One of the important questions in the interpretation of Rawls’s philosophy is the connection between the two problems he wrote about throughout his life – justice and legitimacy. In this paper, I take the difference principle as a special feature of Rawls’s theory of justice, while I take the idea of the public reason as a special aspect of his theory of legitimacy, and I try to show that both aspects are connected, that is, that we should not see them (...) as two separate projects. I am trying to show that we should formulate the justification of the difference principle as a justification of a particular socio-economic arrangement rather than as an abstract principle, one that is better than other legitimate arrangements. For Rawls, property-owning democracy and liberal socialism are socio-economic arrangements that realize the difference principle. The main difference between the two systems is that in the first one, private ownership of the means of production is allowed, but it is widely dispersed. In this paper, I try to show how such a system can be publicly justified. The justification that we need to use is precisely the one that Rawls formulates through the idea of the public mind, by referring to the political values contained in our public political culture. (shrink)

Članak razmatra pojam demokracije Johna Deweya u odnosu na ranije i suvremene radikalno ljevičarske ideje. Ističu se slična epistemološka, antropološka i politička stajališta u ovim teorijama. Vrlo je važno odbacivanje ili podcjenjivanje političke demokracije i naglasak na demokratskom životu s ciljem stvaranja novog društva, posve drukčijeg od postojećih društava. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. Prvi dio istražuje razumijevanje demokracije kao nepolitičkog fenomena i kao sinonima za novi oblik ljudske egzistencije u mladog Marxa te kasnijim stavovima Marxa i Lenjina o (...) demokraciji kao »hipokriziji«. Drugi dio analizira Deweyev pojam demokracije kao »načina povezanog življenja« i skreće pozornost na neke značajne podudarnosti i, također, razlike spram Marxovih ranih ideja. Treći dio razmatra razumijevanje demokratskog društva kao identičnog s globalnim društvom u kojem komunikacija među ljudima nije ograničena političkim granicama. U ovom se pitanju također prepoznaju značajne podudarnosti u mišljenju Marxa, Deweya i nekih suvremenih mislilaca . Zaključak je da su politička demokracija i demokratsko društvo kompatibilni, no ideja neke vrste novog nepolitičkog demokratskog društva osim globalnog društva se smatra nerealističnom. (shrink)

Političko je obrazovanje dio općeg obrazovanja; utoliko se doima smislenijim posvetiti se opsežnijem, kako bi se ono podrobnije moglo razvrstati na odgovarajući način. Stoga sljedeća promišljanja ne trebaju stajati direktno pod geslom »demokracija i obrazovanje«, već imaju za zadaću razjasniti pitanje »obrazovanja u uvjetima demokracije«. U tu će svrhu Bolonjski proces ponajprije biti prikazan kao izričaj dominantnog razumijevanja obrazovanja u Njemačkoj odnosno Europi. Nakon okretanja ka humboldtovskom pojmu obrazovanja kao izrazu ideala, nekoć karakterističnog za široka područja školskog i univerzitetskog (...) obrazovanja u Njemačkoj, daljnji povijesni korak unazad trebao bi dovesti do platonskog pojma obrazovanja – kao izraza onog humanizma koji je u 19. stoljeću Humboldt postavio kao mjerilo vlastite školske i univerzitetske reforme. Na kraju, u kratkom rezimeu, povijesni početak i povijesni kraj bivaju usporedno suprotstavljeni. (shrink)

Avtorica obravnava aktualne razprave o modernizmu in postmodernizmu z vidika projekta radikalne demokracije. Dokazuje, da zavračanje moderne racionalistične univerzalistične epistemologije ne pelje nujno v politični konserva-tivizem. Nasprotno, kritika te epistemologije odpira možnosti za artikulacijo projekta radikalne in pluralne demokracije. Avtorica označuje ta projekt kot nadaljevanje demokratične revolucije s pomočjo postmodernistične kritike.

Polazeći od nekih razmatranja o obuci učitelja općenito, a i o normativnom primatu liberalizma nad demokracijom, autor zagovara stajalište da bi političko obrazovanje u srednjim školama trebalo podučavati osnove političkih institucija i pravnog sistema kao takve. Međutim, čini se da postoji rastući konflikt između učenja demokraciji i sposobnosti političkog prosuđivanja u sve kompleksnijoj i raznolikijoj političkoj stvarnosti.

