Latin American Political Philosophy

The alliance between Appalachian churches and the coal industry has brought Appalachia to its knees. For over two centuries, Appalachian ministers and priests have pressured their congregants to sell land, manipulate papal documents, exploit church properties for personal gain, and frame incomplete economic data regarding the coal industry with sound theological arguments. In response to this institutional corruption favoring the coal industry, a new theory of Appalachian liberation theology needs development to break the coal-church alliance. Through examining papal documents, theological (...) work by Michael Iafrate and the Catholic Committee of Appalachia, and jobs and economic data from agencies like the Appalachian Research Commission and Energy Futures Initiative, liberation theologians can begin to chart the first contours of Appalachian liberation theology. Such a theology involves the exaltation of the local church, grassroots change, support for green energy, and the empowering of youth voices through granting them positions that enable institutional change. (shrink)

Este artículo examina de qué forma se refleja el conservatismo de Cayetano Betancur en su filosofía política. El primer capítulo recoge dos acepciones del término conser- vador que abarcan, a grandes rasgos, las dos principales tendencias del conservatismo político. El segundo capítulo está dedicado a examinar cómo cada una de estas dos acepciones (que llamamos negativa y positiva) se reflejan en la obra de Betancur. Como conclusión, se hace referencia a los posibles rumbos hacia los que una investi- gación más (...) exhaustiva del conservatismo político en Betancur podría encaminarse. (shrink)

El trabajo parte de una descripción y definición de la "teoría de la colonialidad/decolonialidad" (TCD), fundamentando porqué así debe llamarse esta propuesta. A continuación se aborda la relación de la TCD hacia herencia teórico-práctica de Marx, haciendo énfasis particular en las razones y sin-razones de su crítica al eurocentrismo de Marx. Se abordan los fundamentos del eurocentrismo de Marx, la validez de conceptos como los de "centro" y "periferia" en el estudio del sistema capitalista mundial, la existencia histórica de eurocentrismos (...) de derecha y de izquierda y el por qué, a pesar de su propio eurocentrismo, la recuperación de Marx es importante para la construcción práctica de una sociedad poscapitalista y poscentrada. (shrink)

Study on the "philosophy of history" of three mexican intellectuals in the 19th century./ Estudio sobre la "filosofía de la historia" positivista y liberal en tres intelectuales mexicanos del siglo XIX,.

The Disintegration of Community analyzes the social and cultural writings of Jorge Portilla (1919−1963) and demonstrates the continued relevance of his thought to contemporary debates on the politics of social and cultural identity, the nature of community, and the political role of affect and moods. Sánchez and Gallegos address questions as timely today as they were for Portilla: What drives the impulse toward political nationalism? What sustains the myths that organize our political lives? Under what conditions do communities disintegrate? An (...) appendix offers original English translations of three of Portilla's fascinating and hitherto untranslated essays, including Portilla's 1952 essay, "The Spiritual Crisis of the United States.". (shrink)

Reseña del libro Claves de la Justicia desde América Latina (2019).

En el presente trabajo se muestra cómo la colonialidad cultural surge, se desarrolla y se mantiene como derivación, parte y premisa de la lógica del capital. En tanto lógica cultural nacida con el capitalismo y mantenida hasta hoy, la colonialidad estuvo asociada, primero, a la acumulación originaria del capital y, después, a su reproducción ampliada. El trabajo también indaga en las relaciones entre colonialidad, por una parte, y poder, colonialismo y eurocentrismo, por otra.

This essay argues that Latinx philosophers are not only already providing important and original contributions to standard open-borders debates, but also changing the very nature of the ethics of migration. In making this case, the essay is divided into two parts. The first summarizes some of the important and original contributions of Latinx philosophers to the standard open-borders debate. Among the highlights are Jorge M. Valadez’s “conditional legitimacy of states” argument; José-Antonio Orosco’s communitarian-based argument for a more liberalized admissions policy; (...) Javier S. Hidalgo’s claim that people have a moral right (and often an obligation) to disobey immigration laws; J. Angelo Corlett’s defense of immigration restrictions on grounds that such restrictions serve to protect Indigenous people’s sovereignty and rightful claims to territory; and Amy Reed-Sandoval’s freedom of movement argument based on the collective right of trans-border communities. The second section outlines four ways Latinx philosophers have pushed discussions within the ethics of migration beyond the standard open-borders debate. First, they have made persuasive arguments about why we ought to reject, or at least be suspicious of, approaches to migration justice that begin by assuming the legitimacy of states. Second, they argue that the issue of enforcement has been overlooked in standard open-borders debates. Third, they argue that philosophers must not avoid dealing with the social (as opposed to merely juridical) implications of labeling people “illegal” or “anchor babies.” Fourth, they show how current debates over the ethics of migration are too Euro- or Anglo-centric and therefore could benefit from the inclusion of non-European and non-Anglo voices. (shrink)

