Isaac Newton

Transandantal Estetik, her ne kadar Kant’ın eleştirel felsefesi için oldukça önemli görünse de Cassirer ve Guyer gibi bazı yorumcular tarafından başarısız görülmüştür. Cassirer’e göre Transandantal Estetikteki argümanlar savunulamaz ve Kant’ın eleştiri öncesi dönemine ait bir kalıntı olarak görülmelidir, öyle ki bu bölümdeki argümanlar Kant’ın esas ve olgun öğretisiyle uyumsuzdur. Guyer’e göre de Metafiziksel Açımlama başarısızdır; bu kısımdaki argümanların hiçbiri Kant’ın savunmak istediği sonucu türetmek bakımından işe yaramaz. Kant’ın savunmak istediği sonuç şudur: zaman ve mekânın kaynağı insan zihnidir, dolayısıyla kendinde şeyler (...) zaman ve mekândan münezzehtir; gene de zaman ve mekân empirik olarak gerçektir, yani bütün empirik var olanlar veya görünüşler açısından gerçek veya geçerlidir. Bu makalede ise Transandantal Estetiğin başarılı bir pozisyonu savunduğu iddia edilmektedir. Buna göre Kant Metafiziksel Açımlamada zaman ve mekânın a priori görüler ve duyarlığın saf formları olduğunu tanıtlamıştır; öyleyse bunlar insan zihni tarafından kaynaklanmaktadır. Ayrıca Kant zamanın ve mekânın transandantal olarak gerçek olduğunu savunan Newton’un görüşü ile bunların empirik olarak ideal olduğunu savunan Leibniz’in görüşünü başarıyla çürütmüştür; dolayısıyla elimizde kalan tek savunulabilir görüş bunların transandantal olarak ideal empirik olarak gerçek olduğudur. Ayrıca bu makalede Guyer’in Metafizik Açımlama yerine Transandantal Açımlamaya yatırım yapıp onu yeniden inşa eden “geometriden hareketle argüman”ının stratejisi eleştirilmiştir. Guyer’a göre Kant Öklidyen geometrinin de re zorunluluğunu savunmuş, buradan ise kendinde şeylerin zamansız ve mekânsız olduğu önermesini türetmiştir. Bu makalede Guyer’in bu alternatif stratejisinin çalışmadığı gösterilmektedir. Guyer’in iddia ettiğinin aksine, Kant geometrinin apodeiktikliğinden bahsederken, göz önünde bulundurduğu şey geometrik nesneler değil önermelerdir. (shrink)

Isaac Newton, in popular imagination the Ur-scientist, was an outstanding humanist scholar. His researches on, among others, ancient philosophy, are thorough and appear to be connected to and fit within his larger philosophical and theological agenda. It is therefore relevant to take a closer look at Newton’s intellectual choices, at how and why precisely he would occupy himself with specific text-sources, and how this interest fits into the larger picture of his scientific and intellectual endeavours. In what follows, we shall (...) follow Newton into his study and look over his shoulder while reading compendia and original source-texts in his personal library at Cambridge, meticulously investigating and comparing fragments and commentaries, and carefully keeping track in private notes of how they support his own developing ideas. Indeed, Newton was convinced that precursors to his own insights and discoveries were present already in Antiquity, even before the Greeks, in ancient Egypt, and he puts a lot of time and effort into making the point, especially, and not incidentially, in the period between the first and the second edition of the Principia. A clear understanding of his reading of the classic sources therefore matters to our understanding of its content and gestation process. In what follows we will confine ourselves to the classical legacy, and investigate Newton’s intellectual intercourse with it. (shrink)

Isaac Newton (1643–1727) is a polarizing figure in the history of mathematics (and science) because of the inordinate attention given to priority disputes with Hooke and Leibniz in his numerous biographies. Nevertheless Newton’s Opticks endures and is remarkable for its adherence to the axiomatic style of classical Greek texts like the Elements. In this chapter, we examine influences in Newton’s ensuing mathematical practices, and present examples of Newton’s work which illustrate his genius and his place at the helm of the (...) pantheon of natural philosophers. In particular, we examine Newton’s use of arithmetic, his work on color, and his theory of light. (shrink)

