I argue that Isaac Newton's De Gravitatione should not be considered an authoritative expression of his thought about the metaphysics of space and its relation to physical inquiry. I establish the following narrative: In De Gravitatione (circa 1668–84), Newton claimed he had direct experimental evidence for the work's central thesis: that space had "its own manner of existing" as an affection or emanative effect. In the 1710s, however, through the prodding of Roger Cotes and G. W. Leibniz, he (...) came to see that this evidence relied on assumptions that his own Principia rendered unjustifiable. Consequently, he (i) revised the conclusions he explicitly drew from the experimental evidence, (ii) rejected the idea that his spatial metaphysics was grounded in experimental evidence, and (iii) reassessed the epistemic status of key concepts in his metaphysics and natural philosophy. The narrative I explore shows not only that De Gravitatione did not constitute the metaphysical backdrop of the Principia as Newton ultimately understood it, but that it was the Principia itself that ultimately lead to the demise of key elements of De Gravitatione. I explore the implications of this narrative for Andrew Janiak's and Howards Stein's interpretations of Newton's metaphysics. (shrink)

This paper is in three sections. The first establishes that Newton, in spite of a well-known passage in a letter to Richard Bentley of 1692, did believe in action at a distance. Many readers may see this merely as an act of supererogation, since it is so patently obvious that he did. However, there has been a long history among Newton scholars of allowing the letter to Bentley to over-ride all of Newton’s other pronouncements in favour of action at a (...) distance, with devastating effects on our understanding of related aspects of his physics and his theology. Furthermore, this misconceived scholarly endeavour shows no sign of abating. The second section then offers a historical reconstruction, based on Newton’s writings, of how, when and why he began to accept actions at a distance and make them one of the cornerstones of his physics. Finally, using this chronological account of Newton’s use of actions at a distance, the paper re-assesses the claims of B. J. T. Dobbs that Newton’s important manuscript, De gravitatione et aequipondio fluidorum, was written, not in the late 1660s or early 1670s as was previously supposed, but during the composition of the Principia, in 1684 or 1685.Keywords: Isaac Newton; Action-at-a-distance; Gravity; Force; Aether; Attraction. (shrink)

The widely accepted supposition that Newton’s De gravitatione was written in 1684/5 just before composing the Principia is examined. The basis for this determination has serious difficulties starting with the failure to examine the numerical estimates for the resistance of aether. The estimated range is not nearly nil as claimed but comparable with air at or near the earth’s surface. Moreover, the evidence provided most likely stems from experiments by Boyle, Hooke, and others in the 1660s and does not (...) use evidence available in the late 1684. The document supports Newton’s contention that the aether medium incorporates very large voids thereby proving that body and space differ but does by no means completely reject its corporeal nature or eliminate its resistance. Newton’s use of the term inertia provides no conclusive evidence for a late date as often claimed and his definition of gravitas is difficult to reconcile with a late one. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Few texts in the history of science and philosophy have achieved the level of interpretative indeterminacy as a short manuscript tract by Isaac Newton, known as ‘De gravitatione’. On the basis of some new evidence, this article argues that it is an introductory fragment of some lectures on hydrostatics delivered in the of spring 1671. Taking seriously the possibility of a pedagogical purpose, it is then argued that the famous digression on space, far from articulating a sophisticated metaphysics (...) that may have owed something to Henry More, was a simple piece of mixed-mathematical prolegomena designed to facilitate the subsequent geometrical argumentation. In this regard, Newton was doing the same as his mentor, Isaac Barrow, had done in his own mathematical lectures; both drew heavily on the explicitly anti-metaphysical approach of Pierre Gassendi. It is shown that More himself would have almost certainly opposed Newton’s approach. The excesses of metaphysical readings of Newton’s intentions are challenged; there is no warrant for reading the digression as directly relevant to the Principia. (shrink)

This is a preprinted excerpt from: Kochiras, “By ye Divine Arm: God and Substance in De gravitatione”, Religious Studies (Sept. 2013), 49(3): 327-356 (available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/religious-studies/article/by-ye-divine-arm-god-and-substance -in-de-gravitatione/08D21B2C2611624FA11A0D6B115849AD ). In this preprinted excerpt, I explicate the concepts of matter and space that Newton develops in De gravitatione. As I interpret Newton’s account of created substances, bodies are constructed from qualities alone, as configured by God. Although regions of space and then “determined quantities of extension” appear to replace the Aristotelian (...) substrate by functioning as property-bearers, they actually serve only as logical subjects. An implication of the interpretation I develop is that only space is extended by having parts outside parts; material bodies are spatially extended only in a derivative sense, via the presence of their constitutive qualities or powers in space. (shrink)

This paper explores the possibility of constructing a Cartesian space-time that can resolve the dilemma posed by a famous argument from Newton's early essay, De gravitatione. In particular, Huygens' concept of a center-of-mass reference frame is utilized in an attempt to reconcile Descartes' relationalist theory of space and motion with both the Cartesian analysis of bodily impact and conservation law for quantity of motion. After presenting a modern formulation of a Cartesian space-time employing Huygens' frames, a series of Newtonian (...) counter-replies are developed in order to estimate the viability of this relationalist project. (shrink)

