Japan is the world’s largest producer of love simulation games, revealing a curious feature: these games, in theory, assign female players to the unique task of seducing a male character, but, in reality, they promote the establishment of a network of friendship between women. Love cannot be achieved if this network is not carefully woven both in play and in real life. Based on the analysis of this double dynamics, outwardly contradictory, I would like to advance the following hypothesis: that (...) such games enable their users to ‘outsmart’ gender expectations. These games, called otome games, became popular in the context of a national panic related to the declining birthrate: they target the market of women who – living alone or with their parents – are held responsible for the future shortfall of the system. These new generations of women don’t start a family. They have no children. How do they manage to ward off exclusion and stigma? The study will focus on the strategies collectively devised to turn otome games into an identity-building tool, promoting friendship between players as a means of resistance against social norms. (shrink)

Le Japon est le premier producteur de jeux vidéo à l’eau de rose. Appelés « jeux pour jeunes filles » (otome gēmu), ils proposent des gammes de « beaux gosses » formatés sur le modèle du prédateur, entraînant l’héroïne dans une histoire d’amour proche du rapt. Les scénarios reposent sur la mise en scène d’une perte de pouvoir, où la joueuse renonce à son libre arbitre. Les personnages les plus agressifs sont « irrésistibles », expliquent les fans qui désirent être (...) « prises au piège ». En étudiant ces jeux et les tensions qu’ils révèlent, j’espère éclairer les dynamiques sociales dont ils reproduisent, et déconstruisent, les logiques. Ils sont indissociables du contexte qui les a vu naître : celui d’une baisse record du nombre de mariages et de naissances, pour lesquelles les autorités désignent comme coupables les « personnes qui vivent seules » (o‑hitori‑sama). Pourquoi préfèrent-elles des partenaires fictifs aux hommes de chair et d’os? J’y vois l’expression d’une ambivalence à l’égard du mariage, désiré mais redouté. (shrink)

Le Japon est le premier producteur mondial de jeux vidéo « à l’eau de rose ». Ces jeux de simulation amoureuse présentent une caractéristique curieuse : théoriquement, ils assignent la femme à la tache unique de séduire un personnage masculin, mais, dans les faits, ils favorisent la mise en place d’un réseau d’amitié entre femmes. C’est de ce réseau – tissé à la fois dans le jeu et dans la vraie vie – que dépend le succès en amour. M’appuyant sur (...) l’analyse de cette double dynamique, contradictoire en apparence, j’aimerais proposer l’hypothèse suivante : que les jeux permettent de « déjouer » les mécaniques sociales de l’injonction. Ces jeux nommés otome games s’inscrivent en effet, de façon significative, dans le contexte d’une panique nationale liée au déclin de la fécondité : ils visent le marché très porteur des nouvelles générations de femmes qui – vivant seules ou chez leur parents – sont tenues pour responsables de la faillite à venir du système. Elles ne fondent pas de foyer. Elles n’ont pas d’enfant. Comment parviennent-elles à conjurer l’exclusion? L’étude portera sur les stratégies collectivement mises au point pour faire des otome games un outil de construction identitaire, favorisant l’amitié entre joueuses comme moyen d’entrer en résistance. (shrink)

Le Japon est le premier producteur mondial de jeux vidéo « à l’eau de rose ». Ces jeux de simulation amoureuse présentent une caractéristique curieuse : théoriquement, ils assignent la femme à la tache unique de séduire un personnage masculin, mais, dans les faits, ils favorisent la mise en place d’un réseau d’amitié entre femmes. C’est de ce réseau – tissé à la fois dans le jeu et dans la vraie vie – que dépend le succès en amour. M’appuyant sur (...) l’analyse de cette double dynamique, contradictoire en apparence, j’aimerais proposer l’hypothèse suivante : que les jeux permettent de « déjouer » les mécaniques sociales de l’injonction. Ces jeux nommés otome games s’inscrivent en effet, de façon significative, dans le contexte d’une panique nationale liée au déclin de la fécondité : ils visent le marché très porteur des nouvelles générations de femmes qui – vivant seules ou chez leur parents – sont tenues pour responsables de la faillite à venir du système. Elles ne fondent pas de foyer. Elles n’ont pas d’enfant. Comment parviennent-elles à conjurer l’exclusion? L’étude portera sur les stratégies collectivement mises au point pour faire des otome games un outil de construction identitaire, favorisant l’amitié entre joueuses comme moyen d’entrer en résistance. (shrink)

This essay tells the story of early French ethology—“the science dealing with the habits of living beings and their relations, both with each other and with the cosmic environment.” The driving force behind this “ethological movement” was the biologist Alfred Giard (1846–1908). The essay discusses how the ethological viewpoint of Giard and his pupils developed in a period in which the current disciplines of field biology were not yet crystallized. It also shows how concepts and research interests could travel within (...) Giard's network from one working context to another, even from one discipline to another. By studying this traveling process, the essay reveals that, unlike the modern ethology of Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen, Giard's ethology was not a discipline at all but, rather, a scientific attitude. This scientific attitude triggered a reappraisal of fieldwork, but at the same time Giard's ethology was never limited to the field alone. It also found its way to the laboratory, the museum, and the zoo. -/- . (shrink)

