19th Century Latin American Philosophy

Following the line of thought articulated by Gallegos-Ordorica (2019), the main goal of this article is to argue that the 19th century Venezuelan-Chilean polymath Andrés Bello should be included within the history of the pragmatist tradition as an important precursor insofar as his masterpiece, Filosofía del Entendimiento (Philosophy of the Understanding), exhibits many views and attitudes that are characteristic of pragmatism. A second and narrower goal of this article is to show that the specific kind of proto-pragmatist position that Bello (...) endorses in Philosophy of the Understanding bears remarkable similarities to the neo-pragmatist view of Huw Price and to argue that Bello’s metaphorical idea-signs can be potentially useful in explaining the great variety of functions that what Price calls “i-representations” have within his functional pluralism. (shrink)

Study on the "philosophy of history" of three mexican intellectuals in the 19th century./ Estudio sobre la "filosofía de la historia" positivista y liberal en tres intelectuales mexicanos del siglo XIX,.

The present paper argues that the Venezuelan-Chilean philosopher Andrés Bello constitutes an important but heretofore neglected prefiguration of Richard Rorty. I argue for this thesis by articulating first an Inter-American philosophical narrative (based on previous work by Alex Stehn and Carlos Sanchez) that enables me to highlight certain common characteristics in philosophical projects that flourished across the Americas. Having done this, I show that Rorty’s anti-representationalism and anti-foundationalism are prefigured in Bello’s most important philosophical treatise, Filosofía del Entendimiento, to the (...) extent that Bello recognizes the problems posed by the ocular metaphors that are systematically used by Early modern philosophers such as Descartes or Locke, and suggests their elimination and replacement by other metaphors. Finally, I conclude that, if my arguments are correct, the intellectual geography of neo-pragmatism needs to be expanded beyond traditional geographies such as Europe and the US. (shrink)

En la segunda mitad del siglo XIX la filosofía positiva se consolidó como la corriente de pensamiento dominante en México, muchos pensadores la utilizaron como marco teórico para interpretar los acontecimientos pasados y proyectar elfuturo de la nación. Por su análisis, explicación e interpretación de la historia nacional México: su evolución social es la obra culminante del positivismo mexicano, pero para sorpresa nuestra ha sido poco estudiada por los especialistas, de ahí que sea necesario recuperarla. En este artículo nos damos (...) a esa tarea y para ello nos enfocaremos en analizar el método de investigación que emplea la obra así como el papel que cumple la historia dentro de la misma. Con ello se busca contribuir a los estudios sobre el positivismo mexicano al abordar, en una obra crucial, algunos de sus aspectos metodológicos, históricos y filosóficos. -/- In the second half of the nineteenth century the positive philosophy was consolidated as the dominant current of thought in Mexico, many thinkers used it as the theoretical framework to interpret past events and project the future of the nation. Because of its analysis, explanation and interpretation of the national Mexican history México: su evolución social is the culminating work of Mexican positivism. To our surprise, the work has been little studied by scholars hence it is necessary to recover it. In this article we want to do that task and for that we will focus on analyzing the research method used in the work as well as the role played by history within it. The aim then is to contribute to studies on Mexican positivism by approaching, in a crucial work, some of its methodological, historical and philosophical aspects. (shrink)

This article offers a critical complement to Diego von Vacano’s differential characterization of Bolívar’s political thought and his understanding of race through a comparative analysis between Bolívar’s views and those of certain philosophers of the Enlightenment. Indeed, von Vacano argues that Bolívar’s contributions to republican theory have been traditionally ignored by the Anglo-American tradition. Though von Vacano is right in underscoring that Bolívar’s political thought deserves more attention since it contains valuable contributions that stand in “contradistinction to prevalent discourses in (...) European and American intellectual history,” this article argues that, if we reconstruct the genealogy of Bolívar’s political thought by tracing it back to Montesquieu and Rousseau, it turns out to be very different in some respects from the views voiced in European discourses, but it also bears the imprint of certain racist assumptions and biases. This article also offers a brief diagnosis of the tensions that are found in Bolívar's political thought. (shrink)

