This book identifies the Romantic notion of the whole as the fundamental epistemological source of the notion of structure in the thinking of the Prague Linguistic Circle, primarily its Russian representatives, and studies what amounted to the slow.

This book identifies the Romantic notion of the whole as the fundamental epistemological source of the notion of structure in the thinking of the Prague Linguistic Circle, primarily its Russian representatives, and studies what amounted to the slow.

Este artículo constituye un breve resumen del trabajo de investigación realizado por la autora, la historiadora Michèle Riot-Sarcey, junto a Maurizio Gribaudi, publicado en París por Éditions La Découverte en, 2008, con el título 1848, La révolution oublié. Esta lectura se ha constituído en un referente importante en la actual discusión abierta en Francia sobre la relación entre historia, pensamiento utópico y revolución, y permite, al mismo tiempo, una nueva lectura del llamado «48 chileno».

Nouvelle approche, nouvel objet, l'histoire des femmes en France n'a pas encore conquis la place qui lui revient. Catégorie mal identifiée, elle reste en marge de l'autre histoire. Elle le restera, à moins que soit restituée l'historicité des tensions entre hommes et femmes, jusqu'alors tenues à l'écart de l'histoire politique, elle-même pensée hors des rapports de pouvoir. C'est tout un renouvellement de l'écriture de l'histoire dont il est question. Le concept de gender, comme outil d'analyse toujours nécessaire, n'y peut suffire. (...) L'enjeu se situe entre l'histoire continue et les discontinuités historiques qui surgissent dans ses failles; entre les individues représentatives, objets de représentation et les sujets critiques à l'encontre de la représentation comme forme de pouvoir. (shrink)

Le discours et son envers Le discours officiel de nos sociétés - celui que diffusent couramment les média - se veut rationnel, à l’image des révolutions technologiques qui bouleversent la planète. Il ne doit pas faire exagérément illusion : un nombre incalculable de personnes cherchent leur vérité ailleurs ; il y a peu, l’émission la plus populaire de la télévision russe était celle d’un voyant ; dans notre France qui se pense sans préjugés, les croyances dans la voyance, voire la (...) sorcellerie... (shrink)

Le discours et son envers Le discours officiel de nos sociétés - celui que diffusent couramment les média - se veut rationnel, à l’image des révolutions technologiques qui bouleversent la planète. Il ne doit pas faire exagérément illusion : un nombre incalculable de personnes cherchent leur vérité ailleurs ; il y a peu, l’émission la plus populaire de la télévision russe était celle d’un voyant ; dans notre France qui se pense sans préjugés, les croyances dans la voyance, voire la (...) sorcellerie... (shrink)

Le discours et son envers Le discours officiel de nos sociétés - celui que diffusent couramment les média - se veut rationnel, à l’image des révolutions technologiques qui bouleversent la planète. Il ne doit pas faire exagérément illusion : un nombre incalculable de personnes cherchent leur vérité ailleurs ; il y a peu, l’émission la plus populaire de la télévision russe était celle d’un voyant ; dans notre France qui se pense sans préjugés, les croyances dans la voyance, voire la (...) sorcellerie... (shrink)

Le génocide du Rwanda constitue l'un des événements majeurs du xxe siècle : 800 000 Tutsis et Hutus de l'opposition au « gouvernement intérimaire » rwandais ont été massacrés entre avril et juin 1994. Or, la reconnaissance de ce génocide ne va pas de soi. Cet article analyse les « contre-feux interprétatifs » mis en place selon trois axes : négation du génocide, euphémisation en « guerre tribale », thèse du « double génocide ». La presse dans cette guerre de (...) mémoire a été un vecteur tout à fait essentiel. The genocide in Rwanda was one of the major events of the 20th century: 800, 000 Tutsis and Hutus opposing Rwanda's "interim government" were massacred between April and June 1994. But recognition of this genocide is by no means taken for granted. This article analyses the different interpretations that were brought in to deflect the issue, such as genocide denial, euphemistic references to the genocide as "tribal war­fare" and "double genocide" theory. The role of the press in this "war over memory" was crucial. (shrink)