We routinely speak of Newton’s laws in classical mechanics without really knowing how Newton understood such laws. This article clarifies some of the ontological, epistemological, and theological presuppositions underpinning his conception of the laws of nature. After introducing the Cartesian background (2), we examine the Newtonian view of laws of nature in three respects, namely: the character of laws of nature in the context of the rules for natural philosophy (3); the emanative conception of space and time in _De Gravitatione_; (...) (4); and the interpretation of laws of nature in terms of Leibnizian mechanisms or Berkeleyan principles (5). Our analysis highlights crucial philosophical elements of Newton’s view of laws of nature, which contributed to shape the directions that predominated in successive investigations (6). (shrink)

In De gravitatione, Newton contends that Descartes' physics is fundamentally untenable since the "fixed" spatial landmarks required to ground the concept of inertial motion cannot be secured in the constantly changing Cartesian plenum. Likewise, it is has often been alleged that the collision rules in Descartes' Principles of Philosophy undermine the "relational" view of space and motion advanced in this text. This paper attempts to meet these challenges by investigating the theory of connected gears (or "kinematics of mechanisms") for (...) a potential Cartesian method of positing the permanent reference frames necessary to uphold Descartes' conservation law for the quantity of motion. In particular, the insights gained from an examination of the kinematics of mechanisms will provide the Cartesian with much needed resources to counter the two threats posed above. (shrink)

Sir Isaac Newton (1642-1727) left a voluminous legacy of writings. Despite his influence on the early modern period, his correspondence, manuscripts, and publications in natural philosophy remain scattered throughout many disparate editions. In this volume, Newton's principal philosophical writings are for the first time collected in a single place. They include excerpts from the Principia and the Opticks, his famous correspondence with Boyle and with Bentley, and his equally significant correspondence with Leibniz, which is often ignored in favor of Leibniz's (...) later debate with Samuel Clarke. Newton's exchanges with Leibniz place their different understandings of natural philosophy in sharp relief. The volume also includes 'De Gravitatione', offered here in a corrected translation, which is crucial for understanding Newton's relation to his great predecessor Descartes. In a historical and philosophical introduction, Andrew Janiak examines Newton's philosophical positions and his relations to canonical figures in early modern philosophy. (shrink)

Sir Isaac Newton left a voluminous legacy of writings. Despite his influence on the early modern period, his correspondence, manuscripts, and publications in natural philosophy remain scattered throughout many disparate editions. In this volume, Newton's principal philosophical writings are for the first time collected in a single place. They include excerpts from the Principia and the Opticks, his famous correspondence with Boyle and with Bentley, and his equally significant correspondence with Leibniz, which is often ignored in favor of Leibniz's later (...) debate with Samuel Clarke. Newton's exchanges with Leibniz place their different understandings of natural philosophy in sharp relief. The volume also includes 'De Gravitatione', offered here in a corrected translation, which is crucial for understanding Newton's relation to his great predecessor Descartes. In a historical and philosophical introduction, Andrew Janiak examines Newton's philosophical positions and his relations to canonical figures in early modern philosophy. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Barrow and Newton E. W. STRONG As E. A. Buxrr HAS ADDUCED,Isaac Barrow (1630-1677) in his philosophy of space, time, and mathematical method strongly influenced the thinking of Newton: The recent publication of an early paper written by Newton (his De gravitatione et aequipondio fluidorum)2 affords evidence not known to Burtt of Newton's indebtedness in philosophy to Barrow, his teacher. Prior to its publication in 1962, this paper (...) was utilized by Alexandre Koyrd in his essay, "Newton and Descartes," 3 a study based on the third Horblit Lecture in the History of Science which he gave at Harvard University, March 8, 1961. Koyr8 maintains that there is a radical opposition in Newton's Principia not only to Descartes' purely scientific theories but also to the Cartesian philosophy. Yet, as he remarks, "we do not find in the Principia an open criticism of the philosophy of Descartes.... " He attributes this fact principally "to the very structure of the Principia: it is essentially a book on rational mechanics, which provides principles for physics and astronomy. In such a book there is a normal place for the discussion of Cartesian optics, but not of the conception of the relations of mind and body, and other such things." Koyrd asserts, nonetheless, that the criticism is not absent. It lurks in Newton's carefully worded definitions of fundamental concepts--those of space, time, motion, and matter--and becomes more apparent in the Optice of 1706 and in the second odition of the Principia. In support of this argument, he makes much of young Newton's unfini.~hed paper. He holds that this essay is of exceptional value "as it enables us to get some insight into the formation of Newton's thought, and to recognize that preoccupation with philosophic problems was not an external additatmentum but an integral dement of his thinking." 4 As concerns "young Newton's conception of space in its being and in its relation to God and time," Koyrd remarks that we learn from this essay The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science (New York, 1927), p. 144. A. Rupert Hall and Marie Boas Hall, Unpublished Scientific Papers of Isaac Newton (Cambridge, 1962), Introduction, pp. 75-88; Latin text, pp. 90-121; English translation, pp. 121156. " Newtonian Studies (Harvard University Press, 1965), pp. 53-114. " Newtonian Studies, pp. 82-83. In his De gravitatione et aequipondio fluidorum, Newton is indeed engrossed with philosophic problems. With regard, however, to the announced purpose of his paper, namely, "to treat of the science of gravity and solid bodies in fluids by two methods," does Newton represent kis metaphysical "explanation of the nature of body" as an element of his science essential to its completeness7 He does not do so. At the end of his explanation he remarks: "I have already digressed enough; let us return to the main theme." He proceeds to set forth fifteen more definitions and then turns to the demonstration of two "Propositions on Non-Elastic Fluids." [155] 156 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY "that space is necessary, eternal, immutz~ble, and unmovable, that though we can imagine that there is nothing in space we cannot think space is not.., and that if there is no space, God would be nowhere. We learn also that all points of space are simultaneous and that, therefore, the divine omnipresence does not introduce composition in God.... " What we here learn from Newton about space in confutation of Descartes is to be found in Barrow's tenth mathematical lecture, "'Of Space, and Impenetrability." 5 In this lecture, Barrow opposes both Descartes and Hobbes. He objects, as does Newton, to the position taken by Descartes in his Principia Philosophiae, namely, "it is necessary.forMatter to be infinitely extended." He proceeds, as does Newton, to show how "very much Cartesius's great Subtility has failed him in this Case" to conclude that there is space empty of matter and distinct from magnitude from which an infinity of matter cannot be deduced. The correspondence of arguments tendered by Barrow and Newton indicates that the tenth lecture constituted a source from which Newton gleaned principal objections to Descartes' Principia Philosophiae. Although Koyr~ makes reference to Burtt's... (shrink)

