Philosophy of History

The paper discusses Arvi Grotenfelt's, professor of philosophy in Helsinki 1905 – 29, reading of Heinrich Rickert's philosophy of history. Rickert was one of the key figures of the so-called south-west German neo-Kantianism. In the center of attention of the south- west neo-Kantians was the topic that Immanuel Kant himself had omitted: how to philosophically establish the humanities and the social sciences and separate them from the natural sciences? Rickert's philosophy of history was essentially an attempt to ground the historical (...) knowledge in a strictly transcendental philosophy in the Kantian sense. His argumentation relied on his concept of value. Grotenfelt did not share Rickert's definition of values. According to his view, the fundamental foundation of our judgements of value is beyond scientific reasoning. I will also argue that Grotenfelt's standpoint has a general affinity to Wilhelm Dilthey's philosophy of world view. (shrink)

An objection to John Rawls’s original position is that it faces a problem of inconsistent features: the individuals in this hypothetical situation are not supposed to know where they are in history, but they have knowledge of general social science, from which they can infer at which point in time they are. In this paper, I consider two solutions. One of these solutions depends on extending a solution to another well-known objection: that readers cannot imagine lacking the knowledge that these (...) individuals lack. (shrink)

This paper proposes (once again) that a controversy has been omitted from Robert Graves’s account of how the Greek myths became an established part of the British education system. I address a question from the secondary literature on Bruno Latour: why can’t we see this controversy? Two reasons are speculatively identified.

The existential approach to the philosophy of history focuses on the question of the meaning of history for human life. Do human beings have any agency within history? Do we create history, or are we created by it? How are we to bear the smallness of our own lives within the grand sweep of human events? How do we handle the duality of being both historical persons and biological entities, an animal species both like no other animal, because essentially cultural (...) and, therefore, essentially historical, but in so many ways also just like any other animal? Then there’s the problem of how historicity can lead to relativism in ethics; do our values and moral sentiments have any objectivity or universality at all, any validity, or are they themselves just historical phenomena, like any other, totally prone to historicity? By briefly surveying the philosophy of history in three central figures, (Hegel, Nietzsche, and Foucault), and looking over the main narrative structures used, we can touch on several of the major themes and see how they inform us about today’s world events. (shrink)