El presente artículo muestra cómo la preocupación del filósofo chileno Jenaro Abasolo por la justicia social, le lleva a proponer una teoría de la justicia que anticipa la forma del Estado social de derecho. Pues su propuesta política, manteniendo los rasgos esenciales del liberalismo, conecta de manera particular los fines sociales con los políticos, hasta llegar a defender la necesidad de establecer leyes que regulen la esfera económica y la libertad de industria. En consecuencia, la crítica de Abasolo a la (...) forma de Estado liberal, toca en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX a una serie de publicistas liberales, siendo José V. Lastarria el más prominente y quien sirve aquí de contraste. Y adquiere, además, dicha crítica una renovada importancia en el debate actual que intenta determinar la forma de Estado y, por tanto, qué teoría de la justica, es más admisible para las sociedades democráticas que no sólo aspiran al pluralismo sino, también, a la justicia social. (shrink)

Revision of the main intellectual referents of Ángel Álvarez de Miranda who was professor of History of Religions at the University of Madrid from 1954 until his death in 1957. A more detailed study is made of Mircea Eliade and Raffaele Pettazzoni, but also are revised Santiago Montero Díaz, Pedro Laín Entralgo, Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo, José Ortega y Gasset, Karl Kerenyi, Angelo Brelich, Xavier Zubiri, José Luis López Aranguren, Julio Caro Baroja, Wilhelm Schmidt and Gerardus van der Leeuw.

In Sociedades americanas en 1828, Simón Rodríguez describes and supports a republican attempt as a new way of government. Aware of the problem his project meant and warned against the accusation of being an utopian, he claims that the social republic would not be an utopia, as Tomas Moro imagined about, but the opportunity for the republics in South America to be the good place for an authentic social life. On the grounds that are described above, this paper examines analytically (...) and critically the relationships between republic and utopia in Simon Rodriguez. (shrink)

In Sociedades americanas en 1828, Simón Rodríguez describes and supports a republican attempt as a new way of government. Aware of the problem his project meant and warned against the accusation of being an utopian, he claims that the social republic would not be an utopia, as Tomas Moro imagined about, but the opportunity for the republics in South America to be the good place for an authentic social life. On the grounds that are described above, this paper examines analytically (...) and critically the relationships between republic and utopia in Simon Rodriguez. (shrink)

This monograph revisits Uruguay’s remarkable transformation from a volatile product of ‘balkanisation’ in the River Plate area into Latin America’s first welfare-state democracy, associated with President José Batlle y Ordóñez (1903–7, 1911–15). Central to the country’s belated polity formation and nation-building was its school reform. The author investigates this, for the first time, from its start in 1868 under José Pedro Varela to the end of Batlle’s second term and argues that continuities in change prevailed over the alleged rupture of (...) 1903, including at the level of normative ideas. Moreover, by placing Uruguay into the broader context of what scholars have called the “Corridor of Ideas” from Santiago de Chile through Buenos Aires and Montevideo to Porto Alegre, this pioneering study also shows how Uruguay acted as a crossroads of intellectuals and a laboratory for the contestation, assimilation, and merger of global and autochthonous political and pedagogical philosophies. Jens R Hentschke is Professor of Latin American History and Politics at Newcastle University in the UK. (shrink)

El carácter de Alberto Blest Gana como fundador de la novela chilena mal podría ligarlo a la práctica del folletín, aunque registra numerosos títulos publicados en revistas y periódicos. Por lo demás, su filiación como aventajado discípulo de Balzac menos podría propiciar un vínculo con la literatura popular o de masas, como se desarrolló en Francia a mediados del siglo XIX. Y es que el canon literario nacional se construye a partir de una élite intelectual -ilustrada y liberal- que participa (...) de la construcción social de la Nación como la que propiciaba José Victorino Lastarria y el propio Blest Gana -en sus respectivos manifiestos literarios-, en cuya conformación la cultura popular no participa más allá de un “costumbrismo” folklórico, o como un “sabor” local, o como un “pintoresquismo” para solaz de los lectores cultos. En este artículo se indaga en los formantes folletinescos en la narrativa de Blest Gana, recurriendo a las tesis acerca de la literatura popular que han sido postuladas, entre otros, por Eco ; Martín-Barbero, Herlinghaus, Sarlo. Alberto Blest Gana, the founder of the Chilean novel, could not be linked to the practice of writing feuilleton, although a number of his works published in magazines and newspapers exist. Moreover, being an outstanding disciple of Balzac would unlikely link him to the popular or mass literature, as the one developed in France in the middle of the nineteenth century. In fact, the national literary canon is built upon an intellectual elite -enlightened and liberal- that participates in the social construction of the nation as the one fostered by José Victorino Lastarria and Blest Gana -in their respective literary manifests. In their view, the popular culture does not participate beyond a folkloric “costumbrism” or as a local “taste”, or as a “picturesque trait” for the delight of the educated readers. For this reason, this article explores the melodramatic formants in Blest Gana’s narrative, by analyzing them in light of the popular literature perspectives advocated by Eco, Martín-Barbero, Herlinghaus, and Sarlo, among others. (shrink)