John Dewey je, mimo Ch. S. Peircea i W. Jamesa, znan ne samo kao utemeljitelj klasičnog američkog pragmatizma, već i po bitnom obolu razvoju suvremene reformske pedagogije, kao i obolu legitimaciji demokratskog društvenog modela, što je u međuvremenu postalo poznato i izvan okvira akademskog konteksta obrazovanja. U sljedećem članku valja iz perspektive teorije djelovanja sistematski detektirati implicitan odnos među njegovim konceptima pragmatizma, pedagogije i demokracije, kao i manevarski prostor ili ograničenja koja odatle proizlaze za sadašnjost. Uslijed spomenutog, u središte dospijeva (...) pitanje uspješne životne prakse, zrcaljene u Deweyevom pledoajeu za dokidanje klasičnog dualizma teorije i prakse na socijalnoj, političkoj, etičkoj i znanstvenoj razini. (shrink)

Avtorica obravnava alternativo med skeptično in racionalno argumentacijo kot izsiljeno izbiro, s katero se konstituira tako subjekt v navadni govorici kakor subjekt v demokraciji. Članek analizira skeptično in racionalno argumentacijo kot dva načina, kako se subjekt lahko izogne izsiljeni izbiri in nemožnosti govorice na eni strani in neutemeljenosti demokracije na drugi. Subjekt skeptične argumentacije se izogne temu, da bi vzel nase brezopornost govorice in demokracije, tako, da ubeži v neskončno ponavljanjerefutacije, subjekt racionalne argumentacije pa v neskončno približevanje pogojem idealne argumentacije.

U ovom članku raspravljamo o hipotezi proširenog jastva Andyja Clarka i Davida Chalmersa, a osobito o prigovoru prema kojemu proširenom jastvu nedostaje stabilnost i kontinuitet koji su potrebni da bismo ga smatrali identičnim kroz vrijeme. Pokušavamo pokazati da je taj prigovor neodrživ. Raspravljamo i o gledištu prema kojemu se drugi tip jastva, to jest narativno jastvo, također može shvatiti kao prošireno, i tvrdimo da stabilnost i kontinuitet toga tipa jastva također nisu ugroženi ako ga proširimo izvan granica čovjekova tijela. (...) Stoga, barem što se tiče tih tipova jastva, kada razmišljamo o problemima osobnog identiteta, nije potrebno ograničiti se na internalizirano jastvo. (shrink)

Šiame straipsnyje siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, kas galėtų susieti filosofiją ir vizualiuosius bei žodinius menus. Ar įmanoma ir jei taip, tai kaip įmanoma reflektuoti visus menus kaip vieno kūrybinio įvykio momentus? Siekiant atsakyti į šį klausimą, pirma, aptariamas logikos ir kūrybiškumo susikertant menui ir filosofijai susidūrimas, antra – žodžio ir vaizdo nebendramatiškumas, surastas / išrastas belgų siurrealisto René Magritte’o ir reflektuotas Michelio Foucault. Čia sugrįžtama prie klasikinio F. Niezsche’s disputo su Sokratu apie logikos ir kūrybiškumo priešpriešą ir siekiama atsakyti į (...) klausimą, kurią pusę – Sokrato ar F. Nietzsche’s – paremia šioje diskusijoje Gilles’is Deleuze’as ir Félixas Guattari. Atrodytų, kad jie suderina logiką ir kūrybiškumą, pastebėdami, kad menas nėra nei mokslinio mąstymo, nei filosofijos koreliatas ar papildas, kad trys minties formos – menas, mokslas ir filosofija – turi po nepriklausomą specifinę kryptį, Kita vertus, interpretuodamas I. Kantą, G. Deleuze’as pastebi disharmoniją tarp vaizduotės, supratimo ir proto, ir, sekdamas Antonino Artaud’o įžvalgomis, jis išskiria naują minties tipą kaip tarpinę teritoriją tarp žodžio ir vaizdo. (shrink)

Predmet ovog rada je Vitgenštajnovo razlikovanje i novo razumevanje pojmova znanja i izvesnosti u spisu O izvesnosti iz kojih proističe i njegova inovativna kritika skepticizma. On pokazuje da čitava rasprava o skepticizmu nastaje zato što i tradicionalni epistemolozi poput Mura i skeptik pogrešno shvataju prirodu takozvanih murovskih iskaza koji predstavljaju sadržaj naših osnovnih verovanja kao i naš stav prema njima. Vitgenštajn tvrdi da ovi iskazi nisu ni istiniti ni lažni već da funkcionišu poput pravila te da stoga ne mogu biti (...) ni predmet znanja niti podložni sumnji. Naš stav prema njima nije epistemički već je odraz praktične sposobnosti učešća u jezičkoj praksi. Vitgenštajnov najubedljiviji i najoriginalniji argument protiv skepticizma pokazuje da skeptik, formulišući svoje sumnje, dovodi u pitanje sopstveno razumevanje reči kojima se pritom služi. Na kraju se tvrdi da sam Vitgenštajn zastupa jednu vrstu naturalizma hjumovskog tipa. (shrink)