Beginning with Berkeley and Leibniz, philosophers have been puzzled by the close yet ambivalent association in Newton's ontology between God and absolute space and time. The 1962 publication of Newton's highly philosophical manuscript De Gravitatione has enriched our understanding of his subtle, sometimes cryptic, remarks on the divine underpinnings of space and time in better-known published works. But it has certainly not produced a scholarly consensus about Newton's exact position. In fact, three distinct lines of interpretation have emerged: Independence: (...) space and time are not essentially related to God. Causation: space and time are caused by God. Assimilation: space and time are attributes of God. This paper defends the third interpretation against the first two by drawing out the under-appreciated influence of Descartes' metaphysics on Newton's ‘physico-theology’. (shrink)

I aim to clarify the argument for space that Newton presents in De Gravitatione (composed prior to 1687) by putting Newton's remarks into conversation with the account of geometrical knowledge found in Proclus's Commentary on the First Book of Euclid's Elements (ca. 450). What I highlight is that both Newton and Proclus adopt an epistemic progression (or “order of knowing”) according to which geometrical knowledge necessarily precedes our knowledge of metaphysical truths concerning the ontological state of affairs. As I (...) argue, Newton's commitment to this order of knowing clarifies the interplay of the imagination and understanding in geometrical inquiry and illuminates how geometrical knowledge of space can lead to knowledge that space depends on and is related to God. In general, appreciating the Proclean elements of Newton's argument brings added light to the significance of geometrical inquiry for his general natural philosophical program and grants us insight into the philosophical grounding for the notion of absolute space that is presented in the Principia mathematica (1687). (shrink)

Although Descartes’ natural philosophy marked an important advance in the development of modern science, many of his specific concepts of science have been largely discarded, and consequently neglected, since their introduction in the seventeenth century. Many critics over the years, such as Newton (in his early paper De gravitatione), have presented a series of apparently devastating arguments against Descartes' theory of space and motion; a generally negative historical verdict which, moreover, most contemporary scholars accept. Nevertheless, it is also true (...) that most historians and philosophers of science have not sufficiently investigated the viability and effectiveness of the case against Cartesian space and motion. This book explores the success of the arguments against Descartes’ theory of space and motion by determining if it is possible to formulate a Cartesian theory of science that can avoid the problems raised by Newton, as well as by a host of other past and contemporary philosophers either sympathetic or hostile to the overall design of Cartesian science. In particular, if Descartes' theory of motion can be reconciled with his hypotheses on dynamics, then a Cartesian can successfully resolve the difficulties imposed by his critics. This book comprises, therefore, a sustained attempt to construct a consistent “Cartesian” spacetime theory: i.e., a theory of space and time that incorporates Descartes’ various theories of physics and nature without falling into the kinds of problems and contradictions as charged by, for example, Newton. (shrink)

Isaac Newton affirms on several occasions that human understanding cannot reach the essence of bodies. The article seeks to answer the question of why we cannot reach their essence either through our reflection or our senses, which confines our cognition to their appearances. I argue that the answer to this problem lies in Newton’s theological voluntarism, which he fully developed for the first time and explicitly in relation to the problem of the nature of bodies in his manuscript De (...) class='Hi'>gravitatione. Newton’s God could create beings similar to bodies, which display all their actions and exhibit all their phenomena, and yet they would not be bodies in their essential and metaphysical constitution. Newton’s theological voluntarism has other important epistemological consequences, such as God’s ability to freely change the laws of nature according to his will. (shrink)

