El objetivo del presente artículo es mostrar cómo la especificidad del discurso moral obliga a introducir un modo de exposición de nuestros conceptos que no acaba de ajustarse plenamente a ninguno de los dos modelos presentados por Kant en el parágrafo 59 de la Crítica de la facultad de juzgar. Situándose a medio camino de esquema y símbolo, la noción de «tipo» actúa como elemento mediador entre la ley moral y cada una de sus posibles concreciones.

El trabajo que sigue presenta la obra Hiperión o el eremita en Grecia como un intento literario de pensar vías de unificación de la escisión fundamental de la conciencia planteada en el texto Juicio y ser. Partiendo de una diferenciación de los diversos planos narrativos de la novela, mostramos la insuficiencia de las experiencias de unidad vividas por Hiperión como consecuencia de una falta de comprensión del carácter > de la Naturaleza. Asimismo, justificamos la necesidad de un final inconcluso de (...) la novela y la función que desempeña la gratitud como disposición anímica desde la que cantar poéticamente la realidad. (shrink)

El artículo Sensibilización y moralidad en Kant presenta una exposición de la filosofía práctica kantiana desde los presupuestos epistemológicos que vertebran el conjunto de la filosofía trascendental. Si, como sostiene Kant, el fundamento de la posibilidad de que nuestros conceptos signifiquen de un modo cognoscitivamente válido radica en la posibilidad de referir o exponer tal representación conceptual en la intuición, cabe concebir como especialmente problemática la representación (exposición o «sensibilización») del concepto de deber moral, en la medida en que las (...) exigencias de universalidad y necesidad que le son inherentes le convierten en un concepto completamente inderivable de la experiencia. Este artículo investiga el concepto kantiano de «exposición simbólica» en el contexto de un modelo de significación que atienda a la especificidad del campo de la moralidad, y pretende esclarecer en qué sentido debe entenderse la exigencia kantiana de un uso analógico del concepto de naturaleza en la reflexión sobre la corrección moral de nuestras acciones. (shrink)

A pesar de las escasas referencias al lenguaje en la obra de Kant, cabe plantear la existencia de una concepción semántica latente en el conjunto de la filosofía trascendental. La cuestión del significado se corresponde en Kant a la pregunta por el fundamento de la relación entre una representación universal (o tipo) y el particular que le corresponde. De acuerdo con lo presentado en el parágrafo 59 de la Crítica de la facultad de juzgar, dos son los modelos que nos (...) permiten pensar toda posible relación particular-tipo (hipotiposis): la exposición esquemática y la exposición simbólica. El objetivo principal del presente artículo es analizar la naturaleza, función y lugar sistemático de la noción de exposición esquemática en cuanto modelo de significación operante en el dominio teórico, mostrando a su vez la crítica implícita a la comprensión del funcionamiento de nuestros conceptos en autores como Locke, Berkeley y Hume. Se ubicará asimismo el concepto de exposición simbólica en el contexto de la problemática de una exposición de las ideas de razón. (shrink)

Despite the limited references to language in Kant’s work, there is an implicit conception of meaning in trascendental philosophy as a whole. The question about meaning is equivalent to the question about the basis of the relation between a universal representation (or type) and the token which corresponds to it. In the 59th paragraph of the Critique of Judgement, Kant considers two models which allow us to think all possible type-token relations (hypotyposis): the schematic and the symbolic exposition. The main (...) aim of our paper is to analyze the nature, function and systematic place of the schematic exposition as the signification model that applies in the theoretical domain. We will also bring about Kant’s implicit criticism of the understanding of the functioning of our concepts, as found in Locke, Berkeley and Hume. A brief glimpse into the notion of symbolic exposition will be given as well, by pointing at the problem of an exposition of our ideas of reason. (shrink)

The editorial introduces the papers in this special issue on the political turn in foundational theories of meaning.

I argue that Scanlon's Value of Choice View does not offer a plausible account of substantive responsibility. I offer a new account, which I call the Potential Value of Opportunities View. On this view, when a person is in a position to freely and capably make an informed choice, we assess her situation not by the outcome she achieves but by the potential value of her opportunities. This value depends on the value of the various things that she can achieve (...) through her choices, as well as on how disposed she is to choose her better options and avoid her worse options. This view explains the priority we give to preventing harm that a person cannot avoid by choosing appropriately over harm that a person can so avoid by the fact that the second person has a valuable opportunity that the first does not have. It explains the importance of protecting people against choosing badly by the value of being placed in circumstances in which one is disposed to choose well, and the disvalue of being exposed to the danger of coming to harm by choosing badly. (shrink)

This article explores three distinct approaches to politics identified by Deleuze and Guattari. I argue that they consistently privilege a 'problematic' approach entailing individuals and associations establishing norms on the basis of the potential they possess within a concrete situation, and that this implies resistance to both the 'theorematic' politics they associate with statist philosophy and struggles aiming to alter the 'axiomatic' determination induced by global forces of capital. While this resistance necessarily proceeds in relation to established notions of identity (...) and value, it must also do more than aim for the establishment of particular institutional 'constants,' including particular democratic procedures and human rights. (shrink)

