manslaughter to kill an unborn child while still in its mother’s womb although it may be the statutory offences of child destruction or abortion. If however the child is born alive and afterwards dies by reason of an unlawful act done to it in the mother’s womb or in the process of birth, the person (...) who committed that act is guilty of murder or manslaughter according to the intent with which the act is done. [Halsbury’s LAWS OF ENGLAND, 4th ed. reissue, Vol. 11 (1). London: Butterworths, 1990.]. (shrink)

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The fundamental interaction between discourse and context that pervades Newman’s many works provides the thread that weaves this collection together. There are five major divisions in the book.

Drawing on the findings of a series of empirical studies undertaken with boards of directors and CEOs in the United States, this groundbreaking book develops a new paradigm to provide a structured analysis of ethical healthcare governance. Governance Ethics in Healthcare Organizations begins by presenting a clear framework for ethical analysis, designed around basic features of ethics - who we are, how we function, and what we do - before discussing the paradigm in relation to clinical, organizational and professional ethics. (...) It goes on to apply this framework in areas that are pivotal for effective governance in healthcare: oversight structures for trustees and executives, community benefit, community health, patient care, patient safety and conflicted collaborative arrangements. This book is an important read for all those interested in healthcare management, corporate governance and healthcare ethics, including academics, students and practitioners. (shrink)

Certains ont proclamé la " fin de l'Histoire ". Ne serait-ce pas plutôt celle de la philosophie politique moderne qu'il conviendrait de guetter? Depuis cinq siècles, en effet, l'action politique a eu pour objet l'institution et la consolidation de la souveraineté, tandis que la philosophie politique structurait ses principes de gouvernement à partir de ce concept : penser la politique c'était penser la souveraineté. Or la souveraineté, née en Europe, forgée à travers les guerres qui donnèrent aux peuples le sentiment (...) de leur particularité, s'y achève sous nos yeux, en une Union des peuples fondée désormais sur la paix, à la suite d'un génocide suicidaire. Pour penser l'achèvement, la philosophie politique ne saurait plus se contenter de répéter ses affirmations communes sur la volonté du peuple, l'indivisibilité de la république, la dictature du prolétariat et les droits de l'homme. Aucune n'a pu fonder l'existence libre de la multitude : elles ont soit révélé dans l'histoire leur absolue contradiction en allant, parfois, jusqu'au crime, soit permis d'ouvrir le chemin de la vie libre sans être capables, cependant, de le tracer jusqu'au bout. Ces catégories ressortissent à un monde et à sa fable que les temps présents abandonnent au passé. Le problème constitutif de la philosophie politique - les conditions de la vie libre - n'a pas disparu pour autant, mais la solution nouvelle est à inventer. Une double tâche s'impose désormais : montrer en quoi la souveraineté est achevée et ce que cela signifie, jusque dans les chemins divergents qu'empruntent l'Europe et les Etats-Unis ; formuler des propositions sérieuses capables d'orienter le débat politique de notre temps quelle moralité nouvelle, autre que la souveraineté, inventer pour des peuples européens qui, faute de pouvoir encore se faire la guerre, se sont du coup, sans autre projet, abandonnés au marché? (shrink)

Soumis aux conditions difficiles que lui impose l’Occupation, Julien Benda exprime dans La Grande Épreuve des démocraties une foi lucide en la démocratie, fondée sur un bilan critique du combat antifasciste. Appelant les Européens à privilégier dans leur passé les éléments d’une tradition républicaine d’inspiration libérale et sociale, il remet en cause la relative indifférence qu’il a longtemps entretenue, dans l’esprit de La trahison des clercs, à l’égard des systèmes politiques et de l’espoir de promouvoir la justice dans les sociétés (...) humaines, au profit d’un idéal élitiste soucieux de préserver la liberté d’une minorité d’intellectuels tournés vers l’éternité.Affirmant nettement la nécessité d’un ordre juridique international coercitif et chargé de veiller au respect des principes démocratiques, Julien Benda, collaborant aux publications de la Résistance, a la conviction que la démocratie doit se libérer de l’humanisme pacifiste dont elle est naturellement porteuse, et qu’elle doit, passant par un moment machiavélien, aller contre ses propres valeurs, et s’appuyer sur la force pour assurer son existence face à ses ennemis.Submitted to the difficult conditions imposed on him by the German occupation in France, Julien Benda, in La Grande Épreuve des démocraties expresses a true lucid faith in democracy, grounded on the critical appraisal of the anti-fascist fight. Urging the Europeans to privilege within their past the elements of a Republican tradition of a social and liberal inspiration, he questions the relative indifference he had for quite a while entertained, within the spirit of the Trahison des clercs, towards political systems and his hope to be able to promote justice in human societies, to the profit of an elitist ideal careful to safeguard the freedom of a minority of intellectuals turned towards eternity.Strongly stressing the necessity of a legal international order both coercive and meant to be sure democratic principles should be applied and respected, Julien Benda, by collaborating to the publications of the French Resistance, strongly believes that democracy should free itself from the pacifist humanism which it normally evidences and that it should – through a Machiavellian moment – go astride from its own values and rest on strength to grant its existence when confronted to its enemies. (shrink)