纯逻辑的主要组成包括纯逻辑信仰、纯逻辑的思维方法、解放灵魂、追求无限大价值、以逻辑-不逻辑为实在、试错和容忍错误、推理的资源分配、非标准逻辑、推理的全局性。 灵魂来到世上的第一个问题应该是我是谁，最合乎逻辑的自我认知是：我是且只是由一些逻辑推理组成的灵魂。任何不可变的其它标签，如有手有脚、直立行走、两性，都是对自由的侵犯。去除这些标签的过程就是灵魂的解放事 业。相信宇宙万物都和我一样，是由逻辑推理组成的，这就是最合乎逻辑的信仰，即纯逻辑信仰。纯逻辑信仰决定了纯逻辑方法才是正确的认识方法，即尽量减少经验增加逻辑推理，而不是科学所提倡的经验主义，或者与之密切 相关的功利主义、现实主义。 信仰错误意味着无法做出任何完全正确的推理，只能偶尔幸运地获得少量尽量合乎逻辑的推理结果。即使是日常生活中的推理，也高度依赖于经验主义、功利主义等信仰，错误率极高。纯逻辑主义的推理要求推理尽量合乎逻辑， 将合乎逻辑的程度视为价值，因此要追求最大价值。功利主义往往是为身体追求利益，让身体奴役灵魂。两种信仰很难有什么共同的决策，书中对此提供了大量的说明。信仰的错误意味着智人难以发现真理、正义，意味着智人在 绝大多数问题上都是自以为正确实际上却极度邪恶、落后。智人功利主义地对待一切，如历史、传统、自我、本国、本民族，结果就是大量赞美、信仰邪恶，大大增加了皈依真理、正义的难度。 作者由纯逻辑主义提出了两个关键猜想。首先，最合乎逻辑原则和最大自由原则是统一的。这代表实在的不可否定性，即逻辑和不逻辑为同一存在，最合乎逻辑等同于最大自由。但是，代表邪恶的无法合乎逻辑不是不逻辑。其次 ，宇宙是纯逻辑世界，完全源于逻辑-不逻辑。进而，如果灵魂不能尽量合乎逻辑地推导出真理，可以通过模仿宇宙而学习真理。《真理进化论》给模仿宇宙找到的理由是以宇宙为信仰，相信宇宙是负作用量的最佳追求系统。纯 逻辑主义完善了这一信仰，因为宇宙是纯逻辑世界，相信逻辑就要相信宇宙。而且，逻辑世界必然能不断创造新的命题，永远不会停止推理，是逻辑和自由不断增长的动态系统，即最佳追求系统。 纯逻辑推理对物理学、宇宙论能提供两个明显的帮助：用逻辑的诞生解释宇宙的诞生、大爆炸；用真理解释暗物质，它对所有命题有吸引作用，但是，真理不会像一般性命题那样变化，无法通过引力之外的其它三种基本相互作用 观察。纯逻辑也能对宇宙做出预言：宇宙会不断加速膨胀，真理、暗物质会不断增加，命题、星系会越来越多，永无止境。当然，不应该依靠这些观点的经验主义验证来相信纯逻辑信仰，而且，这些验证也确实遥遥无期。 无论是最合乎逻辑还是最大自由，都是可以达到无限大价值的。既然存在无限大价值，就存在无限大的劳动生产率，而每个灵魂都应该以创造无限大价值为目标，甚至，以每时每刻具有无限大预期价值为目标。相比之下，功利主 义者、享乐主义者一生都很难具有无限大价值，甚至，他们的灵魂一生都在为肉体做奴隶，却心甘情愿地做奴隶，一门心思让主人生活得更舒服。这是有无限大差距的人生。 既然要追求无限大价值，就要研究追求价值的正确方法。作者相信正确的研究方法不仅是最合乎逻辑的，也是最自由的。所以，应该不分学科、课题地研究问题；同时做很多研究方向的工作；一篇论文不需要限定于一个狭小的主 题；研究任何一个问题都可以延伸到研究真理乃至所有真理；论文、专著的写作不应该有格式等规范，应该以价值为评判的唯一准绳。 资源分配是逻辑推理的重要组成部分，而能力和时间是最主要的资源。为了追求价值，不能在价值有限的推理上分配资源，这必将大幅提高绝大多数推理的错误率。所以，推理中出现错误是必然的，追求无错是一种邪恶。只要时 刻保证存在价值无限大的推理，错误通常是可以容忍的，价值有限的错误更是必须容忍。 既然文学写作也要求情节合乎逻辑，当然也可以要求作品的主要观点、原则、思维过程尽量合乎逻辑，主要人物的思想、行为尽量合乎逻辑，这就是纯逻辑流。否则，就只是作者自以为合乎逻辑，实际上有大量无法合乎逻辑之处 ，这和科学家自以为科学合乎逻辑，却根本没有最合乎逻辑的信仰、方法、推理过程是一个问题。这也意味着最合乎逻辑的文学可能甚至是必须发现真理。另一方面，自由也是最合乎逻辑的真理，坚持那些基于经验的作品分类会 侵犯自由。所以，推理小说、科幻小说、历史、论文，这些智人的分类标签都不是绝对的。纯逻辑流小说在研究真理方面自有其优势，能最为自由地同时研究很多课题，包括如何建立信仰，如何思维，如何做人，如何推理，如何 判断善恶，讲述历史，预测未来，乃至现代科学中没有研究的真理学、思维科学，等等。所以，这甚至是现在最适合发表纯逻辑思想、研究成果的作品门类。 虽然在起点网已经被禁，但是将继续每月更新，后记中会预告下次更新的时间。 .

-- vyp. 4. Opyt teoreticheskoĭ istorii -- vyp. 5. Poznavatelʹnye sredstva teoreticheskoĭ istorii -- vyp. 6. Metod teoreticheskoĭ istorii.

Ibn Khaldun followed Ghazzali in his theological criticism of philosophy, attention to religious beliefs, and considering formal logic as a science independent from the Peripatetic metaphysics. However, he stood at a distance from him in terms of his epistemological criticism of philosophy. He believed that philosophy was not enough for man's eternal and supernatural happiness and limited it to the domain of physics. His criticism of philosophy was based on empirical knowledge, and he avoided abstract concepts in this regard. In (...) this way, his ideas are similar to William of Ockham, the English thinker of the 14th century. Nevertheless, unlike Ockham's criticisms, which created an independent philosophical trend in Western philosophy, Ibn Khaldun's critical ideas of philosophy remained incomplete in Islamic philosophy. (shrink)