It's often said that it is impossible to respond to non-evidential considerations in belief-formation, at least not directly and consciously. Many philosophers think that this provides grounds for accepting a normative thesis: typically, some kind of evidentialism about reasons for belief, or what one ought to believe. Some also think it supports thinking that evidentialist norms are constitutive of belief. There are a variety of ways in which one might try to support such theses by appeal to the impossibility-claim. In (...) this paper, I put pressure on these various attempts by raising a simple yet overlooked problem for them. In brief, the problem is that it isn't true that one cannot (directly and consciously) respond, in belief-formation to considerations that don't actually constitute (good) evidence for the proposition under consideration; what is true, at most, is that one cannot (directly and consciously) respond, in belief-formation to considerations that one oneself takes to be evidentially irrelevant to that proposition. While this point is obvious once stated, its significance hasn't been appreciated, or so I'll argue. Once we take full account of it, the standard arguments from the impossibility-claim to evidentialism don't go through. (shrink)

Don Marquis offered the most famous philosophical argument against abortion. His argument contained a novel defence of the idea that foetuses have the same moral status as ordinary adults. The first half of this paper contends that even if Marquis has shown that foetuses have this status, he has not proven that abortion is therefore wrong. Instead his argument falls victim to problems similar to those raised by Judith Thomson, problems that have plagued most anti-abortion arguments since. Once Marquis's anti-abortion (...) argument is shown to fail, this raises the question of whether there is some way to circumvent the problems. The second half of the paper argues that this issue hinges on important questions about responsibility for risky behaviour and the duties of parenthood. Because we have yet to develop appropriate theoretical frameworks for judging such questions, we cannot yet know whether Marquis's anti-abortion argument — and indeed most other anti-abortion arguments — can be completed. (shrink)

An interview with Philippa Foot about her book 'Natural Goodness' and the development of her thought. (Note: A slightly revised version appears in Conversations on Ethics, OUP 2009).

Epicurus posited that the best life involves the greatest pleasures. He also argued that it involves attaining tranquillity. Many commentators have expressed scepticism that these two claims are compatible. For, they argue, Epicurus’ tranquil life is so austere that it is hard to see how it could be maximally pleasurable. Here, I offer an Epicurean account of the pleasures of tranquillity. I also consider different ways of valuing lives from a hedonistic point of view. Benthamite hedonists value lives by the (...) sum of pleasures minus the sum of pains, weighted by intensity and duration. Meanwhile, Binmore proposes that Epicurus valued lives by their worst episode. In contrast, I offer an Epicurean argument for why the best life is one in which a person attains tranquillity and tastes its pleasures until death. (shrink)

Philippe van Parijs (2003) has argued that an egalitarian ethos cannot be part of a post- Political Liberalism Rawlsian view of justice, because the demands of political justice are confined to principles for institutions of the basic structure alone. This paper argues, by contrast, that certain principles for individual conduct—including a principle requiring relatively advantaged individuals to sometimes make their economic choices with the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged—are an integral part of a Rawlsian political conception (...) of justice. It concludes that incentive payments will have a clearly limited role in a Rawlsian theory of justice. (shrink)

This paper critically analyses the priority-setting rules used by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) in the UK and proposed by the Netherlands' Council on Public Health and Health Care (RVZ). It argues that neither gives proper weight to improving the lot of those who are worse off than others.

Edition of the commentary on Aristotle's De interpretatione by an anonymous Parisian master from the first half of the 13th century.

La historia del movimiento feminista chileno demuestra que independiente de la permanencia de condiciones de desigualdad de género en el tiempo, la acción colectiva emerge como producto de la apertura de estructura de oportunidades y de la agencia de un grupo articulado de activistas. Los movimientos de mujeres en Chile han surgido en el marco de estas condiciones, disolviéndose luego de la consecución del propósito unificador. En este trabajo planteamos que la estructura de oportunidades para la acción feminista se ha (...) abierto bajo la administración Bachelet, pero que la política de la representación característica de los movimientos históricos no es la única -ni la más efectiva- alternativa para avanzar demandas de género. Un análisis de la fragmentación de los movimientos de mujeres post-dictadura indica la necesidad de atender al problema que plantea para los movimientos sociales el forjamiento de una identidad que represente al grupo. En este trabajo sostenemos que una política de representación debe dar paso a una política de coalición, no sólo por sus posibilidades democráticas, sino que también porque en el nuevo marco socio-cultural, la conformación de coaliciones en torno a demandas de género es la vía más efectiva hacia la transformación del orden de género. (shrink)

En forma de carta dirigida al amigo ausente se hace un elogio de la vida virtuosa y del conocimiento universal que brota de la cuna sencilla. No hay mayor apertura que el amor por la verdad y la tolerancia.