One prominent criticism of Newtonianism held that gravitational attraction is an occult quality. The charge, pressed most forcefully by Leibniz, claims that Newton had abandoned the intelligibility of mechanism and allowed for an unexplained and inexplicable force in nature. This paper focuses on one of Newton’s replies to this accusation: his claim that gravitation is no more mysterious than phenomena like inertia and impenetrability. I argue that we can understand and motivate this Newtonian position by looking at the account of (...) material substance developed in Newton’s early manuscript essay De gravitatione. This account makes clear Newton’s sensitivity to the explanatory limits of mechanism. Newton was perceptive in noting that while the mechanical philosophy sought to provide explanations in terms of matter and motion, it failed to explain matter and motion themselves. This sheds light on the motivations behind the theory of bodies in De gravitatione. And it helps to explain why he was so unmoved by what many saw as a serious challenge to his theory of gravity. (shrink)

This monograph explains how, in the aftermath of the battle over René Descartes' philosophy, Newton's natural philosophy found fertile ground at the University of Leiden. Newton's natural philosophical views and methods, along with their underlying distinctions, seamlessly aligned with the University of Leiden's institutional-religious policy, which urged professors and students to separate theology from philosophy. Additionally, these views supported the natural philosophical agendas of Herman Boerhaave, Willem Jacob's Gravesande, and Petrus van Musschenbroek. Newton's natural philosophical program was especially useful in (...) the three Leiden professors' project of reforming existing disciplines and providing them with epistemic legitimacy. (shrink)

The publication of the correspondence between Newton (1642–1727) and Roger Cotes (1682–1716), reviewer and editor of the second edition of the Principia (1713), is also accompanied by other important manuscripts and works, in the sense of a better evaluation and understanding of the immense intellectual construction that was carried out with the publication of the Principia, in 1687. The publication of this correspondence based on manuscripts belonging to the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, also includes the lectures given by Newton (...) in the years 1684, 1685 and 1687, in Cambridge. In this paper, we will explore the manuscripts relating to these courses, trying to reconstruct the content of the mechanics lectures given by Newton in 1684, as we consider that they have a very great importance in the preparation of the Principia itself. (shrink)

I examine Du Châtelet’s methodology for physics and metaphysics through the lens of her engagement with Newton’s Rules for Reasoning in Natural Philosophy. I first show that her early manuscript writings discuss and endorse these Rules. Then, I argue that her famous published account of hypotheses continues to invoke close analogues of Rules 3 and 4, despite various developments in her position. Once relevant experimental evidence and some basic constraints are met, it is legitimate to inductively generalize from observations; general (...) hypotheses can thereafter be assumed as true until contrary experiments show otherwise. I conclude by arguing that this account of induction plays an essential role in her metaphysics, both in an argument for simple substances—which has an inductive premise—and in her attempt to distinguish acceptable and unacceptable metaphysical commitments. (shrink)

The emergence of experimental philosophy was one of the most significant developments in the early modern period. However, it is often overlooked in modern scholarship, despite being associated with leading figures such as Francis Bacon, Robert Boyle, Isaac Newton, Jean Le Rond d'Alembert, David Hume and Christian Wolff. Ranging from the early Royal Society of London in the seventeenth century to the uptake of experimental philosophy in Paris and Berlin in the eighteenth, this book provides new terms of reference for (...) understanding early modern philosophy and science, and its eventual eclipse in the shadow of post-Kantian notions of empiricism and rationalism. Experimental Philosophy and the Origins of Empiricism is an integrated history of early modern experimental philosophy which challenges the rationalism and empiricism historiography that has dominated Anglophone history of philosophy for more than a century. (shrink)

Taking (a proposition) to be true is an epistemic theme appearing throughout George E. Smith’s work; this includes his marvelous new book with Raghav Seth, Brownian motion and molecular reality: A study in theory-mediated measurement (2020; hereafter Smith and Seth). They use this notion to categorize changes in scientific perspectives both towards the ontological claim that molecules exist and towards molecular-kinetic theory. They illustrate the shift in viewpoint occurring over the successive editions of Ostwald’s and Nernst’s respective textbooks. Nernst writes, (...) in his 6th edition, that, “the theory begins to lose its hypothetical character”; later he writes, “… we may well acknowledge that the theory has lost its hypothetical character” (Smith and Seth, 3). Ostwald does an “about-face on atomism” (2): In earlier editions he characterizes the “atomic conception” as a “convenient mode of representation,” as having “enormous heuristic value” (2). In the 4th edition (1909) he writes (2). (shrink)

Newton’s Principia reconceptualizes rational mechanics and physics, and offers a novel unification of these heretofore distinct disciplines. In this paper, I argue for a reading of the Principia that insists on a strict distinction between the rational mechanics (in Books 1 and 2) and the physics (in Book 3), in which the Definitions and the Axioms/Laws play a surprising dual role that both distinguishes the rational mechanics from the physics and unifies them into a single project: a philosophical mechanics.