In this interview M. Riot-Sarcey returns to a number of marginalized figures in labour history. Against the domination of the form of the party, as established since the end of the 19th century, which discounts the hypothesis of the proletariat’s ability to liberate itself, the author re-emphasises here the vitality of the forms of worker self-organization that had preceded the hegemony of the party, in particular after 1848 and the disillusionment of the labour movement regarding the republic. These autonomous worker (...) organizations constituted the site for the exercise of a collective liberty, the modality of which was a fraternity, that is, a form of mutual assistance coupled with the acknowledgement of a plurality of capacities. In the face of the entrenchment of naturalized categories, M. Riot-Sarcey’s intention here is to explore a series of dissonant voices, in particular those of rebel women who seized on the opportunity of the revolution in order to destabilize established norms. Against the imposition of a consensual version of the political discourse (Republic, Fraternity) the author invites us to reactivate the repressed potentialities of these terms. She envisages her work as a historian as a reactivation of those past experiences which have been marginalized by the party through the naturalization of categories and the imposition of a consensual reading. This marginalized memory is a resource for present-day struggles. (shrink)

Philosophy &Public Affairs, Volume 46, Issue 4, Page 384-418, Fall 2018.

Alors que le concept de genre est désormais adopté en France dans presque toutes les disciplines, les premiers ouvrages de synthèse commencent à voir le jour, en sociologie par exemple ou bien en histoire avec ce travail collectif sous la direction de Michèle Riot-Sarcey. Sans être un véritable manuel qui aurait l’ambition d’initier des étudiants aux différents travaux existants, l’ouvrage se révèle néanmoins une très bonne introduction à la puissance heuristique du concept appliqué à l’histo...

This essay seeks to examine D’Arcy’s notion of sound militancy to discern whether this term can be fruitfully applied to establishing rioting (riots) as a democratic form of resistance to injustice or negligence. The first part of the essay provides an account of Frazer and Hutchings’ critique of political violence, a critique that perceives violence (used in politics or for political aims) as never being justifiable. In opposition to this position, the second part of the essay posits, through both (...) theoretical (Marcuse, Celikates) and practical (Soei, Sutterlüty) references, the case for an understanding of political violence (riots) as justifiable or defensible in certain circumstances – those that adhere to D’Arcy’s concept of sound militancy and seek to address a particular and present grievance. In conclusion, the essay suggests that (Hegelian) recognition provides an account of why marginalizing seems so pervasive in contemporary Western societies. (shrink)

The purpose of this paper is to explore the contemporary postmodern appropriation and reinvention of the practice of “crazy holiness” in Russian Orthodoxy and Tibetan Buddhism, highlighting points of contact and discontinuities between the traditions. The first section of the essay will discuss the Russian phenomenon of yurodstvo, a term used to indicate radical ascetics known for their idiosyncratic behavior and their outspoken criticism of religious and political authorities. The recent phenomenon of the punk group Pussy Riot will then be (...) presented as a contemporary rendition of yurodstvo, in a post-theological context where religious rituals and practices are devoid of their metaphysical import. The second section of the essay will introduce the Tibetan phenomenon of the smyon pa, crazy yogins known for their erratic speech and behavior, but also for their readiness to criticize institutional hypocrisy and corruption. The figure of Chögyam Trungpa, a former Tibetan monastic who started the Shambala tradition of Buddhism, is then presented as a contemporary version of smyon pa; his behavior—despite unfortunate and unjustifiable instances of abuse—similarly enabled practitioners to access the truth of the dharma. This paper presents Pussy Riot and Chögyam Trungpa as postmodern instantiations of crazy holiness—for a post-metaphysical and post-religious world where the divine no longer indwells traditional practices but can be still accessed and displayed through performative subversion. (shrink)

Ces deux ouvrages tentent de présenter l'évolution du concept de l'utopie. L'ouvrage de Claude Cohen-Safir voudrait recenser les noms des penseurs européens et américains qu'elle considère comme importants dans la trajectoire des idées utopiques outre Atlantique. On trouve mention, dans ce livre, d'utopistes présents dans l'ouvrage dirigé par Michèle Riot-Sarcey qui s'intéresse davantage aux questions de définition et de méthodologie. Le but de chaque auteur dans ce collectif est aussi...