One prominent criticism of Newtonianism held that gravitational attraction is an occult quality. The charge, pressed most forcefully by Leibniz, claims that Newton had abandoned the intelligibility of mechanism and allowed for an unexplained and inexplicable force in nature. This paper focuses on one of Newton’s replies to this accusation: his claim that gravitation is no more mysterious than phenomena like inertia and impenetrability. I argue that we can understand and motivate this Newtonian position by looking at the account of (...) material substance developed in Newton’s early manuscript essay De gravitatione. This account makes clear Newton’s sensitivity to the explanatory limits of mechanism. Newton was perceptive in noting that while the mechanical philosophy sought to provide explanations in terms of matter and motion, it failed to explain matter and motion themselves. This sheds light on the motivations behind the theory of bodies in De gravitatione. And it helps to explain why he was so unmoved by what many saw as a serious challenge to his theory of gravity. (shrink)

It is well-known that Isaac Newton’s conception of space and time as absolute -- “without reference to anything external” (Principia, 408) -- was anticipated, and probably influenced, by a number of figures among the earlier generation of seventeenth century natural philosophers, including Pierre Gassendi, Henry More, and Newton’s own teacher Isaac Barrow. The absolutism of Newton’s contemporary and friend, John Locke, has received much less attention, which is unfortunate for several reasons. First, Locke’s views of space and time undergo a (...) dramatic evolution that mirrors the overall absolutist trend of the era. Second, there are good reasons to suppose that Locke was influenced late in this evolution by Newton’s Principia, which he read and reviewed shortly after its 1687 publication. It is even possible that Locke read or knew of the earlier and unpublished, though now famous, Newtonian tract De Gravitatione. Third, despite the influence of Newton, Locke’s retains a skeptical attitude concerning our empirical knowledge of absolute space and time. He is especially cautious about absolute time, bucking a widespread tendency to treat time as strongly analogous to space. Their disagreement about the measure of absolute time, we will suggest, reflects a deeper disagreement in the philosophy of science. While Locke counts as scientific knowledge only ideas and demonstrations derivable from immediate experience, Newton endorses a more theory-driven brand of empiricism, which holds that our best explanations of the phenomena provide genuine knowledge that goes beyond what we can directly observe. (shrink)

The author argues that Newton’s distinction between absolute and relative motion, i.e. the refusal to define motion in relation to sensible things, in “Scholium on time, space, place and motion” from _Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy_, stems in great part from his critical stance towards Descartes’s philosophy of nature. This is apparent from the comparison of “Scholium”, in which Descartes is not mentioned at all, with Newton’s criticism of him in his manuscript _De gravitatione_. The positive results of Newton’s encounter (...) with Descartes’s theory of motion is almost completely identical to those of the “Scholium”: the definition of motion must concern the whole body and not just its surface; instead of “mutual translation”, it must include the force that is the cause of the physical motion; the motion of the bodies is uniform and straightforward, which can only be achieved within absolute space. As far as the theory of motion is concerned, Newton’s philosophical challenge was always Descartes. (shrink)

When Newton articulated the concept of absolute time in his treatise, Philosophae Naturalis Principia Mathematica (Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy), along with its correlate, absolute space, he did not present it as anything controversial. Whereas his references to attraction are accompanied by the self- protective caveats that typically signal an expectation of censure, the Scholium following Principia’s definitions is free of such remarks, instead elaborating his ideas as clarifications of concepts that, in some manner, we already possess. This is not (...) surprising. The germ of the concept emerged naturally from astronomers’ findings, and variants of it had already been formulated by other seventeenth century thinkers. Thus the novelty of Newton’s absolute time lay mainly in the use to which he put it. (shrink)

My goal in this paper is to elucidate a problematic feature of Newton's metaphysics of absolute space. Specifically, I argue that Newton's theory has the untenable consequence that God depends on space for His existence and is therefore not an independent entity. I argue for this conclusion in stages. First, I show that Newton believed that space was an entity and that God and space were ontologically distinct entities. Part of this involves arguing that Newton denies that space is a (...) divine attribute. I then show that Newton endorsed a principle according to which the existence of space is a necessary condition for the existence of any other entity. Following this, I discuss the ways in which this makes God depend on space for His existence and the reasons why this is unacceptable for traditional conceptions of God. Specifically, I show that it is incompatible with the orthodox position that God be entirely independent and self-determining. Finally, I offer two considerations which, I hope, make the problem seem less serious than it first appears. The first consideration has to do with Newton's polemical context and the second has to do with the nature of his theological thought. (shrink)