The work of George Smith has illuminated how Newton’s scientific method, and its use in constructing the theory of universal gravitation, introduced an entirely new sense of what it means for a theory to be supported by evidence. This new sense goes far beyond Newton’s well known dissatisfaction with hypothetico-deductive confirmation, and his preference for conclusions that are derived from empirical premises by means of mathematical laws of motion. It was a sense of empirical success that George was especially well (...) placed to identify and to understand, through his experience as an engineer specializing in failure analysis. For Newton, to understand how well his theory was supported by evidence, he had to anticipate, as far as possible, all the ways in which it might be wrong. This paper explores how Newton's empirical method shaped his thinking about space, time, and the relativity of motion. (shrink)

The chapter emphasizes the complexity of the relations between philosophy and science in the eighteenth century, as they must be seen against the background that, in the early modern period, as in the preceding centuries, philosophy generally included physics or natural philosophy, mathematics, and metaphysics. Showing the variance in attitudes among Leibniz, Newton, and Locke on how to draw a line of division between metaphysics and physics with regard to a sample of topics, this chapter draws attention to the divergent (...) starting points of British and German metaphysical conceptions in the course of the eighteenth century. Tracing a trajectory of such conceptions in Britain – Berkeley, Hume, Cullen – and contrasting it with the position of Kant in Germany, this essay records the trembling or perhaps even crumbling of metaphysics caused by the growing tensions between metaphysics/philosophy and natural philosophy/science. In the end, this state of affairs led to a remarkably indifferent attitude toward metaphysics (Cullen) and, alternatively, to a radical critique of its epistemological foundations (Kant). (shrink)

To illustrate the view that a speaker can have a partial understanding of a concept, Burge uses the example of Leibniz’s and Newton’s understanding of the concept of derivative. In a recent article, Sheldon Smith criticizes this example and maintains that Newton’s and Leibniz’s use of their derivative symbols does not univocally determine their references. The present article aims at challenging Smith’s analysis. It first shows that Smith misconstrues Burge’s position. It second suggests that the philosophical lessons one should draw (...) from the practice of the historians of philosophy are more ambivalent than what Smith thinks. (shrink)

The purpose of this chapter is to give a brief outline of Newton’s methods for “squaring” a curve, which in Leibnizian terms one would call “integrations.” These methods are rarely considered by scholars, even by Newton scholars, with the exception of those, who like George—the dedicatee of this volume—are familiar with the “technical” Newton. My purpose here is not to address the specialists in the history of seventeenth-century mathematics, but rather to offer a reader-friendly primer in Newton’s “quadrature” techniques. I (...) will not help the reader by adapting the notation to our standards: I will strictly adhere to Newton’s notation. But I will try to make things as simple as possible by choosing the most elementary examples. It is often stated that Newton’s mathematical methods were “geometrical.” But once Newton associated an equation to a curve, he could proceed by relying mostly upon symbolic manipulation. This algebraic aspect of Newton’s mathematics should be better known. I hope that the readers non familiar with this side of Newtonian mathematics will derive some instruction, and even some intellectual pleasure, by scratching the surface of the treasure trove of Newton’s algebraic quadrature techniques. (shrink)

Much has been written on Newton’s concept of matter, as well as Newton’s laws. Meanwhile, the metaphysical and epistemological relationships between these two principal features of Newtonian philosophy are relatively unexplored. Among the existing accounts of the relationship between bodies and laws, two are especially compelling: the “law-constitutive” approach from Katherine Brading and the “formal-cause” approach from Zvi Biener and Eric Schliesser. Both accounts argue that Newton’s bodies are (at least partially) metaphysically dependent on the laws. That is, according to (...) Brading, Biener, and Schliesser, Newtonian laws are ontologically prior to the bodies they govern. In this article, I reply to Brading, Biener, and Schliesser. I develop negative arguments against their approaches by closely examining three features of Newton’s ontology—forms, particles, and active principles—and their relationship to the laws. I also offer an explanation as to why “law-first” approaches have (understandably) dominated recent Newtonian exegesis. Finally, I present a positive argument for what I believe to be a superior alternative: Newton’s law-first approach is purely pragmatic. It is a feature of his experimental philosophy that we should begin our inquiry into the metaphysical constituents of the universe with the laws that arise from them. This does not entail, however, that Newton views laws as constituting or forming physical bodies. Newton’s metaphysics should be interpreted as “matter-first,” with bodies giving rise to laws, whereas his epistemology should be interpreted as “law-first,” with knowledge of laws giving rise to knowledge of bodies. (shrink)