From Black Power to Black Lives Matter, political resisters protesting systemic racism have used riots and other manifestations of outrage as a way to grasp at flourishing. Yet such a tactic seems antithetical to the core concept of flourishing as recognized within virtue ethics. Building on the work of womanist and feminist ethicists and moral philosophers who have defended anger as a morally apt, even virtuous response to injustice, we reconsider the relationship between a community’s flourishing and public manifestations (...) of anger and rage. We argue for expanding the moral response to rioting as a tactic of political resistance, and we suggest that more culturally particular understandings of both virtue and flourishing can open space to better see the role anger may play in a community’s flourishing. (shrink)

This article proposes to engage Pussy Riot’s Punk Prayer in light of Marcella Althaus-Reid’s Indecent Theology and in dialogue with Orthodox theology and the prison letters exchanged by Nadhezhda Tolokonnikova, and Slavoj Zizek. First, there is a discussion of aspects of Althaus-Reid’s theology: caminata, libertinaje, and la vida loca. Second, the Punk Prayer – what I will call an Indecent Prayer – is presented in dialogue with Althaus-Reid’s theology and Orthodox theology. Third, the prison letters between Nadya and Slavoj are (...) discussed in light of Althaus-Reid’s Indecent theology and Nadya Tolokonnikova’s Sly Christianity. (shrink)

Quiet Riot offers an anthropological critique of teaching and learning in two U.S. high schools over a twenty-seven year period. Based on the author's experiences shadowing two average students in 1983 and 2009, it presents detailed observations that powerfully capture the reality of student experiences in school.

The August 2011 riots in England occasioned widespread condemnation from government and the media. Here, we apply the concepts of hypocrisy and affiliation to explore reactions to these riots. Initially acknowledging that politics necessitates a degree of hypocrisy, we note that some forms of hypocrisy are indefensible: they compromise integrity. With rioters condemned as thugs and members of a feral underclass, some reactions exemplified forms of corrosive hypocrisy that deflected attention away from economic, social and cultural problems. Moreover, (...) such reactions omitted to attend to the concept of [dis]affiliation amongst young rioters. Accordingly, we look to the role that education might play in re-affiliating those who do not feel they belong to, or have a sufficient stake in, society. Whilst our focus is on the riots in England, the exploration of hypocrisy and affiliation, and discussion of education for re-affiliation, transcends that national context. (shrink)

C’est un réel plaisir de trouver désormais dans la collection « Repères » un ouvrage synthétique sur l’histoire du féminisme, terme aujourd’hui intégré dans le langage courant. Michèle Riot-Sarcey dit, dès l’introduction, son choix de suivre pas à pas les femmes de ces deux derniers siècles qui, avec leurs mots et leurs pratiques, ont tenté de donner un contenu à l’idée abstraite d’égalité, largement déclinée au masculin au cours de l’histoire. L’ouvrage, d’une lecture agréable, propose un ré...