En este trabajo se analiza la vigencia del pensamiento educativo de Félix Varela en Cartas a Elpidio. En particular se estudian sus ideas acerca del método científico en la enseñanza y de la subordinación del bien individual al bien común. Asimismo se toman en consideración las condiciones y el momento histórico en que fue escrita, su alcance local, nacional y latinoamericano en correspondencia con el actual ámbito de la Universidad de Ciencias Médicas y otras personalidades de la cultura. Mediante la (...) revisión bibliográfica de diversas fuentes utilizadas se obtuvieron datos favorables para este análisis. The validity of Felix Varela´s educative thought in Letters to Elpidio was analyzed in this work. His ideas about the scientific method in teaching and the subordination of individual good to common good were particularly studied. The conditions and the historical moment in which it was written, its local, national and Latin-American repercussion in regards to the updated field of the University of Medical Sciences and other personalities of the cultural field were taken into consideration. Favorable data for this analysis were obtained through bibliographic revision of different sources. (shrink)

Common notions of comparative philosophy tend to be strongly configured by the East-West axis. This essay suggests ways of seeing Latin American liberation philosophy as a form of comparative philosophy and an important Latin American thinker as being relevant for East-West political philosophy. The essay focuses on the Peruvian activist and intellectual, José Mariátegui, who is widely regarded to have been a leading Marxist, liberatory, and decolonial figure in 20th century Latin America. Like many “Third World” intellectuals of the interwar (...) years, Mariátegui had an interest in decolonization struggles in Asia and wrote with some consistency on this subject and in ways that bear significantly upon key themes in his political theory. Since very little of this has received commentary, this essay begins a discussion of Mariátegui's decolonial experimentation with ideas about Asia, decolonization, and indigenous cultural forms, like those of the Incas and Confucians. After some preliminary discussion of Euro.. (shrink)

Este trabajo tiene el objetivo de argumentar cómo se manifiesta la generosidad en la vida y obra de José Martí. Muestra la necesidad e importancia de recurrir a sus obras para fortalecer este valor desde los escenarios familiares, escolares, comunitarios y sociales. Se concluyó que la generosidad constituye en la actualidad una tarea pedagógica de gran importancia y el legado martiano es una vía obligada a recorrer. This work has the objective of analyzing how the generosity in Marti's life and (...) work is expressed. It shows the need and importance of turning to his works to strengthen this value from the family, scholar, community and social scenes. It was concluded that generosity constitutes at the present time a pedagogical task of great importance and the Martian legate is an obligated way to travel. (shrink)

In the classic essays Ariel and Filosofía de la vida artística, the Uruguayan José Enrique Rodó and the Mexican Samuel Ramos present distinctive and divergent claims about aesthetics. While Rodó asserts the existence of an innate and abundant aesthetic sensibility among Latin Americans, Ramos believes that aesthetic experience is relatively rare and that aesthetic sensibility needs to be cultivated. While historical grounding in the Latin American context is missing in the works of both Rodó and Ramos, Ariel contains an argument (...) for an innate Latin American aesthetic sensibility linked to high moral development along with the hope that Latin America's youth will use their aesthetic and moral gifts to advance Latin America's place in the 20th century. In Filosofía de la vida artística, Ramos argues that the aesthetic experience in Mexico is far from innate or even widespread: on the contrary, it is rare and much in need of further development. Kant, referenced by both Rodó and Ramos, in his Critique of Judgment, argues against a relationship between aesthetic sensibility and moral capacity. Rodó, then, is at odds with Kant while Ramos's view is closer to Kant's. (shrink)

This essay explains Mariátegui’s critical relationship with Breton in terms of his views on Surrealism. In order to understand this relationship, this essay engages in an analysis of Mariátegui’s notion of the avant-garde as a synthesis of aesthetics and politics and of the positioning of Mariátegui’s avant-garde in relation to post First World War European bourgeoisie and fascism. This interpretation of Mariátegui’s reveals a determination of Surrealism as discipline that preserves this movement’s revolutionary task in different geo-historical sites. With attention (...) to the difficult, non-systematic character of Mariátegui’s writings, this essay also provides a series of concepts that could assist further interpretations of Mariátegui’s aesthetics and politics. (shrink)