ABSTRACT As well as the mathematically-supported celestial mechanics that Newton developed in his Principia, Newton also proposed a more speculative natural philosophy of interparticulate forces of attraction and repulsion. Although this speculative philosophy was not made public before the ‘Queries’ which Newton appended to the Opticks, it originated far earlier in Newton’s career. This article makes the case that Newton’s short, unfinished manuscript, entitled ‘De Aere et Aethere’, should be seen as an important landmark in Newton’s intellectual development, being the (...) first work in which Newton assumed there are repulsive forces operating at a distance between the particles of bodies. The article offers an account of how Newton came to write ‘De Aere et Aethere’ and why. It also outlines its relationship to the ‘Conclusio’, with which Newton briefly intended to finish the Principia, and to the ‘Queries’ in the Opticks. The date of the manuscript is disputed, and the article also aims to settle this dispute. Claims that the ‘De Aere et Aethere’ must have been written before the ‘Hypothesis... of Light’ of 1675 are dismissed, and it is suggested, following R. S. Westfall, that it was written after a well-known letter Newton wrote to Boyle early in 1679. (shrink)

Newton’s First Law of Motion is typically understood to govern only the motion of force-free bodies. This paper argues on textual and conceptual grounds that it is in fact a stronger, more general principle. The First Law limits the extent to which any body can change its state of motion –– even if that body is subject to impressed forces. The misunderstanding can be traced back to an error in the first English translation of Newton’s Principia, which was published a (...) few years after Newton’s death. (shrink)

Isaac Newton did more than any other early modern figure to revolutionize natural philosophy, but he was often wary of other aspects of philosophy. He had an especially vexed relationship with metaphysics. As recent scholarship has highlighted, he often denounced metaphysical discussions, especially those in the Scholastic tradition (Levitin 2016). He insisted that he himself was not engaging with the aspect of philosophy that played such a prominent role in the work of his predecessors, especially Descartes, and his critics, especially (...) Leibniz. However, in the Principia and the Opticks, along with correspondence and unpublished manuscripts, Newton expressed views about the gravity of bodies and the power of substances that place his thought squarely within the metaphysical tradition he sought to avoid. Alas, his famous reluctance to engage in disputes left even Newton’s supporters confused about his metaphysical ideas. (shrink)

The System of the World, Isaac Newton's first draft for the third volume of his classic work Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica (1687; Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy), is an important document in the history of science, using the principles of mechanics to construct the first complete scientific system on the workings of the universe in human history. -/- This book of 78 treatises briefly describes the principles established in the first two volumes of the Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy, then (...) applies these principles to the derivation of the actual orbits of the solar system and comets, laying out in layman's terms the universality of the law of gravitation and, from this, studying the shape of the earth, explaining the planetary precession and the tides of the oceans, probing the motion of the moon, and determining the orbits of comets. In this book, Newton does not construct abstract mathematical models, but analyses them in relation to astronomical phenomena, using only a small amount of mathematical language to explain these intriguing elements, making its content suitable for a general audience. -/- The appendices of this Chinese translation by Haixuan Pan(潘海璇) include Life of Sir Issac Newton by N. W. Chittenden, Newtonian Studies by Alexandre Koyré, which introduce Newton's life and main achievements, as well as the debates and evaluations of the main academic views of Newton by the leading philosophers and scientists of the time, and are important supplementary and reference materials when reading The System of the World. (shrink)

Qu'est-ce que l'espace? Newton le conçoit comme une entité à part, un "espace absolu" qui permet de mesurer situation et trajectoire des corps. Mais cette définition des Principes mathématiques de la philosophie naturelle est le résultat d'un long travail d'élaboration et le présent ouvrage en propose l'archéologie : il analyse les sources et les raisons d'être - physiques, théologiques, ontologiques de ce concept d'espace, et rend compte de l'effort du savant pour penser et dire quelque chose qui excède les catégories (...) et les modes de causation théorisés par son époque. Si l'espace newtonien est aujourd'hui dépassé, il met en lumière des questions que nous continuons de nous poser sur la nature de l'espace."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Isaac Newton published his important Philosophiae Naturalis Prinicpia Mathematica in 1687. However, considerable skills in mathematics or geometry are completely necessary to follow Newton’s thoughts and therefrom only a few contemporaries of Newton comprehended his great book fully. As a result the knowledge of Newton’s physics remained limited to a small circle of mathematicians and physicists. It was only when Samuel Clarke published his new Latin translation of Jacques Rohault’s Traité de Physique in 1697 that a wider audience, e.g. philosophers (...) and theologians, got the opportunity to read up on Newton’s physics. In those days Rohault’s Traité de Physique was a widely-read textbook of the Cartesian physics. Fortunately, Clarke added a large number of annotations presenting Newton’s opinions to his new Latin translation. Since Clarke hardly ever made use of mathematical reasoning or calculations for presenting Newton’s views the common reader who could not comprehend Newton’s mathematical considerations in the Principia had a chance to get to know Newton’s physics. Furthermore, it was possible for the common reader to compare the then predominant Cartesian physics with Newton’s physics. In this way Clarke’s new Latin translation of Rohault’s Traité de Physique served as a Trojan horse for Newton’s physics. (shrink)