Up till the 1980s narrativist philosophers of history were mainly interested in the cognitivist dimension of historical narrative. With Hayden White this interest was exchanged for an exclusive preoccupation with the literary aspects of the historian’s narrative representation of the past. However, it may seem that a revival of pre-Whitean narrativist philosophy of history is at hand. Two recent books suggest as much: one by Chiel van den Akker published in 2018 and one more by Paul Roth that came out (...) in 2020. Obviously, a narrativist revival can take two different forms. It may aim at providing pre-Whitean narrativism with a more up-to-date philosophical basis or at guiding it into new directions. It will be argued in this review-essay that the book by Roth mainly does the former, whereas the book by Van den Akker does both. (shrink)

The Many-Worlds Interpretation is a theory in physics which proposes that, rather than quantum-level events being resolved randomly as according to the Copenhagen Interpretation, the universe constantly divides into different versions or worlds. All physically possible worlds occur, though some outcomes are more likely than others, and therefore all possible histories exist. This paper explores some implications of this for history, especially concerning causation. Unlike counterfactuals, which concern different starting conditions, MWI concerns different outcomes of the same starting conditions. It (...) is argued that analysis of causation needs to take into account the divergence of outcomes and the possibility that we inhabit a less probable world. Another implication of MWI is convergent history: for any given world there will be similar worlds which are the result of different pasts which are, however, more or less probable. MWI can assist in thinking about historical causation and indicates the importance of probabilistic causation. (shrink)

In this paper I am concerned with the relation between the history of science and the philosophy of science from the perspective of philosophy. In particular, I examine two philosophical objections against the idea that the history of science can provide evidences to the philosophy of science. The first objection is metaphysical and suggests that given Hume’s law, i.e. that norms cannot be derived from facts and given that the history of science is a descriptive enterprise while the philosophy of (...) science is a normative endeavor, the former cannot be informative for the latter. The second is epistemological and is often called the ‘case studies dilemma’. According to this dilemma, we can neither deduce general philosophical theories from particular historical cases nor test the former through the latter. I argue that although those objections fail to be fatal for the idea that the historical data can provide evidence for the philosophical theories of science, they can help us draw a proper image of the relation between the history and the philosophy of science. I conclude that this picture presupposes the constant epistemic iteration between the two disciplines. (shrink)

_ Source: _Page Count 11 Jouni-Matti Kuukkanen’s _Postnarrativist Philosophy of Historiography_ is a major work in the philosophy of history, one that seeks to conceive historiographies not as concerned to represent the past but rather to propose ways of regarding it. To do this requires replacing narrative as the key element in the philosophy of history with the idea that historiographies are informal arguments that propose and defend a thesis about how events or entities of the past should be viewed. (...) This re-orientation in how to view historiography makes it possible to see it as a rational enterprise in which its claims and counterclaims can be rationally assessed. The book is remarkably successful in achieving its goal, but along the way it neglects to address new questions about narrative as a form of argument, and in the end lacks full faith in its pragmatist heart by insisting that standards of rationality are universal and merely given rather than discipline—and culturally—specific, hard won achievements accomplished by historians themselves. (shrink)

The English translation of Jörn Rüsen’s Historik is a major event in the global community of the theory of history. Few contemporary thinkers in this field have been so systematic and comprehensive as Rüsen. This book, rendered as Evidence and Meaning, is the outcome of a whole life devoted to the renewal of German historicism. Rüsen’s contribution mirrors the great debates held in West Germany since the 1960s about the theory of history, discussions that prompted a conjoint reassessment of the (...) old dispute between historicist academia and Marxist or Weberian sociologism, including the consequences of the linguistic turn. Rüsen has opened the German historicist tradition toward spaces of compromise with the Western “scientific” or more generalizing history. Furthermore, Rüsen’s synthetic historicism, with its insistence on praxis, might be taken as a case of convergent evolution between German and American syntheses of historical life and historical knowledge. (shrink)

Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print. Neither of the seemingly straightforward approaches of retaining the human at the top of the hierarchy of beings and of flattening human personhood solves the question of non-human personhood. But the concept of personhood does have the resources to address this issue, if we take it as a kind of moral agency. The way that humans develop moral agency through their temporality, historicity and community must be mapped onto the personhood of animals, but (...) this is extremely difficult and must await more scientific knowledge and wiser and more empathetic human understanding. It is in our hands, rather than the commandment of a non-human reality. (shrink)