One of the most influential critical educators of the twentieth century, Paulo Freire challenged those educational inequalities and conditions of injustice faced by oppressed populations. In this new edition of Reinventing Paulo Freire, Antonia Darder re-examines his legacy through reflections on Freirean pedagogy and the narratives of teachers who reinvent his work. The fully revised first part provides important historical, political, and economic connections between major societal concerns and educational questions raised by Freire and their link to the contemporary moment, (...) including questions tied to neoliberalism, coloniality, and educational inequalities. At the heart of the book is a critical understanding of how Freire's pedagogy of love can inform, in theory and practice, a humanizing approach to teaching and learning. Powerful teacher narratives offer examples of a living praxis, committed to democratic classroom life and the emancipation of subaltern communities. The narratives clearly illustrate how Freire's ideas can be put concretely into practice in schools and communities. These reflections on Freirean praxis are sure to spark conversation and inspiration in teacher education courses. Through a close theoretical engagement of Freire's ideas and key insights garnered from lived experiences, the book speaks to the ways Freire can still inspire contemporary educators to adopt the spirit of liberatory pedagogy, By so doing, Reinventing Paulo Freire is certain to advance his theories in new ways, both to those familiar with his work and to those studying Freire for the first time. (shrink)

Enrique Dussel and John Dewey share commitments to philosophical theory and practice aimed at addressing human problems, democratic modes of inquiry, and progressive social reform, but also maintain productive differences in their fundamental starting point for political philosophy and their use of the social sciences. Dussel provides a corrective to Dewey’s Eurocentrism and to his tendency to underplay the challenges of incorporating marginalized populations by insisting that social and political philosophy begin from the perspective of the marginalized and excluded. Simultaneously, (...) Dewey encourages a modest experimental and fallibilist approach to social transformation that promises more feasible social reforms than Dussel’s approach rooted in phenomenology and the critical social sciences. (shrink)

This paper proposes an application of Enrique Dussel’s ethics of liberation to an issue of crucial importance to US minorities: the debate on affirmative action. Over the past fifty years, this debate has been framed in terms of the opposition between advocates of affirmative action who claim that it is needed in order to achieve the integration and participation of traditionally oppressed groups to society without which there is no equality of rights, and critics who argue that affirmative action violates (...) equality by enforcing a double standard that undermines the ideal of a color-blind society. In this paper, I show how the basic principles of Dussel’s ethical theory (which are best expounded in his book Ethics of Liberation) allow us to address what I take to be the main demands of both advocates and critics of affirmative action in a satisfactory way. (shrink)

Common notions of comparative philosophy tend to be strongly configured by the East-West axis. This essay suggests ways of seeing Latin American liberation philosophy as a form of comparative philosophy and an important Latin American thinker as being relevant for East-West political philosophy. The essay focuses on the Peruvian activist and intellectual, José Mariátegui, who is widely regarded to have been a leading Marxist, liberatory, and decolonial figure in 20th century Latin America. Like many “Third World” intellectuals of the interwar (...) years, Mariátegui had an interest in decolonization struggles in Asia and wrote with some consistency on this subject and in ways that bear significantly upon key themes in his political theory. Since very little of this has received commentary, this essay begins a discussion of Mariátegui's decolonial experimentation with ideas about Asia, decolonization, and indigenous cultural forms, like those of the Incas and Confucians. After some preliminary discussion of Euro.. (shrink)

The social trust argument asserts that a political community cannot survive without social trust, and that social trust cannot be achieved or maintained without a political community having discretionary control over immigration. Various objections have already been raised against this argument, but because those objections all assume various liberal commitments they leave the heart of the social trust argument untouched. This chapter argues that by looking at the socio-historical circumstances of Latino/as in the United States, an inherent weakness of the (...) social trust argument gets exposed. Giving a political community discretionary control over immigration not only fails to deliver on the promise of social trust, but it actually seems to promote its opposite, social mistrust. This suggests that a far better way of promoting the goal of social trust, and at the same time abating social mistrust, is to actually circumvent a political community’s ability to control immigration by giving priority both to socio-historical circumstances and immigrant rights (at least in a minimalist sense) in determining immigration policy. (shrink)