U članku se, prije svega, tvrdi da većina odgojne prakse u liberalno-demokratskom društvu službeno teži promicanju, kako ga nazivam, ‘ideala demokratskog karaktera’ za građane budućnosti. On utjelovljuje deweyjevsko uvjerenje da demokracija nije samo oblik političke zajednice nego i način življenja u kojem se pojedinci mogu razvijati u socijalno pravednim okolnostima. Zahtjevna priroda tog ideala se može činiti problematičnom, no nastojat ću pokazati da tomu nije slučaj. Ono što jest problem je omjer u kojem aktualna teorija i praksa odgoja odudara (...) od ideala, bez obzira na službene prigovore tom idealu. Deweyjevski uvidi u poveznice između oblika odgoja i oblika društva ukazuju da suvremena izdaja ili napuštanje ideala demokratskog karaktera iziskuje radikalnu kritiku stanja u kojem razmatranja suvremene kapitalističke ekonomije podrivaju široko prihvaćene težnje za dobrim životom i odgojem koji pridonosi ostvarenju tih težnji. (shrink)

Prvi del prispevka obravnava besedilno ustavo – in argument namena, s katerim razlagalci včasih radi istovetijo svoje odločitve v konkretnem sporu z voljo ustavopisca. Takšno rabo tega argumenta avtor izpodbije. Z miselnim eksperimentom pa nato utrjuje še, da bi ustavna teorija morala razlikovati med istočasno vplivnimi a) besedilno ustavo, b) predstavnoskladnimi oziroma ideološkimi ustavami in c) habitusom v smislu družbene ustave. | Besedilo je bilo napisano ob dvajsetletnici Ustave RS in objavljeno v jubilejnem zborniku: Igor Kaučič , Dvajset let Ustave (...) Republike Slovenije. Pomen ustavnosti in ustavna demokracija. (shrink)

Avtor obravnava Serresovo kritiko koncepta globalne zgodovine na eni strani in njegovo relati-viziranje koncepta rekurentne zgodovine znanosti na drugi strani. Iz dejstva, da je mogoče v realni zgodovini znanosti odkriti vsaj dva osnovna tipa temporalnosti: sekano, diskontinuirano temporalnost invencije in kontinuiteto tradicije, izpelje Serres trditev, da lahko kompleksnost zgodovinskega razvoja znanosti pojasnimo le s kombinacijo zveznih in nezveznih modelov zgodovine znanosti.

In the main part of the paper an analysis of liberalism and globalization has been offered. It has been argued in the third part of the paper that the process of association between Serbia and Montenegro and European Union would contribute substantially to the solution of the so called "coordination problem" in Serbia and Montenegro-the country heavily burdened and ravaged by its historical past, recent civil wars, NATO bombardment and corruptive economy. U radu se razmatraju pojmovi liberalizma i globalizacije. Rezultati (...) analize ovih pojmova vode stanovistu da proces prikljucenja Evropskoj uniji moze u velikoj meri da pomogne resenju problema ekonomske i politicke koordinacije u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori. Prema misljenju autora, resavanje problema koordinacije kroz proces pridruzenja Evropskoj uniji je istovremeno put neizbeznog prilagodjavanja Srbije i Crne Gore globalnom okruzenju liberalno-demokratskog tipa. (shrink)