We are going to analyse the issue of alterity in the philosophy of Miguel de Unamuno through the study of Abel Sánchez. In this nivola, Unamuno examines the concept of envy and establishes the bases of a theory of alterity based on the specular relationship with the other, which it is constituted by the scarcities of the one who looks. We will also look at what are the philosophical premises of this narration, in which way it is linked with the (...) organic philosophy of Unamuno, and what its relationship with the theatre piece El Otro is, released more than a decade after but of a quite similar subject. Finally, we will outline a possible theory of the alterity by Unamuno that it is formulated through the fraternity and altruistic help. (shrink)

Con Del sentimiento trágico de la vida y La agonía del cristianismo, Unamuno se nos revela como uno de los más grandes pensadores de nuestro tiempo. En estos textos, radicalmente filosóficos, situando en el centro de su investigación al “hombre concreto”, al “hombre de carne y hueso”, don Miguel viene a prefigurar –anunciándola- toda la filosofía de la existencia. Un iluminador estudio de Antonio Sánchez Barbudo viene a situar y arrojar nueva luz sobre los libros que comenta y precede, enriqueciendo (...) así una edición imprescindible. (shrink)

Quin tipus de teixit configura un diàleg de Plató? Què mostren els seus brodats? Què representa? Quina relació manté amb el coneixement i amb la seva transmissió? Aquest text respon en part a algunes d’aquestes qüestions a partir de dos passatges del diàleg anomenat Fedre en els quals Sòcrates utilitza el recurs del vel per construir els seus dos discursos. Es defensarà que comprendre què posa en joc el vel resulta fonamental per a entendre correctament la manera en què Sòcrates (...) parla amb el seu interlocutor i en la qual Plató confecciona el diàleg per als potencials lectors. L’objectiu principal d’aquest text és mostrar alguns dels trets essencials del dir platònic. (shrink)

In September 1931, a panel discussion was convened at Central Hall Westminsteron the subject of the ‘Evolution of the Universe’, at the centenary meeting of theBritish Association for the Advancement of Science. Center stage was what todo about the evolving universe being younger than the stars, evidently a paradoxin the relativistic study of the evolving universe, at the time. Here, we discusstwo diametrically opposed reactions to the paradox, which were each broadcastat the meeting by Lemaˆıtre and de Sitter, respectively. As (...) we argue, that bothcould be projected to the public as viable reflects an unsettled question at thefoundations of the then-nascent discipline: what is the role for considerationsof scale in relativistic cosmology? (shrink)

Careful examination of the arguments used in the De aeternitate mundi attributed to Boethius of Dacia shows that this is not a work of radical Aristotelianism, but a teaching text aimed at showing students how to approach the question of the eternity of the world in their disputations. A comparison of the text with some of the articles condemned in 1277 demonstrates that the articles do not originate from the text and that the work was not targeted by Tempier. What (...) is learned from the text about disputations on the eternity of the world is then used to show another way of reading these articles which is consistent with Tempier’s assertion that they were put forward by students during disputations and to some extent enables one to reconstruct the debates as they happened. This also shows how the students distorted the arguments of their masters for their own ends, which in turn suggests how the so-called ‘double truth’ may have been inspired by the De aeternitate mundi or a text like it. Finally, this helps explain the apparent reaction against the arguments used in the De aeternitate on the part of a number of philosophy teachers during the 1270s. (shrink)