Reception and transmission process of the mind is reflected in communicationwhichdependsonanobject,mediumorsymbolsomethingmanisfamiliar withsothathecaninterpret,understandandcomprehendit.Languageisthe mostcommonformofhumansymbolmanmakesuseofincommunication. Freirepresentedtwowaysofcommunication.Thestudyaimedtointertwine communication,educationandsocietyasa systemandcriticizeit.Thestudy madeuseofhistoricalpedagogy.Epistemologicalmethodwasalsointertwined withcommunication.Hebelievedthatsystemofsocietyinfluencedsystemof educationasreflectedbythekindofcommunicationused.Hebelievedthat onlythroughpromotionofdialogueinthecommunicativeprocessthatgenuine knowledgecanbeattained.Today,however,modernsocietieshaverevolutionizedtheroleofeducationsectorespeci allyuniversitiestowardsthesocietyin terms of economics. Global and multinational companies tap researchers and inventors from universities for research and development which could boosttechnology, production, marketing and profit – in short economy. Thus, thestudy implied care for the use of symbols and language in education; freedomand liberation in education should be savored and maximized; education mustbe a catalyst for societal change and development. keywords: (...) Philosophy, mind, communication, process, language, human symbol, medium,liberation,education,society,pedagogy,epistemology,Philippines. (shrink)

First performed in June 2011, Paulista used fixed and mobile streaming technology to create a translocal, musical and sonic performance linking SARC (Belfast/Northern Ireland), LAMI (São Paulo/Brazil) and Paulista Avenue, in the heart of São Paulo’s city centre. By discussing the performative and compositional strategies employed in this work, we aim at highlighting the central role played by the network in articulating notions of liveness and dramaturgy, as well as fostering new ideas and processes to engage dislocated spaces in shared (...) musical practice. (shrink)

Peter Maurin, a French, itinerant immigrant, known, if at all, as co-founder with Dorothy Day of the Catholic Worker movement plies his pedagogy from the margins of society, identifying with the poor of the Depression. He believes his vocation is to awaken the poor and professionals alike to reconstruct a personalist democracy and restore its spiritual foundation, Remarkably resonate with John Dewey’s experiential learning, Jane Addams’ Hull House initiative, and the Brazilian educator and theologian Paulo Freire’s theory of humankind’s vocation (...) to humanize the world, Maurin critiques education as “knowing more and more about less and less” and not relating knowledge to the real world. Today Dewey and Freire influence progressive experiential pedagogy, but most progressive educators are unacquainted with Maurin’s radical vision. Yet, Maurin speaks as trenchantly to our own time of socio-economic, ideological, and moral crisis as he did to the crises of the 1930s. This paper seeks to recover Maurin’s pedagogy for critical theory’s work of educating today’s students—and the world, in general—to a deep consciousness of the workings of society, for restructuring the social order, and for solidarity with those who suffer from structural injustice. For Maurin, solidarity with the impoverished and marginalized is the site of both deep knowing and transformative power. This solidarity is the bedrock of Maurin’s teaching—propagated among the cast-offs at Columbus Circle to academics on Boston Commons, to the storefront and tenement schools he established, to his outdoor university, to forums, symposia, and nightly round-table discussions. With poetic phrasing, he casts his thought as “points” in what becomes known as “easy essays.” While those from the academic mainstream publish in respected journals, Maurin, from the margins, tacks up his essays in public places and even mails them to reluctant listeners. Working out the practical implications of his vision, he offers a particular angle on the world, and a prophetic pedagogy for the gravitas of our time. (shrink)

Subtractive schooling is a type of pedagogy that subtracts from the student aspects of her identity in order to assimilate and reshape her identity to fit the American mainstream. Here, I question the value of assimilation as it takes place in our public school systems. Currently, immigrant children are often made to feel inadequate for being culturally different. This is detrimental to their development as students given that at their young age they do not yet have the emotional maturity to (...) know that their experience, language and culture are legitimate and valuable. My goal is to shift the focus of subtractive schooling to one that fosters the growth of students through recognition. I suggest that John Dewey’s and Paulo Freire’s pedagogy of recognition is a helpful approach to this problem. Both Dewey and Freire’s pedagogy emphasize recognition as central to their pedagogy. (shrink)