Dans cet article, nous proposons d’examiner les choix de composition et d’écriture opérés par Émilie du Châtelet dans sa traduction française des Principia Mathematica d’Isaac Newton. En particulier, nous nous interrogeons sur la coexistence au sein de cette dernière de deux textes de style mathématique différent que constituent d’une part la traduction proprement dite des démonstrations géométriques des Principia, et d’autre part la « solution analytique » jointe au deuxième tome des Principes mathématiques de la philosophie naturelle. Dans la mesure (...) où l’ensemble des démonstrations géométriques du texte newtonien sont irréductibles à toute forme de « traduction » analytique complète, nous suggérons que la mise en regard du texte newtonien avec sa « Solution analytique » proposée par du Châtelet procède d’une réflexion singulière de sa part sur les principes régissant la philosophie naturelle. (shrink)

At the end of the Scholium Newton includes a long paragraph about two globes revolving around their center of gravity and held together by a tensed cord. It has been interpreted as a thought experiment (Sect. 6.2) meant to show how the properties of true circular motion defined as absolute motion can be determined in a three-dimensional empty universe. I start by showing that this reading of Newton’s example as a bona fide thought experiment is riddled with interpretation problems and (...) that it is less straightforward than so far assumed (Sect. 6.3). (shrink)

We routinely speak of Newton’s laws in classical mechanics without really knowing how Newton understood such laws. This article clarifies some of the ontological, epistemological, and theological presuppositions underpinning his conception of the laws of nature. After introducing the Cartesian background (2), we examine the Newtonian view of laws of nature in three respects, namely: the character of laws of nature in the context of the rules for natural philosophy (3); the emanative conception of space and time in _De Gravitatione_; (...) (4); and the interpretation of laws of nature in terms of Leibnizian mechanisms or Berkeleyan principles (5). Our analysis highlights crucial philosophical elements of Newton’s view of laws of nature, which contributed to shape the directions that predominated in successive investigations (6). (shrink)

Early modern foundations for mechanics came in two kinds, nomic and material. I examine here the dynamical laws and pictures of matter given respectively by Newton, Leibniz, and Kant. I argue that they fall short of their foundational task, viz. to represent enough kinematic behavior; or at least to explain it. In effect, for the true foundations of classical mechanics we must look beyond Newton, Leibniz, and Kant.

When I was a student, reigning opinion held that Newton, although unquestionably in the foremost rank of the great among scientists, was a shallow and unoriginal philosopher. In a work whose reputation at that time was high, E. A. Burtt put it thus: “In scientific discovery and formulation Newton was a marvelous genius; as a philosopher he was uncritical, sketchy, inconsistent, even second rate.”.

Starting with Gottfried Leibniz, Isaac Newton's theology has often been caricatured as putting forward a “God of the gaps” argument for God's existence and continued involvement in the world. Peter Harrison has pointed out that this characterization of Newton's theology is “not entirely clear.” A closer look at Newton's letters and the drafts to the Opticks reveals that, rather than arguing God's providential ordering and care over the world, he takes these for granted and is reluctant to specify instances of (...) this order and care based on his physical research. He certainly believes in gaps in mechanical causes but is more eager to fill those gaps with nonmechanical natural causes than with God. Further, his system does not exhibit the two most prevalent weaknesses attributed to “God of the gaps” theologies: (1) that by describing God as intervening in natural causes his skill as a designer is maligned and (2) that by describing the physical details of God's involvement in the world one puts too much weight on theories likely to be replaced as science advances. Newton avoids the former weakness because it is only God's masterfulness as designer that he ties in any way to his theories of the physical world. He avoids the latter because he never points to God as the direct cause of any specific physical processes. Newton hoped that his system would cause his readers to marvel not only at God's providence but also at humankind's inability to sufficiently understand it. (shrink)