No texto começa-se por recordar a controvérsia em torno da existência da filosofia portuguesa que se sustenta consubstanciar-se na questão: "há ou não filosofias especificamente nacionais, a cada nação corresponde uma filosofia própria?". Para solucionar o problema, seria indispensável fixar de modo indiscutível as noções de filosofia e nação. Não se aceitando a intuição das essências, que daria de modo directo e imediato as referidas noções, e entendendo-se que conceitos verdadeiros só podem surgir fundados num sistema, tentou-se, apenas, formular definições (...) convencionais de filosofia e nação, para estabelecer relações inegáveis entre elas, o que poderia dar um contributo para a problemática das filosofias nacionais, na hipótese de tais definições serem exactas ou, pelo menos, terem encontrado defensores. Considerou-se filosofia uma concepção do mundo racional, e nação uma certa comunidade de homens ligados pela istória e, porventura, por uma linguagem própria. Se a cada nação correspondesse uma filosofia cair-se-ia no relativismo, que é insustentável. Se se perfilhasse o ponto de vista que a filosofia depende da linguagem, logo da nação, a resposta seria que a linguagem expressa o pensamento, não é o pensamento. Assevera-se que uma concepção racional do mundo é sempre universal e que uma certa comunidade é, a fortiori, particular. A relação entre filosofia e nação será pois a do universal com o particular. Não é lícito absorver a filosofia na nação, como se esta fosse o universal concreto, nem dissolver aquela num universal que, nessa altura, seria abstracto. O universal supera o particular, sem o destruir, estando numa relação dialéctica com ele. O universal é, assim, universalização do particular. Por consequência, a filosofia será nacional mas de um "nacional" que se saiba auto-ultrapassar. O momento nacional é somente um momento da filosofia, não a própria filosofia na sua universalidade. /// Le texte commence par rappeler la controverse autor de l'existence de la philosophie portugaise, dont on affirme qu'elle s'identifie avec la question "y a-t-il, ou non, des philosophies spécifiquement nationales? A chaque nation correspond une philosophie propre?". Pour apporter une solution à ce problème, il serait indispensable de fixer de façon indiscutable les notions de philosophies et de nation. Comme on n'accepte pas l'intuition des essences, qui fournirait de façon directe et immédiate les notions mentionnées et comme on pense que de vrais concepts ne peuveunt surgir que fondés en un système, on a seulement essayé de formuler des définitions conventionnelles de philosophie et de nation en vue d'établir des relations irrécusables entre elles, ce qui pourrait constituer un apport pour la problématique des philosophies nationales, dans l'hypothèse que de telles définitions sont exactes ou ont, pour le moins, rencontré des adeptes. On considère la philosophie comme une conception rationnelle du monde et la nation, une certainne communauté d'hommes liés par l'histoire et, en particulier, pour une langue propre. Si à chaque nation correspondait une philosophie, on tomberait dans le relativisme, ce qui est insoutenable. Si l'on partageait le point de vue d'après lequel la philosophie dépend du langage, par suite, de la nation, la réponse serait que le langage exprime la pensée, n'est pas la pensée. On assure qu'une conception rationnelle du monde est toujours universelle et qu'une communauté donnée est particulière. La relation entre philosophie et nation sera donc celle qui existe entre l'universel et le particulier. Il n'est pas licite d'absorber la philosophie dans la nation, comme si celle-ci était l'universel concret, ni dissoudre celle-là dans un universel qui alors serait abstrait. /// Is there or is there not a specifically national philosophy? To each nation is there a corresponding philosophy? To answer these questions, which are certainly pertinent to the controversy concerning the existence of a Portuguese philosophy, one should state clearly what can be meant by philosophy and nation. By eliminating the approach by which one imagines it possible to have immediate and direct intuitions of these notions and by considering that true concepts are those that can be founded within a system, an attempt has been made here to formulate conventional definitions of philosophy and of nation in the hope that these definitions could be conjugated and made more precise. The idea that there be at the same time a rational world and a particular rationality, belonging to a particular community of men bound together by a common history and language, has been judged illusory. If to every nation there were a corresponding philosophy, an unbearable relativism would prevail. If one were to maintain that philosophy depended on language, and thus a nation, then the response would be that while language expresses thought, language is not thought. It is not legitimate to assimilate philosophy to a nation, as if the latter were a concrete universal; in this sense, it would be simply abstract. The universal overcomes the particular without destroying it, for the relationship is dialectical in nature: the universal is thus the universalization of the particular. Therefore, philosophy in national if one considers national as that which is capable of overcoming itself; the national moment is only a moment of philosophy, and not philosophy as such in its universality. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the reception of Bertrand de Jouvenel’s Du Pouvoir in post-war America. I show how Jouvenel drew on a firmly established tradition of ‘aristocratic liberalism’ in French political thought, which in turn allowed him to develop a pessimistic outlook on modern Western political culture as inherently conducive to totalitarianism. This profound pessimism allowed Du Pouvoir, which fell relatively flat in France itself, to become a critical success in the Anglophone world. Jouvenel’s jeremiad resonated in particular with Cold (...) War warriors such as Friedrich Hayek. (shrink)

Au début du XXe siècle, si la Chine demeure encore largement une terre vierge pour les explorateurs occidentaux, elle fascine également les chercheurs. Qu'ils soient géographes, géologues, paléontologues ou préhistoriens, tous savent que de formidables découvertes restent à y faire. Suédois et Américains font rapidement le voyage vers l'Empire du Milieu, mais ce sont des Français qui, sur le terrain, vont écrire les plus belles pages de la découverte du Paléolithique de Chine, des premières industries lithiques à l'étude du gisement (...) de l'Homme de Pékin. Pierre Teilhard de Chardin est l'un d'entre eux, qui durant près de vingt ans va parcourir des milliers de kilomètres dans les campagnes et les déserts de Chine et de Mongolie, à la recherche des premiers hommes. Entre 1923 et 1940, il maintient une relation épistolaire avec son port d'attache à Paris, le Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, en la personne de son professeur de paléontologie, Marcellin Boule. Au fil de quatre-vingt-neuf lettres, interrompues par seulement une dizaine de retours vers l'Occident et par sa participation à la fameuse Croisière Jaune Citroën, il décrit, sur fond de rumeurs révolutionnaires évoquées ici et là, ses explorations et ses découvertes à son " Maître et ami ", de vingt ans son aîné, et à qui il voue une dévotion reconnaissante et quasi filiale - " [...] celui à qui je dois tout dans ma carrière scientifique [...] ". Au-delà de sa valeur scientifique, chacune de ces lettres - qu'elle soit écrite du désert de Gobi, des rives du Fleuve Jaune ou à bord d'un véhicule de la Croisière Jaune - est le reflet d'une formidable épopée. Véritable " Journal de bord " d'un savant, cette correspondance se révèle, tout autant que l'écho d'une extraordinaire aventure humaine, la découverte d'un pays prodigieux. (shrink)