Entendiendo la tesis central que Enrique Dussel presenta en 20 Tesis de Política, como la reconstrucción de una histórica lucha entre la voluntad-de-vida de la comunidad política y la potestas fetichizada, señalo que el autor solo investiga las características del primero, ciego a aquellos mecanismos por los que la potestas fetichizada libra su lucha por reproducir las condiciones de su existencia colonizando el mundo de la vida. En virtud de esta ceguera, y buscando dotar de cierta aplicabilidad a la propuesta (...) de Dussel, introduciré consistentemente aportes de la ética del discurso para identificar los fenómenos de colonización del mundo de la vida como el campo de acción para orientar el diseño de políticas públicas. Understanding the central thesis that Enrique Dussel presents in 20 Theses of Politics, as the reconstruction of a historical struggle among the will-of-life of the political community and the fetishized potestas, I note that the author only investigates the characteristics of the first one, being blind to those mechanisms for which the fetishized potestas pounds its fight for reproducing the conditions of its existence colonizing the world of life. Under this blindness, and seeking to endow of certain applicability to Dussel’s proposal, I will consistently introduce contributions to the ethics of the discourse to identify the phenomena of colonization of the world of life as the field of action to guide the design of public policies. (shrink)

The importance of representation in modern politics leads authors to define this concept with the help of different paradigms – from law to drama. The concern with a higher degree of democracy among populations leads to strength representation and its political premises. This concern is supported by the issue of guaranteeing both legitimacy and plurality. Responses to this issue correspond to the rise of many different normative views of political communities.

Drawing on American and Latin American philosophers such as John Dewey, Alain Locke, and José Martí, this chapter articulates a thoroughgoing pluralistic view of ethnic identity in general and of Hispanic identity in particular. The chapter argues that the best way of elucidating ethnic experiences and identities without relying on essentialist assumptions is offered by a radical pluralism that we can find in the pragmatist tradition. This radical pluralism understands ethnic identity as intrinsically heterogeneous, that is, as necessarily containing inner (...) diversity. (shrink)

In this paper, I examine the ways bell hooks has adapted the model of liberatory pedagogy that Brazilian educator Paulo Freire expounded in Pedagogy of the Oppressed to the students one encounters in the significantly more materially privileged North American context. I begin with an overview of Freire's idea of educating the oppressed about oppression and then move to examination of the different, yet related, challenge that hooks is taking on: educating the privileged about oppression. I deploy these analyses of (...) emancipatory teaching in two different contexts, both grounded in a philosophy of love, in order to show the extent to which this theorizing has helped those of us who attempt to advance a progressive politics in wealthy and/or privileged societies. (shrink)

It is sometimes claimed that democracy is a “Western” form of government that can only grow in certain places and under certain conditions. Indeed, in some of his works, Samuel Huntington claims that democracy and the rule of law are social ideals that are rooted in very specific European cultures and may not function well, or at all, outside of those settings. Jared Diamond, author of the popular Guns, Germs, and Steel, goes even further, suggesting that the rise of industrialized (...) democracies had much to do with the geography and the environment in which these social ideals evolved, giving the West distinct advantages over other societies with different terrains and natural resources (see Diamond). Democracy .. (shrink)

This chapter examines the connection between culture and democracy with an eye toward developing a foundation for American citizenship that is informed by the experiences of Latinos/as in the United States. It begins by surveying arguments from philosophers within the American pragmatist tradition that correlate the stability of a democratic political regime with habits, tastes, and attitudes of a given people. These thinkers, namely Horrace Kallen, Jane Adams, and John Dewey, have developed two models to conceptualize the relationship of immigrant (...) communities to democratic citizenship and governance: cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. The chapter intends to demonstrate that Latino cultural citizenship is a form of cultural pluralism and, as such, does not seek to transform liberal representative democracy in any deep, significant sense. We can see this when we hold up Latino cultural citizenship to the radical challenge posed by progressive thinkers, such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr., who argued that social justice in the United States cannot be achieved unless we move beyond liberal multiculturalism, and the idea of what it means to be an American is altered to reflect the experiences of non-white peoples. (shrink)

Dialogue is a seminal concept within the work of the Brazilian adult education theorist, Paulo Freire, and the Russian literary critic and philosopher, Mikhail Bakhtin. While there are commonalities in their understanding of dialogue, they differ in their treatment of dialectic. This paper addresses commonalities and dissonances within a Bakhtin-Freire dialogue on the notions of dialogue and dialectic. It then teases out some of the implications for education theory and practice in relation to two South African contexts of learning that (...) facilitate the access to education of disadvantaged groups, one in higher education and the other in early childhood education. (shrink)