It is argued that there is no simple or single reason for the riots caused by pantomimes in early imperial Rome, and especially in 14 and 15 A.D. Theatrical passion has been suggested as the main cause, but other factors must be considered: the meaning of the theater as a symbol of order, the peculiar importance of the equestrian order in the architecture of the theater; the position of the main Roman theaters in their relation to the exercise grounds (...) of the iuvenes; the complex relationships of the equestrian iuvenes with the pantomime artists. It is pointed out that it is not always easy to define a pantomime, or to know the nature of the program; but competition was certainly involved. It is argued that the policies of Tiberius toward the theater and the iuvenes were particularly productive of discontent, which led to repeated legislation to control it. The role of Drusus is probably crucial. A central role is also played by the theater claques, and the acclamations of the equestrians, the theater being their principal venue. Various connections between the equestrian iuvenes and the theater are considered. One key is the physical training of Roman youth, which had become affected by Greek concepts of gymnasium dancing, perhaps under the influence of rhetoric. This in turn made it possible for young Romans to develop quasi-pantomime skills, which they could demonstrate in their iuvenalia. Second, it is suggested that the Baths of Agrippa and their decoration can be seen as an indication of such a change in official policy, and their position next to the theaters is stressed. Third, the personal relations between pantomimes and the nobility is documented, and the importance of the private stage in Rome. Finally, the legislation of the Tabula Larinas is considered, as it affected nobles on the stage or in the arena, and other legal implications of this conflict between the senate and the youth are sketched. (shrink)

This paper deals with feminist cultural politics, nomadic thought and media activism. It combines theoretical insights from Gilles Deleuze’s philosophy with Riot Grrrl bands and women’s punk music. The paper explores two central aspects of the Pussy Riot’s performances: the visual and the musical. The visual includes an analysis of “the face” as a landscape of both power and resistance and discusses also the function of the mask as a cultural and political device. It then highlights the role of iconic (...) images like Queen Beatrix, Angela Davies, the Guerrilla Girls and others in popular culture. The musical component includes Janis Joplin, the ultimate Riot Grrrl band Bikini Kill, Nina Hagen and, of course, Pussy Riot. Embodying the slogan “If I can’t dance, I don’t want to be part of your revolution” the paper argues for an affirmative and creative approach to feminist theory and practice and to contemporary cultural politics. (shrink)

On Friday 17 August 2012, members of the feminist collective Pussy Riot were sentenced to two years in jail after their staging of a musical protest in a Russian Orthodox church. This article analyses Western news media responses to the Pussy Riot affair. It first examines how the event has resonated across various news media, activist, and social media networks. Focusing on the phrase, ‘We are all Pussy Riot’, which became a Twitter hashtag following the incarceration of Pussy Riot members, (...) I argue that narratives of feminist return (Hemmings, 2011) and of US exceptionalism have shaped the eventfulness of the Pussy Riot affair in the West. While not dismissing the activism of Pussy Riot, this article asserts that the discourses of transnational solidarity and feminist renewal that the arrests engendered rely on the perceived whiteness and non-Western identities of the members who were incarcerated. (shrink)

Résumé Une bande de jeunes femmes habillées de couleurs vives avec des passe-montagnes assortis défient Poutine et l’église orthodoxe à coup de chansons et de danses punk sur la place Rouge et dans l’Église du Christ Sauveur. Certaines ont été arrêtées et sont en danger d’internement psychiatrique.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the?Pussy riot? case and the peculiarities of Russian postsecularism. Special emphasis is placed on the phenomenon of post-secular hybrids, i.e. the overcoming of the situation of social differentiation between religion and other social subsystems. It is claimed that the materials of the trial against?Pussy riot? make evident the appearance in Russia of at least three post-secular hybrids: 1) the blending of religion and politics; 2) installation of religious norms into the public order (...) of the secular state; 3) significance of confessional legal experts as part of the new?ideological state apparatus?. Slucaj?Pusi rajot? postao je glavni religijski, ako ne i drustveno-politicki dogadjaj u Rusiji u 2012. godini. Autor ce na osnovu analize materijala koji se odnosi na navedeni slucaj i diskusije koje su potom usledile, pokusati da pokaze specificnosti ruskog iskustva desekularizacije i prelaza prema novoj situaciji postsekularizma. Kroz prizmu sudjenja ucesnicima pank molebana bice razmotreni postsekularni hibridi nastali kao rezultat desekularizacije, u kojima su cudnovato isprepleteni religijski i svetovni elementi. Radi se o tri postsekularna hibrida: ukrstanju religijske i sekularne sfere, ukrstanju religije i javnog poretka i pojavi konfesionalnih religiologa - eksperata. (shrink)