Las siguientes páginas versan sobre la idea del Estado en la obra de José Ortega y Gasset, mostrando los cambios que en torno a aquella idea se producen en su pensamiento. En un primer periodo de mocedad, Ortega idealiza el papel de Estado influido por la tradición del pensamiento clásico y germano. En un segundo momento, a partir de la programática fecha de 1914, se producirá un giro en su pensamiento, quedando el Estado al servicio de la sociedad o la (...) realidad nacional, y por lo tanto en una posición “subalterna” frente a la posición dominante que Ortega le concedía en sus primeros años como intelectual. (shrink)

Este artículo expone los argumentos de Kant y Fichte a favor del deber ético de la beneficencia. De manera concreta, se evalúan las razones para que este deber, en sus respectivos sistemas de deberes morales, obtenga un posicionamiento particular y requiera consideraciones aparte de los criterios que, en general, estructuran dichos sistemas. Además, se hacen comentarios comparativos respecto al papel que juega la facultad de juzgar ante el margen de latitud o de juego que, en particular, implica este deber ético (...) en uno y otro autor. (shrink)

La Inteligencia Artificial tiene implicaciones significativas para los derechos humanos, tanto en términos de desafíos como de oportunidades. Por eso los derechos están presentes en las declaraciones y propuestas sobre su regulación. Sin embargo, esta presencia tiene que enfrentarse a algunos problemas. Uno de ellos es el de la determinación de qué significa el enfoque de derechos humanos. Este trabajo pretende dar luz sobre esta cuestión.

El presente artículo analiza los primeros escritos de Heidegger, en el contexto de sus orígenes católicos y antimodernos, a fin de mostrar en ellos una serie de aspectos característicos. La pretensión final consiste en poner de relieve los elementos valorativos y cosmovisionales que dirigen el pensamiento de Heidegger en sus inicios. De ese modo, se vuelve posible dejar planteada la pregunta de si dichos elementos no siguen jugando un papel decisivo, aunque menos visible ya, en toda la filosofía del primer (...) Heidegger. (shrink)

Dans une lettre à son épouse, Sade fait l'éloge de la bizarrerie et l’élève au rang de catégorie esthétique sous le nom de « principe de délicatesse ». Cela peut sembler paradoxal, comme l'a bien remarqué Michel Delon, que celui qui énonce le devoir de délicatesse est celui-là même dont le nom est devenu synonyme de brutalité. Le terme est en effet ambigu et possède dans l'oeuvre du marquis plusieurs sens: de l'échange de soins entre Juliette et sa maîtresse préférée (...) La Durand, en passant par une simple manie sexuelle, jusqu'à la fantaisie « la plus bizarre et la plus singulière de toutes », celle qui dépend d'une richesse fastueuse et qui ne s'achève que sur un tas de corps baignés de sang. Il s'agit d'abord d'examiner les différents sens du terme chez Sade ; puis d'analyser les interprétations que Roland Barthes, Annie Le Brun et Michel Delon donnent de la délicatesse scélérate ; enfin de mettre en évidence sa spécificité par rapport à la prodigalité luxurieuse. (shrink)

El texto presenta algunas consideraciones acerca de las principales relaciones que se establecen en el momento presente entre la ética, la política y la educación, tres dimensiones fundamentales e interrelacionados en la existencia humana, analizándolas en su expresión en las circunstancias características de los ámbitos socioeconómico, político y cultural. A partir del análisis de estas interrelaciones, se pretende delinear algunas propuestas para una convivencia armónica y respetuosa entre los seres humanos en el siglo XXI, a través de una formación ciudadana (...) que posibilite la convivencia multicultural y el acceso a una auténtica sociedad del conocimiento. En este sentido, se examinan algunos de los dilemas y demandas éticos para alcanzar dichas formas de organización social ideales.The text presents some considerations about main relations that are established in the present moment, between ethics, politics and education, three essential and related dimensions in human existence, analyzing it in its characteristics expressions in the social, economic, cultural and political fields. Starting from the exam of those relations, it pretends to outline some proposals in order to get a harmonious and respectful coexistence between human beings in the XXI century, through a civic formation that makes possible multicultural coexistence and the access to an authentic knowledge society. In this sense, it examines some of the ethical dilemma and requests in order to access those ideal social organizations forms. (shrink)