En el presente trabajo se realiza una revisión del contexto histórico y sociológico en el cual nació la obra Ariel de José Enrique Rodó, a la vez que explicita las fuentes filosóficas que influyeron en su elaboración. Asimismo, se realiza una crítica de algunas de las interpretaciones más comúnmente aceptadas en torno al texto, entre estas, la supuesta antinordomanía del uruguayo. Finalmente, reivindico parte de la vigencia de este clásico libro de la filosofía de América Latina.

En el marco de la conmemoración del bicentenario se destaca una tendencia generalizada por la exaltación del bolivarismo, el nacionalismo y el indigenismo. Los tres temas evidencian una conmemoración que se caracteriza por la necesidad de recuperar la identidad o nacionalidad como instrumento de pertenencia y cohesión social. En particular en el marco de la llamada “exaltación del indigenismo” emerge la confrontación histórica entre pueblos originarios y el Estado republicano en América; esto a la luz de tres nociones, la identidad (...) latinoamericana, el nacionalismo y Estado – nación. En referencia a estas tres nociones y desde la perspectiva de la teoría de la matriz de poder colonial el foco del análisis es “ser mapuche” en el contexto de la celebración del bicentenario en Chile. (shrink)

One of the best-known aspects of José Carlos Mariátegui’s philosophy is his concept of a revolutionary myth. What does this revolutionary myth entail, how and why did Mariátegui develop this idea? The following article situates Mariátegui’s thought in both the historical and intellectual context of the 1920’s in order to answer these questions. This is relevant because Mariátegui’s philosophy and his revolutionary myth have influenced several Latin American revolutionaries such as Ernesto Che Guevara and Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path). Mariátegui’s ideas (...) have thus changed the lives and history of Latin Americans and it is important that we neither demonize nor idolize Mariátegui’s intellectual work without first attempting to understand it. (shrink)

El propósito es una lectura de la tercera edición del Facundo como estrategia de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento para la concreción de fines políticos. El estudio se centra en el nuevo escrito que el autor inserta en esta edición: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". Se aborda, desde el campo de la Historia Intelectual, la historicidad del concepto "caudillismo", analizando los usos que hace Sarmiento del término en sus diversos contextos de enunciación. A su vez se propone (...) un análisis de la historicidad del texto mismo, observando las estrategias discursivas con que opera su autor para intervenir en la escena política. The aim is a reading of the 3rd edition of Facundo as a strategy by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to achieve political purposes. The study focuses on the addition by the author in this edition of: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". It discusses, from the field of Intellectual History, the historicity of the concept of "warlordism", analyzing the uses that Sarmiento makes of the term in its various contexts of enunciation. At the same time it proposes an analysis of the historicity of the text itself, observing the discursive strategies that the author operates to intervene in the political scene. (shrink)

El propósito es una lectura de la tercera edición del Facundo como estrategia de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento para la concreción de fines políticos. El estudio se centra en el nuevo escrito que el autor inserta en esta edición: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". Se aborda, desde el campo de la Historia Intelectual, la historicidad del concepto "caudillismo", analizando los usos que hace Sarmiento del término en sus diversos contextos de enunciación. A su vez se propone (...) un análisis de la historicidad del texto mismo, observando las estrategias discursivas con que opera su autor para intervenir en la escena política. The aim is a reading of the 3rd edition of Facundo as a strategy by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to achieve political purposes. The study focuses on the addition by the author in this edition of: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". It discusses, from the field of Intellectual History, the historicity of the concept of "warlordism", analyzing the uses that Sarmiento makes of the term in its various contexts of enunciation. At the same time it proposes an analysis of the historicity of the text itself, observing the discursive strategies that the author operates to intervene in the political scene. (shrink)