U članku se rekonstruira politički i duhovni kontekst osnivanja Hrvatskoga filozofskog društva kao i temeljna motivacija njegovih utemeljitelja. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata iz Sovjetskog je Saveza importiran marksističko-lenjinistički dogmatizam staljinističkog tipa te je uspostavljen kao obvezatan okvir svake filozofije. Mlađi utemeljitelji usredotočili su svoje filozofske napore na kritiku i delegitimiranje dogmatizma. Ukazali su na unutarnje protuslovnosti i na neodrživost marksističko-lenjinističkog dogmatizma, te na njegovu nespojivost s Marxovim mišljenjem. Time su stvorili pretpostavke za razvitak jedne međunarodno priznate filozofije u šezdesetim (...) godinama prošlog stoljeća.In diesem Aufsatz werden den politischen und geistigen Kontext der Begründung als auch die Grundmotivation der Begründer der Kroatischen Philosophischen Gesellschaft rekonstruiert. Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wurde aus Sowjetunion einen marxistisch-leninistischen Dogmatismus stalinistischer Prägung importiert und als obligatorische Umrahmung irgendeiner Philosophie instaliert. Die jüngere Begründer konzentrierten ihren philosophischen Bemühungen auf die Kritik und Delegitimierung des Dogmatismus. Sie hinwiesen auf die innerlichen Widersprüchlichkeiten und Unhaltbarkeit marxistisch-leninistisches Dogmatismus, als auch auf seine gründliche Unvereinbarkeit mit dem Marxschen Denken. Damit schufen sie die Voraussetzungen für die Entwicklung einer international anerkannten Philosophie im sechzigen Jahren letztes Jahrhunderts. (shrink)

U teoriji holarhijske evolucije Kozmosa Wilber razlikuje četiri temeljna tipa holarhija, shvaćajući da ih je nemoguće svesti na jednu, osnovnu holarhiju. Mapa četiriju kvadranata ukazuje na dimenzionalnost i »dubinskost« njegove kozmologije. Pojmovi »holon« i »holarhija« ključni su pojmovi u Wilberovoj interpetaciji stupnjeva spiralnoga razvoja ljudske svijesti. U teoriji spiralne dinamike društvenoga razvoja Dona Becka i Chrisa Cowana poznati su kao »Memi« – sustavi temeljnih vrijednosti, reprezentanti beskonačnih stupnjeva progresa ili regresa. Na modelu »spiralne dinamike« Wilber interpretira stupnjevanje unutarnje transformacije (...) koja prati razvoj svijesti, posvećujući posebnu pažnju četirima stupnjevima »višega«, transpersonalnog razvoja koje još naziva »psihičkim«, »suptilnim«, »kauzalnim« i »nedvojnim«. To su razine svijesti na kojima um prestaje, a o njima svjedoče mistične, kontemplativne i jogičke tradicije. Na ovome mjestu njegova teorija postaje znanstveno neprihvatljiva i, time, problematičnaIn his theory of a holarchic evolution of Cosmos, Wilber distinguishes four fundamental types of holarchies, realizing that there is no possibility to reduce them to one, basic holarchy. The map of four quadrants indicates dimensionality and profundity of his Cosmology. Notions such as “holon” and “holarchy” represent the key notions in his interpretation of spiral evolution stages of human consciousness. In the theory of spiral dynamics of social development, created by Don Beck and Chris Cowan, they are known as “Memes”– systems of core values, the representatives of infinite stages of progress or regress. By means of a spiral dynamics model, Wilber interprets staging of the inner transformation that accompanies the evolution of consciousness, paying special attention to four stages of a “higher”, transpersonal evolution, which he also calls “psychic”, “subtle”, “causal” and “nondual” stages. These are levels of consciousness where the mind stops and which are testified by various mystic, contemplative and yoga traditions. At this point, his theory becomes scientifically unacceptable and rather problematic. (shrink)

Remiantis F. Nietzsche’s ir G. Deleuze’o tekstų analize, siekiama parodyti, kad pagal klasikinio mąstymo kanonus ypač problemišku dalyku tampa naujos minties pasirodymo galimybė. Klasikinis mąstymas traktuojamas kaip sėslios egzistencijos tipas ir jam priešinamas klajokliškas, nomadiškas mąstymas. Pasitelkiant Deleuze’s išskirtus atpažinimo ir susitikimo modelius, pirma, siekiama pagrįsti požiūrį, kad ir Nietzsche’s filosofiją galime vadinti nomadišku mąstymu ir atitinkančią susitikimo modelį ir antra, siekiama išryškinti naujybės specifiką ir jos steigties transcendentalines sąlygas. Reikšminiai žodžiai: valia siekti galios, interpretacija, simptomatika, sėslusis mąstymas, nomadizmas, atpažinimo (...) modelis, susitikimo modelis. F. NIETZSCHE AND G. DELEUZE: THE SEDENTARY LIFE SYMPTOMATICS AND NOMADIC THINKING CONFRONTATIONS Arūnas Mickevičius Summary The article deals with F. Nietzsche’s and G. Deleuze’s attitude to classical thought. Nietzsche’s theoretical constructs are based on the principle Wille zur Macht, where he emphatically praised active forces and accused all classical thinking of turning away from life and associating it with reactive, negative forces. Nietzsche’s philosophy denies the exceptionally unique true opinion of the world and offers, instead, a variety of interpretations, i. e. a perspectivist approach to the world. In describing architectural metaphors of classical thinking he shows that it is reactive, life-denying, that its assumed grandeur in fact hides the poverty of life. On the other hand, Nietzsche attempts to release the metaphoric power from the single axiom of Truth, to release creativity, to legitimize a perspective, interpretative view of the world, based on the mentioned “will-to-power” principle and related to assertive powers of active life. Also, there are analyzed two models of knowledge, recognition and encounter, proposed by G. Deleuze. The main aims of the article is to demonstrate first, that Nietzsche’s philosophy can be named as nomadic thinking which corresponds to the model of encounter and, second, reveal the transcendental conditions of innovation. Keywords: will to power, interpretation, symptomatics, sedentary life, nomadism, encounter model, recognition model. (shrink)