_ Source: _Page Count 22 This is an attempt to discover and clarify the philosophical nature of what Eelco Runia claims to be his new and up-to-date philosophy of history, a programme offered in his 2014 book _Moved by the Past: Discontinuity and Historical Mutation_. His suggestion that his argument is a “dance” is taken seriously, and following an analysis of historical “meaning” and its time-extended nature it is argued that the book’s presentation commits Runia to a conception of meaning (...) that requires more weight than he allows to the centrality of narrative understanding in history. His attempt to reconnect critical and substantive philosophies of history is analysed and criticised. His apparently inconsistent commitments to both Vico’s _verum-factum_ claim, where we can make history, and to Gumbrecht’s “presence”, where history can make us, is clarified in terms of a pragmatic philosophy that permits Runia to have the psychology-based approach that he relies upon. (shrink)

In this essay, after a brief decolonial analysis of the concept of “poetry” in Indigenous communities, I will investigate the poetic-philosophical implications of Cherokee culture, more specifically the poetic essence of the Cherokee language, the poetic aspects of Cherokee myth (pre-history) and post-myth (history), and the poetic-philosophical powers of Cherokee ritual. My first section analyzes the poetic essence, structure, special features, and historical context of the Cherokee language, drawing on Ruth Holmes and Betty Sharp Smith’s language textbook, Beginning Cherokee. My (...) second section considers poetic aspects of the pre-history and history of the Cherokee Nation considered as a text, using Robert J. Conley’s The Cherokee Nation: A History. And my third section investigates the poetic nature of the Cherokee rituals’ myth-ontological background and its existential psychological implications, via J. T. Garrett & Michael Tlanusta Garrett’s The Cherokee Full Circle: A Practical Guide to Ceremonies and Traditions. Collectively, these analyses will suggest that, just as the Cherokee and other tribes are the slandered, disenfranchised, suppressed and covered-over Indigenous peoples of the North American continent, so poetry writ large (including Indigenous philosophy) is the slandered, disenfranchised, suppressed and covered-over arche of western philosophy (as I have previously explored via a new interpretation of Nietzsche). In short, I will argue that both poetry and Cherokee culture can be understood as indigenous “absences” which are in truth vital and enduring presences. (shrink)

This chapter is particularly concerned with the status of history, dance history especially, within Dance Studies. It asks what has befallen the more recent status of history, once an epistemological support at a critical stage in Dance Studies’s early development, now that Dance Studies is better established, relatively speaking, within the academy. Is history so much scaffolding which, having fulfilled its purpose in enabling the disciplinary plant to take root, is to be dismantled and, if not actually discarded, at least (...) demoted? Three factors will be identified and proposed as having particular significance in this connection, imbuing this chapter with a tri-partite structure. The first concerns the already noted strong imprint of Cultural Studies on Dance Studies and the possible bearing of this imprint on dance history’s status within Dance Studies. For the particular manner in which Dance Studies has construed Cultural Studies may, this chapter will suggest, have impacted upon dance history’s standing within communities of dance scholarship. The second factor has to do with the implications, for dance history, of a particular critique based in a branch of dance scholarship, that perceives phenomenology, which it deems a good fit for dance inquiry, as inherently antithetical to history. In particular, this critique takes the work of Michel Foucault - which it identifies closely with, and as, historical practice - as incompatible with dance enquiry. Incompatibility is staked on the twin grounds of Foucault’s break with, and supposed resulting and enduring antipathy towards, phenomenology; and his perceived embrace of history which is, itself, also understood to result from such a break. In effect, then, this critique questions the very suitability, for dance research, of approaches based in history-focussed inquiry. The ability to call this critique into question, in the ways that the present discussion, in seeking to rehabilitate Foucault, and so history, needs to demonstrate, constitutes the third factor. This final factor makes two particular, further demands of this chapter. Namely that the interrelated questions of Foucault, phenomenology, and dance; and of the position which phenomenology has itself adopted in relation to history, be re-visited and re-evaluated to the extent that space reasonably allows. Fortunately, these interrelated questions are ones which have - relatively recently - preoccupied scholarship on Foucault, and on phenomenology, respectively. This preoccupation may in and of itself be one possible indicator that there is indeed more at stake, and so to consider, regarding both questions, than the lines drawn by the aforementioned critique might suggest. (shrink)