Dentro de la variedad de miradas que se han establecido en torno del 98 cubano desde la historiografía, se considera de suma importancia realizar un cuestionamiento histórico-filosófico sobre el conflicto, pero partiendo de la idea de la "guerra" como concepto complejo. En este escrito se busca teorizar sobre la guerra, con el fin de dar a conocer los postulados de José Martí al respecto, en relación con los debates suscitados en el marco de los neocolonialismos y el desarrollo del proceso (...) independentista de Cuba. Among the many views that has been established around Cuban 98 from the historiography, we consider of extreme importance to make a historical-philosophical questioning about the conflict, but starting from the idea of war as a complex concept. In this paper we theorize about war to show Jose Martí's postulates in this respect, particularly in relation to the debates raised around neocolonialism and Cuban independence process development. (shrink)

Described as ‘the most original and innovative Latin American Marxist’ by Michael Löwy – a sentiment repeated by many others – the work of José Carlos Mariátegui remains a largely untapped resource in the Western Marxist tradition outside of specialist circles. This review essay considers the recent publication of a translation and anthology of Mariátegui’s work into English by Harry Vanden and Mark Becker as a first step towards correcting this trend. It highlights Mariátegui’s understanding of race, power, and identity; (...) the combined and uneven development of capital; and the role of myth and voluntarism in revolutionary struggle as key points in which the early-twentieth-century Peruvian contributes to contemporary debates in Marxist praxis in Latin America and beyond. (shrink)

The polemic was an important cultural event in 19th-century Cuba. From 1838 to 1840, issues of metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, pedagogy, and the influence of Victor Cousin’s eclecticism were discussed in the island’s leading newspapers. A brief historical account preceding the polemic is offered. It is argued that the predominant view of the polemic as motivated by a widespread desire for Cuba’s independence from Spain is misleading — promoting an emancipatory myth. Lastly, it is argued that José de la Luz y (...) Caballero’s appeal to patriotism during the polemic unwittingly established a dangerous precedent for self-appointed guardians of patriotism to condition public debates. (shrink)

El propósito es una lectura de la tercera edición del Facundo como estrategia de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento para la concreción de fines políticos. El estudio se centra en el nuevo escrito que el autor inserta en esta edición: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". Se aborda, desde el campo de la Historia Intelectual, la historicidad del concepto "caudillismo", analizando los usos que hace Sarmiento del término en sus diversos contextos de enunciación. A su vez se propone (...) un análisis de la historicidad del texto mismo, observando las estrategias discursivas con que opera su autor para intervenir en la escena política. The aim is a reading of the 3rd edition of Facundo as a strategy by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to achieve political purposes. The study focuses on the addition by the author in this edition of: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". It discusses, from the field of Intellectual History, the historicity of the concept of "warlordism", analyzing the uses that Sarmiento makes of the term in its various contexts of enunciation. At the same time it proposes an analysis of the historicity of the text itself, observing the discursive strategies that the author operates to intervene in the political scene. (shrink)

En este trabajo intentamos un acercamiento a la filosofía social desarrollada por Simón Rodríguez en el conjunto de sus escritos reflexivos sobre la realidad político social hispanoamericana de la primera mitad del siglo XIX. Argumentamos que su examen de los problemas de las repúblicas hispanoamericanas constituyen una investigación crítica en el sentido moderno de este término, esto es, una investigación sobre las condiciones de posibilidad mismas de la comunidad como espacio del buen vivir. En este sentido, su trabajopropone la aplicación (...) de criterios, como el dominio del idioma español y el cambio de costumbres, para reformar la cultura. Se concluye que su filosofía social reivindica el papel de la comunidad en las necesarias transformaciones sociales que requiere la vida republicana en América del Sur, por supuesto, sin soslayar la importancia manifiesta que tienen los individuos como agentes concretos de cambio. Simon Rodriguez: his social philosophyIn thispaper we attemptan approach tosocialphilosophydeveloped bySimon Rodriguezon the set ofhis reflectivewritingsonLatin Americansocial and politicalrealityin the first halfof the nineteenth century.We argue thatconsiderationof the problemsof theAmerican republicsare acritical research, inthe modern sense ofthe term,that is,an inquiry intothe conditions of possibilityof this particular community of nationsasa good livingspace. In thissense, thepaper proposesthe applicationof certain criteria such asSpanishlanguage proficiencyand changingof habits,to reform theculture.We conclude thatsocialphilosophyclaims the roleof the community inthe necessarysocial changesrequirea republicin South America, of course, without ignoringthe importancethat individualsmanifestasindividualagentsof change. (shrink)

“Latin American Positivism: Theory and Practice” is unique in that the work examines this subject from a multi-disciplinary prospect. The philosophy contributors examine the doctrines of Latin American positivism as they evolved during the nineteenth century while the historians study the interplay between the philosophy and the larger society.