Por meio dos fragmentos de narrativas da trajetória da musicista e ativista Kathleen Hanna, pioneira do movimento Riot Grrrl, remontamos, a partir do documentário The Punk Singer, a terceira onda do movimento feminista, evidenciando a interseccionalidade e protagonismo juvenil. Através de fanzines, arte, colagens, letras de música, performances e formação de bandas a partir de uma filosofia punk do it yourself (DIY), salientamos a ampla contribuição de Hanna para o feminismo contemporâneo ao desafiar um cenário opressor dentro do movimento punk, (...) estimulando o surgimento de outras iniciativas feministas, rebeldes e riot grrrls. Sua prática e performance artística são abordadas pelo viés das culturas DIY e remix, potencializando partilhas do sensível e politicidades no engajamento de subjetividades que superam a contenção dos imaginários vigentes.Palavras-chave: Feminismo. Riot Grrrl. Kathleen Hanna. Cultura remix. Imaginário político. AbstractThrough fragments of narratives gathered from the documentary The Punk Singer, based on the life and career of musician and activist Kathleen Hanna, pioneer of the Riot Grrrl movement, we refer to the third wave of the feminist movement, by demonstrating the dimensions of intersectionality and youth protagonism within her work. Ranging from fanzines, art, collages and lyric-making to performance and music groups based on a punk "do it yourself" (DIY) philosophy, we highlight Hanna's broad contribution to contemporary feminism by challenging an oppressive scenario within the punk movement, and by stimulating the emergence of other feminist, rebel and riot grrrls initiatives. Her artistic practice and performance are analyzed through the bias of DIY and remix cultures, thus potentializing distributions of the sensible and politicities in the engagement of subjectivities that surpass the containment of current imaginaries.Keywords: Feminism. Riot Grrrl. Kathleen Hanna. Remix culture. Political imaginary. (shrink)

This article looks at riots that consumed Paris and much of France for three consecutive weeks in November 2005. The author argues that the uprisings were not instigated by radical Muslims, children of African polygamists, or despairing youth suffering from high unemployment. First and foremost, they were provoked by a terrible incident of police brutality, a tragedy among a litany of similar tragedies. Black and Arab youth were already frustrated: decades of violent enforcement of France's categorical boundaries—both racial and (...) geographic—had filled many with rage. When Minister of Interior Nicholas Sarkozy responded to the violent death of three teenage boys on October 25, 2005, by condemning the boys rather than the police officers who had killed them, he merely reaffirmed what many young blacks and Arabs already believed: that their lives have no value in France. (shrink)

Avia Pasternak’s account of permissible political rioting includes a constraint that insists only oppressed citizens, and not privileged citizens, are permitted to riot when rioting is justified. This discussion note argues that Pasternak’s account, with which I largely agree, should be expanded to admit the permissibility of privileged citizens rioting alongside and in solidarity with oppressed citizens. The permissibility of privileged citizens participating in riots when rioting is justified is grounded in the notions that it is sometimes necessary, in (...) accordance with Pasternak’s necessity condition, and that it will oftentimes substantially improve the chances of successfully achieving the just aims the rioting seeks to achieve, in accordance with Pasternak’s success condition. Allowing for this improves Pasternak’s already strong account of permissible political rioting on its own terms. (shrink)