The causes of tidal motions were widely debated from antiquity up to the eighteenth century. These discussions got a second wind in the early modern period, in the wake of a growing number of cosmological alternatives that challenged the dominant Aristotelian-Ptolemaic stance. The 1687 publication of Isaac Newton’s Principia Mathematica was a defining moment in the discussions and consequently made universal gravitation the most credible and generally accepted explanation. This paper investigates the aftermath of Newton’s discovery and demonstrates how his (...) understanding of tidal motion crowded out competing theories within a broader European context. My main point of reference is Roger Boscovich’s De aestu maris (1747). In his work, the leading Jesuit scholar of the time contrasted Newton’s interpretation to those of other major authorities, namely Johannes Kepler, Galileo Galilei, and René Descartes, and went on to claim the superiority of the British scientist’s achievements over anything written prior to the Principia. As this essay argues, alongside a significant body of literature produced under the umbrella of the Jesuit order, Boscovich’s De aestu maris subsequently contributed to the formation of the popular image of Newton as a “scientific hero.”. (shrink)

In 1500, speculative philosophy lay at the heart of European intellectual life; by 1700, its role was drastically diminished. The Kingdom of Darkness tells the story of this momentous transformation. Dmitri Levitin explores the structural factors behind this change: the emancipation of natural philosophy from metaphysics; theologians' growing preference for philology over philosophy; and a new conception of the limits of the human mind derived from historical and oriental scholarship, not least concerning China and Japan. In turn, he shows that (...) the ideas of two of Europe's most famous thinkers, Pierre Bayle and Isaac Newton, were both the products of this transformation and catalysts for its success. Drawing on hundreds of sources in many languages, Levitin traces in unprecedented detail Bayle and Newton's conceptions of what Thomas Hobbes called The Kingdom of Darkness: a genealogical vision of how philosophy had corrupted the human mind. Both men sought to remedy this corruption, and their ideas helped lay the foundation for the system of knowledge that emerged in the eighteenth century. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is twofold: (1) to show the principal aspects of the way in which Newton conceived his mathematical concepts and methods and applied them to rational mechanics in his Principia; (2) to explain how the editors of the Geneva Edition interpreted, clarified, and made accessible to a broader public Newton’s perfect but often elliptic proofs. Following this line of inquiry, we will explain the successes of Newton’s mechanics, but also the problematic aspects of his perfect geometrical (...) methods, more elegant, but less malleable than analytical procedures, of which Newton himself was one of the inventors. Furthermore, we will also consider the way in which Newtonianism was spread before in England and afterwards on continental Europe. In this respect the Geneva Edition plays a fundamental role because of its complete apparatus of notes, and because it appeared only thirteen years after the publication of the third edition of the Principia (1726). Finally, we will also confront some problems connected to the metaphysics of calculus. Therefore, the case of Newton is one of those in which, starting from mathematics applied to physics, it is possible to connect an impressive series of fundamental arguments such as the role of mathematics in science; the comparison between Newton’s geometrical methods and analytical methods; the way in which Newtonianism was spread as well as the philosophical implications of Newton’s mathematical concepts. (shrink)

Much scholarship has claimed the physics of Emilie du Châtelet’s treatise, Institutions de physique, is Newtonian. I argue against that idea. To do so, I distinguish three strands of meaning for the category ‘Newtonian science,’ and I examine her book against them. I conclude that her physics is not Newtonian in any useful or informative sense. To capture what is specific about it, we need better interpretive categories.

In this dissertation I examine how the English philosopher-theologian Samuel Clarke (1675--1729) attempted to reasonableness of Christianity and its compatibility with the new natural philosophy. In reaction to what he perceived as the problematic excesses of mechanical philosophy, with its looming threat of atheism, Clarke developed a series of arguments against atheism which aimed to show the shortcomings of a purely material or mechanical explanation of the universe, and demonstrate the overall `reasonability' of the Christian religion. Clarke aimed to demonstrate (...) the `reasonableness' of Christianity by turning the `mathematical' style of reasoning of the mechanical philosophy against his atheist adversaries. Clarke's writings offer us a valuable case-study for the complex interplay of philosophy, science and religion in England at the start of the eighteenth century, and the impact of mechanical philosophy on natural theology. This dissertation aims to improve our understanding of Clarke's philosophy through careful examination of its principal components: The active role of God in the world, the perfection of God's plan, the existence of immaterial substances and powers, and the subsequent reasonability of the Christian religion. Taken together, the four chapters show Clarke's solutions to the atheist threats, and provide a coherent picture of Clarke's ideas about the nature of God and God's role in the world. (shrink)

Samuel Clarke (1675–1729) profoundly shaped early eighteenth-century European philosophy with an a priori demonstration of the existence of God and influential defenses of substance dualism and human freedom. Throughout his works, he defended absolute space, the passivity of matter, and constant divine activity in the world, which jointly provided a metaphysical basis for the quickly popularizing Newtonian thought.