ABSTRACT This essay tells the story of early French ethology— “the science dealing with the habits of living beings and their relations, both with each other and with the cosmic environment.” The driving force behind this “ethological movement” was the biologist Alfred Giard (1846– 1908). The essay discusses how the ethological viewpoint of Giard and his pupils developed in a period in which the current disciplines of field biology were not yet crystallized. It also shows how concepts and research interests (...) could travel within Giard’s network from one working context to another, even from one discipline to another. By studying this traveling process, the essay reveals that, unlike the modern ethology of Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen, Giard’s ethology was not a discipline at all but, rather, a scientific attitude. This scientific attitude triggered a reappraisal of fieldwork, but at the same time Giard’s ethology was never limited to the field alone. It also found its way to the laboratory, the museum, and the zoo. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:A Bridge From Analysis to Action:Psychodynamic Analyses of Religion and Michael S. Hogue's American ImmanenceAJ Turner (bio)I. IntroductionThe purpose of this essay is to work constructively with Michael S. Hogue's groundbreaking American Immanence: Democracy for an Uncertain World to demonstrate how psychodynamic analyses of religion are essential theoretical allies in the fight for resilient democracy. The "revolution in mind"1 that psychodynamic approaches contribute, especially in their analyses of religion, (...) both complements and complicates socio-political theory as a whole. In the improvisational spirit of "yes-and," the goal here is not to identify and decry the failures and shortcomings of Hogue's theopolitical vision but rather to inspire the recovery of a sibling discourse—a kind of "rebirth of a forgotten alternative"2—that also draws deeply from the American immanental tradition in order to add psychodynamic depth to Hogue's timely and important analysis. Psychodynamic theories of religion shed light on how symbolic identifications, including and especially ultimate concerns, structure personal and collective experience. By engaging religion and theology sympathetically, constructively, and creatively, theorists such as Rollo May, Gordon Allport, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, and Ernest Becker departed from the skepticism, reductionism, and dismissal that characterized psychoanalytic analyses of religion in the wake of Freud.3 Each of these figures, and especially Becker whose work will be a focus in this essay, are noteworthy interlocutors for extending Hogue's theopolitical theorizing of resilient democracy, particularly in how they drew unique inspiration from the American immanental tradition [End Page 44] in their social analyses. In this respect, they provide a more robust theorization of the psychosocial conditions of the associational ethos needed to connect Hogue's conception of resilient democracy with forms of agonistic organization and democratic activism. Briefly stated, psychodynamic approaches are a helpful bridge for connecting these proposals to strategies of organization, their impediments, and collective action.In this way, both psychodynamic analyses of religion and Hogue's theopolitical innovation insist that no revolutionary political change is possible, and certainly not of the kind or scale needed to counter our wickedly entangled global crises, without a deep engagement with theological imaginaries. They differ, however, in their theoretical aims. Whereas Hogue compellingly argues for the political upshot of a theology deriving from the American immanental tradition, psychodynamic analysts of religion focus on the function of ultimate concerns in individual and collective life. In other words, American Immanence rests on a methodology of analyzing the philosophical and theological assumptions that have contributed to our climate crises and then presenting clear and compelling articulation of an alternative paradigm meant to open up new ways of being. In contrast psychodynamic analyses leverage conceptual clarity of psychic reality for the fundamentally therapeutic aim of transformation. At their best, both approaches share what could be called an etiological orientation to ontological questions in order to provide liberative alternatives through rational understanding and clarification, but the terrain, and thus the problems they hope to mitigate in their analyses are focused differently. Extending the visual metaphor, they are different lenses highlighting different areas of the same landscape. Furthermore, it must be said that neither are sufficient in themselves, but the psychodynamic theorists of religion to be highlighted in this essay share deeply with Hogue's heading in American Immanence.II. A Problematic AssumptionIn emphasizing and attempting to explain4 the role of non-rational processes in the both individual and social processes of perception and organization of experience, psychodynamic theories confound a widely held and problematic assumption that the triumph of rational analysis is the hallmark for building the society to which we should aspire. Political theory in general, [End Page 45] especially as it has taken its cues from a rationalist legacy about the inherently liberating force of Reason, has been weighted toward an assumption that its task of exposing the mystifications of power would suffice in inspiring more "rational" and therefore necessarily equitable social organization. This speaks to the longstanding socio-political interest in "consciousness raising" tactics, which are often meant to dispel "false consciousness." It even comes across in the emphases of Deweyan pragmatists on education. Psychologists of all stripes point out that this approach... (shrink)

For many Christians, personal experiences of God provide an important ground or justification for accepting the truth of the gospel. But we are sometimes mistaken about our experiences, and followers of other religions also provide impressive testimonies to support their religious beliefs. This book explores from a philosophical and theological perspective the viability of divine encounters as support for belief in God, arguing that some religious experiences can be accepted as genuine experiences of God and can provide evidence for Christian (...) beliefs. (shrink)

A. W. Price explores the varying ways in which context is relevant to our reasoning about what to do.

Publicación compilatoria que recoge los avances que en los últimos tiempos se han producido en materia normativa sobre acceso a los recursos genéticos, en un intento por implementar los principios del Convenio sobre la Diversidad Biológica (1992).

Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951) was an extraordinarily original thinker, whose influence on twentieth-century thinking far outside the bounds of philosophy alone. In this engaging Introduction, A.C. Grayling makes Wittgenstein's thought accessible to the general reader by explaining the nature and impact of Wittgenstein's views. He describes both his early and later philosophy, the differences and connections between them, and gives a fresh assessment of Wittgenstein's continuing influence on contemporary thought.

The elephant in the room -- Crabs and octopuses -- The central intelligence of a frog -- The cerebral cortex and consciousness -- Social consciousness -- Yoda and Darth: how can we find -- Consciousness in the brain? -- The hard problem and other perspectives on consciousness -- Conscious machines -- Uploading minds -- How to build visual consciousness.