Una de las constantes del momento actual es la desconfianza en los humanismos. Una razón es la fundamentación ideológica de los humanismos que conduce a un totalitarismo de Estado o un totalitarismo de ideas que controlan la vida de los humanos. Se fija un concepto de hombre como único concepto verdadero y se trata de que toda la colectividad acepte y viva para ese concepto. Así, se proponen humanismos marxistas, occidentalistas, étnicos, nacionalistas, políticos, que tienen su propio nacimiento, desarrollo, moral, (...) símbolos y escatología. Hay una visión del hombre propia de un momento histórico o sociopolítico que se trata de considerar como la verdadera, una Weltanschauung que encierra la verdad única sobre la naturaleza humana. A la persona común y corriente sólo le queda acomodar su vida a esos conceptos negando muchas veces su propia individualidad y contexto. El resultado es la hegemonía y dominación del concepto sobre la realidad social e individual. (shrink)

Reconstruction of Radulphus Brito's account of the signification of universal names in his commentaries on Aristotle's Organon.

Resumo: Neste ensaio, pretende-se uma aproximação crítica e interpretativa sobre o conceito de “devir negro”, na atualidade, trazido, sobretudo, pelo pensador camaronês Achille Mbembe. Seu pensamento se insere num contexto de fluidez da compreensão desses temas, a partir da lógica capitalista, no continente africano e no mundo. Dessa maneira, buscou-se refletir acerca da constituição do pensamento de Mbembe e da forma como ele compreendeu as práticas de governamentabilidade, na superação da dominação colonial. Defende-se que é preciso afirmar-se negro, para negar (...) o lugar que lhe foi imputado, ou seja, empreender um processo de negação para um “devir”. Portanto, negar-se como “o outro” do “outro”, mas, sim, afirmar-se como seu igual na diferença. Com efeito, a estereotipia negativa contra o negro e o aprofundamento das diferenças entre os grupos étnicos ganham novas e outras dimensões, em função do modo de exploração capitalista.: In this essay, a critical and interpretive aproach to the concept of “devir black” is nowadays brought, above all, from Cameroonian thinker Achille Mbembe. His thinking is part of a context of fluidity in the understanding of these themes based on capitalist logic in the African continent and in the world. In this way, we sought to reflect the constitution of Mbembe’s thought and the way he understood the practices of governance in overcoming colonial domination. It is argued that it is necessary to claim to be black instead of denying the place attributed to it, that is, to undertake a process of denial for a “becoming”. Therefore, to deny yourself as “the other” of the “other”, but rather to assert yourself as your equal in difference. Indeed, the negative stereotypy against blacks and the deepening of differences between ethnic groups, takes on new dimensions, based on the mode of capitalist exploitation. (shrink)

This paper uses Carl Ginet's concept of “disinterested justification” to identify the boundaries of the epistemic authority of courts. It claims that courts exercise this authority only in the “interest-free” zone, in which their determinations of disputed facts’ probabilities can be made and justified on epistemic grounds alone. This is not the case with the “interest-laden” domain, where courts allocate risks of error under conditions of uncertainty. This domain is controlled by the risk-allocating evidentiary rules: burdens of proof, corroboration, hearsay, (...) opinion, character, and others. These rules are driven by moral and political, rather than epistemic, reasons. Their role is to allocate the risk of error among plaintiffs, defendants, and prosecution by setting forth probability thresholds for findings of fact and the criteria for adequacy of the evidence upon which those findings can be made. (shrink)

This is Political Philosophy is an accessible and well-balanced introduction to the main issues in political philosophy written by an author team from the fields of both philosophy and politics. This text connects issues at the core of political philosophy with current, live debates in policy, politics, and law and addresses different ideals of political organization, such as democracy, liberty, equality, justice, and happiness. Written with great clarity, This is Political Philosophy is accessible and engaging to those who have little (...) or no prior knowledge of political philosophy and is supported with supplemental pedagogical and instructor material on the This Is Philosophy series site. (shrink)

Citizenship issues are in the vanguard of the democratization process of the European Union. As a result, much academic debate has centred on the significance, worth, and potential of the status of European Union citizen bestowed on all member state nationals by the Maastricht Treaty. This article traces the growing debate on ‘European’ citizenship in the form of a literature review. It places the debate in the context of the EU's own evolution and argues that citizenship, whether broadly or narrowly (...) conceived, is currently in a frozen condition, since it was one of the major issues whose discussion was postponed by the member governments at the Amsterdam summit of 1997. Nonetheless, the creation of the status of EU citizen has unleashed expectations of greater inclusivity in decision making which the EU cannot afford to ignore if the democratization process is to continue. The likely result is an experiment in post‐national citizenship based on a multilevel Europolity and the separation of ethnic and political memberships. (shrink)