En este artículo describo la forma de trabajar de Newton ante los textos descubiertos en la segunda mitad del siglo xx. Tradicionalmente se ha asociado a Newton con la metodología cartesiana, sin embargo, esto es una equivocación cronológica. Si bien la mecánica clásica es posible identificarla con el mecanicismo y también con el mecanicismo cartesiano, el sistema que desarrolla Newton tiene otros objetivos. El más importante es probar la magnificencia de Dios. Considero que los objetivos y la metodología de Newton (...) son exactamente lo opuesto a Descartes, ya que para Descartes la ciencia parte de los principios a priori, mientras que Newton considera que la ciencia parte de la experimentación. (shrink)

This paper analyzes the metaphysical system developed in Cheyne’s Philosophical Principles of Religion. Cheyne was an early proponent of Newtonianism and tackled several philosophical questions raised by Newton’s work. The most pressing of these concerned the causal origin of gravitational attraction. Cheyne rejected the occasionalist explanations offered by several of his contemporaries in favor of a model on which God delegated special causal powers to bodies. Additionally, he developed an innovative approach to divine conservation. This allowed him to argue that (...) Newton’s findings provided evidence for God’s existence and providence without the need for continuous divine intervention in the universe. (shrink)

El campo interpretativo sobre la obra de Newton ha sido ampliamente discutido y, particularmente, el tema de las hipótesis no ha sido la excepción. El objetivo de este texto es mostrar que la filosofía natural de Newton pareciera, en principio, rechazar la hipótesis, pero en realidad no es opuesta a la formulación de estas, si diferenciamos a qué tipo de hipótesis se hace referencia. Así pues, se muestra, en primer lugar, cómo desarrolla Newton su filosofía natural, y cómo es contrapuesta (...) a las hipótesis. Luego se muestra que bajo condiciones determinadas las hipótesis son aceptadas. Y, por consiguiente, se concluye que la filosofía de Newton no rechaza radicalmente las hipótesis, sino que, por el contrario, se puede valer de su formulación para el progreso de la investigación científica, dependiendo a qué tipo de hipótesis se haga referencia. (shrink)

ArgumentLambert ten Kate (1674-1731), the scholar of language, religious writer, art theoretician and collector, and natural philosophy enthusiast, was part of an informal network of Amsterdam-based mathematics and natural philosophy enthusiasts who played a pivotal role in the early diffusion of Newton’s natural philosophical ideas in the Dutch Republic. Because Ten Kate contributed to several areas of research, it is worth asking whether connections can be found between his different scholarly activities and, more specifically, whether his oeuvre as a whole (...) was shaped by his religious views, as has been suggested. In this essay, I shall argue that his oeuvre was indeed shaped by his religious beliefs, which reflect elements typical of Dutchdoperdom, but also reflect a more general Christian orientation that transcends confessional divides. More particularly, I aim to show that, if we want to understand why Ten Kate was drawn to the natural philosophy of his day, and especially to Isaac Newton’s (1642-1727), and why he sought to promote it, we also need to pay attention to this broader Christian orientation in his thought. Along the way, I shall add nuance to earlier characterizations of how ten Kate mobilized Isaac Newton’s natural philosophy according to his own agenda. (shrink)

In this article, we document how, in the public arena, British readers of the first edition of Isaac Newton's Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica (1687) tried to make sense of the relation between gravity, matter, and divine and natural causation—an issue on which Newton had remained entirely silent in the first edition of the Principia. We show that readers attached new meanings to the Principia so that parts of it migrated to a different intellectual debate. It will be shown that one (...) particular result Newton obtained in the Principia, namely the rejection of a vacuum in Corollary 3 to Proposition 6 in Book 3, was the most important locus in debates on the relation between gravity, matter, and causation. (shrink)

Newton claims that his theorems in the Opticks are derived from experiments alone. The paper explains this dictum by relating Newton’s proof method to an iconic conception of proof as opposed to a symbolic one. Theorems are not derived from hypotheses; instead properties of light are identified by experimental properties based on rules of inductive reasoning.

