This article offers a general hypothesis on how Moerbeke’s translations of the Corpus Aristotelicum were disseminated at the University of Paris by means of exemplar and peciae. For each translation, two exemplaria appear to have circulated, one of which is older, of better quality, and more widely disseminated. It is argued that these original exemplaria are the ones mentioned in the 1304 list of exemplaria owned by the Paris University stationarius André de Sens. Moreover, it is not unlikely that (...) some of these original exemplaria were copied from Thomas Aquinas’ personal copy. The second exemplaria, on the other hand, which from a text critical point of view are related to the original ones, appear to be an attempt in the last decade of the thirteenth century to create a parallel dissemination of the translations in Paris. (shrink)

Le but de cet article est de contribuer au débat sur la relation entre les pratiques prédictives et l’orthodoxie religieuse, telle qu’elle est exposée dans le Liber introductorius de Michel Scot. Au cœur de ce travail se trouve l’étude de la discussion de l’interprétation des signes inhabituels et des événements inattendus par Michel Scot, à la fois dans le Liber quatuor distinctionum et le Liber particularis. L’analyse de nouvelles preuves textuelles, jusque là passées inaperçues, permettra par ailleurs la réévaluation de (...) la réception de Michel Scot en tant qu’autorité dans le domaine des pratiques prédictives. (shrink)

t. 1. Livres I à IV -- t. 2. Livres V à VII et Notes marginales de Nicolas de Cues.

The article studies a privately owned fragmentary manuscript of Moerbeke’s version of Aristotle’s Metaphysics. The treatise was transmitted through a very intricate text tradition. It is shown that two of the remaining three parts of the manuscript belong to the so-called “Italian” or independent tradition, for which only six other manuscripts are extant. Although Vuillemin-Diem, the editor of the text in the Aristoteles Latinus series, did not use this manuscript, its text corroborates several of her hypotheses. Moreover, the manuscript (...) considerably adds to our knowledge of Moerbeke’s lost autograph. It also contains some interesting similarities with Albert the Great’s commentary on the same text. (shrink)

The Tria Opuscula by the Late Antique Neoplatonist Proklos are accessible in full in the translation into medieval Latin by Wilhelm von Moerbeke, as well as in fragments in the Greek texts of Late Antique and Byzantine authors. Using the form of a commentary on passages, this work assesses what we can learn from these sources about the original Greek text of the three works. At the same time the commentary serves the elucidation of the first complete Greek retroversion (...) of the Tria Opuscula, which is published here. (shrink)

Parce que le Liber de causis etait au programme de l'enseignement universitaire parisien au XIIIe siecle, il etait naturel pour le professeur, frere Thomas d'Aquin, de composer un commentaire sur ce texte attribue alors a Aristote. Mais parce que, a ce moment meme, le dominicain Guillaume de Moerbeke venait de decouvrir les Elements de theologie de Proclus et de les traduire en latin (18 mai 1268), Thomas, enregsitrant aussitot cet apport nouveau, comprenait que le Liber de causis etait un (...) sous-produit des Elements de Proclus et devait donc etre retire a Aristote. Du meme coup, il saisissait la nature platonicienne de ce texte qui le rapprochait des doctrines du Pseudo-Denys et permettait d'evaluer son platonisme. C'est pourquoi le Commentaire de Thomas sur le Liber de causis offre une presentation des doctrines platoniciennes dans la construction theologiques des premiers principes. Dans l'elaboration de ce commentaire, Thomas se revele un veritable humaniste en avance de deux siecles sur les savants de la Renaissance. (shrink)

Este artículo recoge y aúna, por vez primera en un solo trabajo, los distintos aspectos acerca de la tradición manuscrita, las dataciones y las autorías de las tres principales traducciones de Ethica Nicomachea en circulación durante el s. XIII. El trabajo de Aristóteles, de significativa e ininterrumpida influencia en el ámbito de la filosofía práctica, sorteó para ese entonces no sólo los escollos de las prohibiciones que recayeron sobre otros importantes tratados del Estagirita, sino que además fue honrado por la (...) pluma de tres traductores de reconocida pulcritud y erudición: Burgundio de Pisa, Roberto Grosseteste y Guillermo de Moerbeke. Gracias al trabajo concatenado de diversos filólogos, paleógrafos y otros especialistas en estudios medievales, el itinerario de las traducciones latinas de Ethica Nicomachea representa hoy un modelo de cooperación científica, cuyos numerosos e incluso inesperados resultados se hallan a menudo desperdigados en una abultada bibliografía. Aquí se ofrece un mapa completo y exhaustivo de estos estudios, junto con algunas conclusiones sugeridas por una visión más panorámica de los distintos eventos. (shrink)

A huge bestseller in Europe, Frederic Lenoir’s Happiness is an exciting journey that examines how history’s greatest philosophers and religious figures have answered life’s most fundamental question: What is happiness and how do I achieve it? From the ancient Greeks on—from Aristotle, Plato, and Chuang Tzu to the Buddha, Jesus, and Muhammad; from Voltaire, Spinoza, and Schopenhauer to Kant, Freud, and even modern neuroscientists—Lenoir considers the idea that true and lasting happiness is indeed possible. In clear language, Lenoir concisely surveys (...) what the greatest thinkers of all time have had to say on the subject, and, with charming prose, raises provocative questions: · Do we have a duty to be happy? · Is there a connection between individual and collective happiness? · Is happiness contagious? · Is there a difference between pleasure and happiness? · Can unhappiness and happiness coexist? · Does our happiness depend on our luck? Understanding how civilization’s best minds have answered those questions, Lenoir suggests, not only makes for a fascinating reading experience, but also provides a way for us to see us how happiness, that most elusive of feelings, is attainable in our own lives. (shrink)

The rise of modern natural sciences was based on the belief that knowledge about nature would increase steadily and that sooner or later it would prove useful for people and society. How these expectations shaped the self-image and the development of the natural sciences is the subject of this book. It turns out that expectations have repeatedly changed: from the universal ideal of utility of the 17th and 18th centuries to the promise of technical progress that is decisive today. The (...) unshakable belief in the usefulness of the natural sciences has always been accompanied by the insight that progress in knowledge can only be guaranteed if research is not based solely on short-term needs. In her story of the modern understanding of science, Désirée Schauz draws a bow from early modern natural research to the natural sciences of the 20th century. With its long-term perspective and its conceptual historical instruments, this book not only makes an important contribution to the modern history of science, but also provides a historically sound basis for current debates on science and innovation policy."-- publisher's website. (shrink)