RESUMEN Los años setenta son el período más explícitamente militante en la trayectoria de Foucault. Un concepto clave en la primera mitad de estos años y que resultará fundamental, tanto para entender el nacimiento de la prisión como el de la delincuencia, es el de los ilegalismos. El propósito de este artículo es el de rastrear la influencia que, en el desarrollo de este concepto de ilegalismos, tuvieron las lecturas de la obra de E.P. Thompson por parte de Foucault, el (...) diálogo silencioso que se establece entre ambos autores en torno a dos conceptos: el motín de subsistencia y los ilegalismos. Así como el análisis de la distinta significación y objetivo que va adquiriendo este concepto en la obra de Foucault. ABSTRACT The seventies are the most explicitly militant period in Foucault's career. A key concept in the first half of these years, and one that will prove fundamental, both in understanding the birth of prison and of crime, is that of illegalities. The purpose of this article is to trace the influence that readings of E.P. Thompson's work by Foucault had on the development of this concept of illegalisms, the silent dialogue established between the two authors around two concepts: the subsistence riot and illegalisms. As well as the analysis of the different meaning and objective that this concept is acquiring in Foucault's work. (shrink)

This paper takes up Avtar Brah's (1999) invitation to write back to the issues she raises in her mapping of the production of gendered, classed and racialised subjectivities in west London. It addresses two topics that, together, illuminate racialised and gendered interpellation and psychosocial processes. The paper is divided into two main sections. The first draws on empirical research on the transition to motherhood conducted in east London to consider one mother's experience of giving birth in the local maternity hospital. (...) The maternity ward constituted a site where racialised difference became salient, leading her to construct her maternal identity by asserting her difference from Bangladeshi mothers and so self-racialising, as well as ‘othering’ Bangladeshi mothers. The paper analyses the ways in which her biography may help to explain why her experience of the maternity hospital interpellates her into racialised positioning. The second section focuses on media responses to the riots in various English cities in August 2011. It examines the ways in which some media punditry racialised the riots and inclusion in the British postcolonial nation. The paper analyses three sets of commentaries and illuminates the ways in which they racialise the debate in essentialising ways, reproducing themes that were identified in the 1980s as ‘new racism’ and apportioning blame for the riots to ‘black gangster culture’. While these media pronouncements focus on racialisation, they are intersectional in implicitly also invoking gender and social class. The paper argues that the understanding of the mother's self-racialisation is deepened by a consideration of the racialised discourses that can be evoked (and are contested) in periods of social unrest. The paper thus draws on part of the methodology of ‘The Scent of Memory’ in layering media readings and biographical narratives to analyse the contemporary psychosocial space of racialisation. (shrink)

This article considers today’s ‘post-digital’ political publishing through the material forms of an experimental book, The 2015 Baltimore Uprising: A Teen Epistolary. Anonymously published and devoid of all editorial text, the book is comprised entirely of some 650 screen-grabbed tweets, tweets posted by black Baltimore youth during the riots that ensued on the police killing of Freddie Gray. It is a crisis-ridden book, bearing the wrenching anti-black terror and rebellion of Baltimore 2015 into the horizon of publishing. Drawing on (...) critical theories of books and digital media, and bringing Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson to bear on issues of publishing, the article appraises seven aspects of this book’s materiality: its epistolary structure and rupture with the book-as-closure; its undoing of the commodity form of books; the ‘poor image’ of its visual scene; its recourse to facial redaction and voiding of narrative progression; and its destabilization of readers’ empathy. (shrink)

In the uprisings of the Arab world, Alain Badiou discerns echoes of the European revolutions of 1848. In both cases, the object was to overthrow despotic regimes maintained by the great powers—regimes designed to impose the will of financial oligarchies. Both events occurred after what was commonly thought to be the end of a revolutionary epoch: in 1815, the final defeat of Napoleon; and in 1989, the fall of the Soviet Union. But the revolutions of 1848 proclaimed for a century (...) and a half the return of revolutionary thought and action. Likewise, the uprisings underway today herald a worldwide resurgence in the liberating force of the masses—despite the attempts of the ‘international community’ to neutralize its power. Badiou’s book salutes this reawakening of history, weaving examples from the Arab Spring and elsewhere into a global analysis of the return of emancipatory universalism. (shrink)