“Latin American Positivism: Theory and Practice” is unique in that the work examines this subject from a multi-disciplinary prospect. The philosophy contributors examine the doctrines of Latin American positivism as they evolved during the nineteenth century while the historians study the interplay between the philosophy and the larger society.

Examino textos de Leopoldo Lugones y de José Ingenieros, escritos para homenajear a Domingo Faustino Sarmiento en el primer centenario de su nacimiento en 1911. Mi hipótesis es que tanto Lugones como Ingenieros se proponen legitimar un gobierno de un círculo inteligente que tiene la autoridad (la palabra y la decisión), y expone, por ende, un dogma que da fundamento a la patria y a la democracia. Dicho de otro modo, todos los actores de la patria, (productores de riqueza, obreros, (...) militares, artistas, maestros, etc.,) deben ser conducidos por esta elite inteligente (a la cual pertenecen, según ellos, tanto Sarmiento como Lugones e Ingenieros). El elitismo asociado a escritores (en el caso de Lugones) o de científicos (en el caso de Ingenieros) es el eje que articula todos sus argumentos, y es desde esta perspectiva que interpretan y evocan la figura y los escritos de Sarmiento en el primer centenario de su natalicio. I scrutinize texts of Leopoldo Lugones and José Ingenieros, written to honour Domingo Faustino Sarmiento in the first centennial of his birth in 1911. My theory is that Lugones and Ingenieros intend to legitimize a government of a clever circle that has the authority (the word and the decision), and exposes, therefore, a dogma that gives foundation to motherland and democracy. In other words, all the actors of the motherland (producers of richness, workers, military men, artists, teachers, etc.) must be led by this intelligent elite (to which, according to them, Sarmiento, Lugones and Ingenieros belong). The elitism associated to writers (in Lugones's case) or to scientists (in Ingenieros's case) is the axis that articulates the whole argument and it is since this perspective that they interprete and evoke Sarmiento's figure and writings in the first hundred anniversary of his birth. (shrink)

Darwin in Argentina -- Conflicting Systems -- Francisco Javier Muniz (1795-1871) -- Hermann Burmeister (1807-1891) -- Francisco P. Moreno (1852-1919) -- Domingo F. Sarmiento (1811-1888) -- Eduardo Holmberg (1852-1937) -- Florentino Ameghino (1854-1911) -- Jose Ingenieros (1877-1925) -- Carlos Octavio Bunge (1875-1918).

Commentary to Leslie McCall's 2005 paper "The complexity of intersectionality", with a review of her main points and some critical remarks.

This article treats the political thought of Simón Bolívar, a leading figure in South America's struggle for independence. It describes Bolívar's ideas by reference to both their broadly Atlantic origins and their specifically American concerns, arguing that they comprise a theory of `republican imperialism', paradoxically proposing an essentially imperial project as a means of winning and consolidating independence from European rule. This basic tension is traced through Bolívar's discussions of revolution, constitutions, and territorial unification, and then used to frame a (...) comparison with the founders of the United States. It suggests, in closing, that contextual similarities amongst the American revolutions make them particularly apt subjects for comparative study of the history of political thought. (shrink)

A general consensus has emerged in the scholarship on Latin American thought dating from the latter half of the nineteenth century through the first quarter of the twentieth. Latin American intellectuals widely adapted the European philosophy of positivism in keeping with the demands of their own social and political contexts, effectively making positivism the second most important philosophical tradition in the history of Latin America, after scholasticism. However, as thinkers across Latin America faced the challenges of the twentieth century, they (...) grew increasingly disappointed with positivism, so that “anti-positivism” stands out as a defining feature of Latin American philosophy in the early twentieth century. In this essay, I challenge or at least add nuance to this widely accepted narrative by demonstrating considerable continuity rather than simple rupture between positivism and “anti-positivism” in Latin America. I focus on Mexico, where both positivism and the reaction against it are generally taken to have been strongest, or at least most politically significant. After tracing the history of positivism’s transformations in Mexico from Auguste Comte (1798-1857) to Gabino Barreda (1818-1881) to Justo Sierra (1848-1912), I show how Mexico’s leading “anti-positivist” philosophers—José Vasconcelos (1882-1959) and Antonio Caso (1883-1946)—draw substantially upon their positivist predecessors. (shrink)