ABSTRACT Few texts in the history of science and philosophy have achieved the level of interpretative indeterminacy as a short manuscript tract by Isaac Newton, known as ‘De gravitatione’. On the basis of some new evidence, this article argues that it is an introductory fragment of some lectures on hydrostatics delivered in the of spring 1671. Taking seriously the possibility of a pedagogical purpose, it is then argued that the famous digression on space, far from articulating a sophisticated metaphysics that (...) may have owed something to Henry More, was a simple piece of mixed-mathematical prolegomena designed to facilitate the subsequent geometrical argumentation. In this regard, Newton was doing the same as his mentor, Isaac Barrow, had done in his own mathematical lectures; both drew heavily on the explicitly anti-metaphysical approach of Pierre Gassendi. It is shown that More himself would have almost certainly opposed Newton’s approach. The excesses of metaphysical readings of Newton’s intentions are challenged; there is no warrant for reading the digression as directly relevant to the Principia. (shrink)

In this collection of new and previously published essays, noted philosopher Eric Schliesser offers new interpretations of the signifance of Isaac Newton's metaphysics on his physics and the subsequent development of philosophy more broadly. In particular, he explores the rich resonances between Newton's and Spinoza's metaphysics. The volume includes a substantive introduction, new chapters on Newton's modal metaphysics and his theology, and two postscripts in whichSchliesser responds to some of his most important critics, including Katherine Brading, Andrew Janiak, Hylarie Kochiras, (...) Steffen Ducheyne, and Adwait Parker. The collection provides new and varied analyses on familiar focuses of Newton's work, adding important perspectives to the recent revival ofinterest in Spinoza's metaphysics. (shrink)

A decade after developing a modal cosmological argument for God's existence and attributes, Samuel Clarke (1675–1729) debated Leibniz on miracles, divine freedom, and the nature of the world. Clarke's theories of freedom, divine activity, the soul, and ethics influenced Joseph Butler, Jonathan Edwards, David Hume, Thomas Reid, and many others. His attacks on the materialism, pantheism, and “atheism” of Thomas Hobbes, Spinoza, John Toland, Anthony Collins, and the deists were interwoven with his defenses of Newtonian natural philosophy, which he was (...) largely responsible for popularizing. His research on and theory of the Trinity was a milestone of early eighteenth-century philosophical theology. (shrink)

This edited volume will be of interest to specialists in the history of early modern philosophy and in the history and philosophy of science. It contains ten chapters related to the themes of experimental philosophy, speculative philosophy, and the relationships of both to religion. Most of the book considers these themes in the thought of six early modern philosophers, with a chapter for each of the following: Bacon, Boyle, Cavendish, Hobbes, Locke, and Newton. The remaining chapters focus upon these themes (...) by looking at particular debates or more broadly by considering contexts beyond those of the six aforementioned philosophers. The level of attention to detail by the authors in this book regarding how... (shrink)

En este artículo expongo las críticas que presenta George Berkeley, filósofo y Obispo de Cloyne, a la noción de fluxón que Newton introduce en su desarrollo delcálculo fluxional. En su propuesta Isaac Newton considera que se puede hablar dedos tipos de puntos: los puntos sin dimensiones y aquellos que surgen del movimiento y que pueden tener alguna clase de medida/magnitud/métrica, es gracias a la existencia de estos últimos que Newton puede realizar el cálculo de la fluxión aun cuando al final (...) del procedimiento, vuelva a considerarlo como un punto sin dimensiones. Una vez expuesta la propuesta de Newton sobre las fluxiones,presentaré la crítica de Berkeley a diversos elementos tanto conceptuales como metodológicos del trabajo de su predecesor, Finalmente ofreceré algunas conclusiones acerca de la validez de las críticas del obispo de Cloyne a Newton. -/- . (shrink)

Newton's Principia begins with eight formal definitions and a scholium, the so-called scholium on space and time. Despite a history of misinterpretation, scholars now largely agree that the purpose of the scholium is to establish and defend the de fi nitions of key concepts. There is no consensus, however, on how those definitions differ in kind from the Principia's formal definitions and why they are set-off in a scholium. The purpose of the present essay is to shed light on the (...) scholium by focusing on Newton's notion and use of de fi nition. The resulting view is developmental. I argue that when Newton first wrote the Principia, he viewed the scholium's definitions as items of “natural philosophy.” By the time of the third edition, however, he came to view their methodological status differently; he viewed them as belonging to the more qualified “manner of geometers.” I explicate the two methods of natural inquiry and draw out their implications for Newton's account of space. (shrink)