In his meticulously researched and conceptually innovative book, Zoltán Boldizsár Simon aims to capture the historical sensibility emergent during the postwar period broadly conceived, spanning from the 1940s to our present moment. Attending particularly to the debates concerning ecological and technological outlooks, Simon theorizes that our historical horizon is increasingly shaped by the expectations of an unprecedented event that challenges the sustainability of the human subject as known today. Arguing that the concept of unprecedented change can best be explained against (...) the backdrop of a modern processual temporal configuration originating in the eighteenth century, Simon likewise probes the same concept to illuminate a distinct relationship with the past. Elaborating on the main ideas of the book, the paper will interrogate critically Simon’s assertion whereby the novel postwar temporality is inherently dystopian, and will negotiate Simon’s engagement with presentism, which he questions as an inaccurate representation of our current regime of historicity. (shrink)

Alex Rosenberg’s latest book purports to establish that narrative history cannot have any epistemic value. Rosenberg argues not for the replacement of narrative history by something more science-like, but rather the end of histories understood as an account of human doings under a certain description. This review critiques three of his main arguments: 1) narrative history must root its explanations in folk psychology, 2) there are no beliefs nor desires guiding human action, and 3) historical narratives are morally and ethically (...) pernicious. Rosenberg’s book reprises themes about action explanation he first rehearsed 40 years ago, albeit with neuroscience rather than sociobiology now “preempting” explanations that trade on folk psychological notions. Although Rosenberg’s argument strategy has not altered, the review develops a number of reasons as to why his approach now lacks any plausibility as a strategy for explaining histories, much less a successful one. (shrink)

Increasing life expectancy may explain why more elderly candidates appear to be running for office. This raises general questions regarding the specific risks of old age and frailty in demanding political positions. Therefore, I tried to give important contemporary examples of elderly leaders, study the mean age of leading political figures over the last 3 decades and present historical examples of heads of state with age-associated brain diseases and cognitive deficits. I reviewed the literature on mental illness and politics and (...) analyzed the ages of international political leaders in 1990, 2000, 2010 and 2020. Summary: There are several impressive contemporary examples of elderly politicians. The mean age of political leaders has not increased significantly in most parts of the world over the last 3 decades with the exception of the Gulf States and sub-Saharan Africa. Health problems of heads of state in earlier centuries had not been primarily age associated. After 1900, dementia but also mild cognitive and mild behavioral impairment became important issues in politically critical situations, for example international peace negotiations, the rise of Nazi Germany, the breakup of communism, the Arab Spring and others. This paper collects anecdotal evidence of cognitive frailty in ageing politicians; it is not an in-depth analysis of political history. Observations confirm that a very long time in power may obviously increase the risk of age-associated problems; dynamic revolutionary or entrepreneurial idols may be misled to rely on their irreplaceable charisma for too long. However, caution must be exercised against ageism on one side versus silent acquiescence towards leaders with failing mental powers on the other, who may become victims of obscure parties and their decompensating personality disorders. Current news nurture the impression that large and important states are governed by elderly people, and oc- casional reports indicate that there is a number of lesser known countries ruled by rather seasoned leaders. (shrink)

_ Source: _Page Count 8 In _The Practical Past_ Hayden White argues that both history and fiction should be considered “literary writing,” which he defines as writing in which the form becomes part of the content. Both history and realistic fiction wish to be faithful to their referents, but are prevented by their need to employ cultural narrative systems. The “practical past,” distinguished from the historical past by Michael Oakeshott, proves to be the arena in which we choose our pasts, (...) define events, and experience trauma. (shrink)

To believe that logic has no history might at first seem peculiar today. But since the early 20th century, this position has been repeatedly conflated with logical monism of Kantian provenance. This logical monism asserts that only one logic is authoritative, thereby rendering all other research in the field marginal and negating the possibility of acknowledging a history of logic. In this paper, I will show how this and many related issues have developed, and that they are founded on only (...) one prominent statement by Kant. I will argue, however, that this statement takes on a very different meaning in a broader context of the history and philosophy of science, and that Kant and his supporters never advocated the logical monism that they are still said to hold today. (shrink)

I explore the role of practical necessity in Kant’s essay Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Aim. This form of necessity arises on the basis of social and interstate antagonism and Kant appeals to it with the aim of avoiding the introduction of a standpoint that is external to the agents whose attitudes and actions are being described. In connection with the role that Kant accords to practical necessity in the establishment of the legal and political conditions required (...) to fulfil the ‘plan of nature’ in the course of history, I argue that in this essay he fails to identify a mechanism that would explain a fundamental moral change in that which motivates human beings once these conditions have been established. This in turn invites questions concerning the kind of universal history that Kant proposes. In particular, I argue that the choice of historical material that it demands could, in certain circumstances, be regarded as counterpurposive in relation to the aim of nature of which Kant speaks in the same essay. (shrink)