Nuestro ensayo La erótica platónica busca ampliar la comprensión del concepto de Eros en Platón a partir del diálogo del Banquete. Buscamos presentar una visión genealógica sobre el origen, la aparición e importancia del concepto y su emoción sentimental en el contexto de la cultura griega en general y del mundo socrático, en lo particular, que nos presenta la visión platónica de la filosofía. A partir de los distintos personajes que conforman la obra, su autor nos va presentando distintas significaciones (...) del eros o amor para cada uno de ellos. Podemos comprender la visión del significado del tema en cuestión desde las vertientes poética, pedagógica, médica, mítica, sexual y filosófica. Esta última desplegada en la postura de Sócrates al referir la importancia que tuvo una mujer, Diotima de Mantinea, en su formación y comprensión del hecho erótico, tanto para su vida como para su visión de la filosofía. Al final del diálogo notaremos una descripción algo desbordada que da el discípulo socrático, Alcibíades, de su maestro y llegamos a comprender que la filosofía es un ejercicio amoroso por el deseo (carencia) del saber en el hombre y que el filósofo, a diferencia del hombre sabio que no busca ningún saber porque ya lo posee, será un entusiasta y enamorado permanente de la filosofía por sentir que su ser requiere una permanente búsqueda del conocimiento de sí gracias al lema socrático del conócete a ti mismo . On Plato`s erotic. An interpretationOur Platonic Er otic essay seeks to broaden the understanding of the concept of Eros in Plato's dialogue Banquet . We seek to present a genealogy of the origin, occurrence and importance of the concept and its sentimental emotion in the context of Greek culture in general and the Socratic world, in particular, that presents the Platonic view of philosophy. From the various characters that make up the work its author presents different meanings of Eros or love for each of them. We can understand the vision of the meaning of the subject matter from different perspectives: poetic, educational, medical, mythical, sexual and philosophical. The latter displayed in the position of Socrates in reference to the importance that a woman, Diotima of Mantinea, had in his training and understanding of the erotic fact, both for her life and her vision of philosophy. At the end of the dialogue there is a description -somewhat overwhelmed- of his teacher given by Alcibiades, the Socratic disciple. We then understand that philosophy is a loving exercise by desire of knowledge in man (lack of); thus the philosopher, unlike the wise man, who seeks no further knowledge because it already has it, will be an enthusiastic and permanent lover of philosophy since he feels that his being requires an ongoing search of self-knowledge by means of following the Socratic motto know thyself. (shrink)

La conscience, par laquelle nous sommes présents au monde, emprunte à notre corps la triple forme des dimensions spatiales que Descartes appelait „longum, latum et profundum” ; la diversité de ces dimensions est due à la manière plus ou moins intégrale dont l'être humain s'engage dans cette présence. I. En effet, l'engagement peut se limiter à la connaissance contemplative, c.-à-d., la connaissance qui ne passe pas aux actes. L'appareil imaginaire qui sert de symbole pour exprimer cette conscience d'autrui et du (...) monde, est emprunté aux gestes peu engagés des mains et des bras, au mouvement horizontal des yeux, le reste du corps étant plus ou moins impassible. Cette manière d'être présent constitue la dimension horizontale de la largeur, dimension qui correspond avec la largeur du corps, des bras étendus, de l'horizon. L'engagement devient plus intégral quand je fais l'effort de redresser mon corps, quand je me lève pour me mettre au travail et pour surmonter les difficultés qu'implique toute réalisation technique : ici, la présence au monde n'est plus seulement connaissance elle devient, dans et par le travail, emploi des moyens et maîtrise du monde. Par cette présence plus engagée et plus complexe, la conscience constitue une seconde dimension, celle de la hauteur qui vient s'ajouter à la largeur. L'effort que je dois faire pour acquérir ou créer une valeur est comparé avec l'effort à réaliser quand je redresse mon corps ; on compare la valeur du travail et l'effort de se lever. La quantité d'argent qui représente la valeur du travail ou d'un objet est un salaire ou un prix qui „monte” ; il permet de „monter” sur l'échelle sociale, de „subordonner” autrui. Cependant, l'être de la contemplation et de l'emploi des moyens est tel que ceux-ci ne trouvent pas leur sens en eux-mêmes ; ils renvoient à la présence qui entraîne la complexité totale de la personne humaine, au sens que l'homme cherche par la totalité de son engagement. L'attention à la vie, l'inclination vers le bien qui nous attire constitue une troisième dimension, celle du lointain. Le geste du corps qui représente cette attention est la marche en avant ; il est entamé par la „conversion”, le geste de l'homme qui détourne la face de ce qu'il déteste, pour la diriger vers ce qui l'attire il se prolonge dans le rapprochement, le mouvement qui fait disparaître les distances. II. La réflexion sur la structure respective des ces dimensions peut nous aider à mieux entrevoir le sens et la structure du langage humain. En effet, celui-ci est un comportement, un ensemble structuré de mouvements corporels : les modifications du visage, les mouvements du bras, la ligne des attitudes corporelles sont les gestes par lesquels l'intériorité, la transcendance ou l'intentionalité de l'homme se fait être-avecautrui. Le langage n'est pas seulement moyen de communication ; il est encore accès à l'intériorité et à la transcendance d'autrui. On devient homme en apprenant à structurer les mouvements corporels qui constituent le langage. III. Ceci ne veut pas dire qu'en analysant le langage on explore la totalité de l'être humain. La vie elle-même, dans laquelle les dimensions corporelles trouvent leur origine et à la laquelle elles doivent leur constitution, ne parvient jamais à exprimer dans le langage la totalité de ce qu'elle est. Mais dans l'analogie croissante des concepts et des gestes, attestée par l'histoire de la langue et de la culture humaine, elle montre une tendance constante à l'intériorisation et à la transcendance. (shrink)