Prior to this intervention the site used to be a degraded fiscal property, that functioned as a bus yard, a police legal deposit, and a restaurant parking lot. Underneath it runs the Maldonado stream culvert, covered by a concrete slab at a depth of only -20cm. Next to the site is a 5m high railroad embankment. The plot is strategically located at the end of Juan B. Justo avenue and works as a gateway to the Tres de Febrero park (also (...) known as Bosques de Palermo, the Buenos Aires’s biggest green space designed by Charles Thays in 1875). It is situated in the neighborhood of Palermo, an area that underwent a vertiginous residential and commercial expansion since the late 90´s. -/- The design approach is influenced by the adjacent urban fragments: the grounds of the Sociedad Rural Argentina, the surrounding Avenues Santa Fe-Sarmiento; the opening of Darregueyra street expected for the near future, the implementation of historic preservation guidelines for the Tres de Febrero Park, and the proposal for the development of nearby railroad yards. -/- Specifically, the project seeks to minimize the impact of the fast traffic that runs along Bullrich avenue, improving pedestrian and cycle access to the park. At the same time it defines new landscape features, utilizing the earth made available by the tunneling works of a new subway line. -/- The project comprises the structuring of an existing 800 meter long embankment and the transformation of the sidewalk into a public promenade. This is achieved through a wider sidewalk of 12m on average, which is part of a series of longitudinal stripes ranging from high speed to quiet spaces. The first band of grass and aged tipas (tipuana tipu) buffer pedestrian and cyclist from automotive traffic. Cycle traffic is organized on its own lane. The sidewalk itself contains several bays that act as urban lounges. Next, a continuous concrete bench delimits the beginning of the slope, backed by a stripe of grass that works as a soft extension. Finally, plants for contemplation are arranged as undulating traces. Rhythmic use of retaining gabions defines longitudinal segments of varying slope, unifying the spacial criterion. This series is punctuated by an amphitheater and framed by triangular plazas at the corners. -/- Material choices for hard surfaces are constrained by concerns of durability, low cost, and consistency with other ongoing public works. -/- Hard materials, as well as the plant selection needed to be low-maintenance. The palette was kept to reinforced concrete, granitic slabs, and granite stone in large size –forming retaining gabions- and as loose finishing for pavements. Likewise, the lack of a protective enclosure and of continuous surveillance dictated that urban furniture and fixtures be anti-vandalic. The stealing of these components –from inspection lids, to benches, to plants- is a common problem in urban spaces in many Latin American cities. To prevent this, fixtures must be designed according to precise specifications regarding their weight, fixing and anchoring systems, and mechanical parts. -/- Sidewalks are organized through a 6 meter grid made of granitic white slab, infilled with textured combed nonslip concrete modules. Extended bays and corner squares are finished with white and black slabs respectively. These materials are similar to another used in public spaces under construction, in the believe that it creates a collective identification of themselves along the city. -/- The continuous reinforced concrete bench is 1.10 m wide, in order to allow people to use it in non-conventional ways. Further up on the slope, undulating paths separate plant species and provide access for gardening, but are also open to use by the public. They are paved with 2 meter-long precast concrete slabs (smaller and lighter pieces were avoided to deter robbery). As they reach the gabions they connect with sloping paths covered with loose granitic stones. The gabions themselves allow the creation of varying slopes while contributing to retaining the soil, which is reinforced with geosynthetic fabric in the perimeter to avoid landslides originated by strong rains typical of the region. -/- Urban furniture is featured on the wider bays of the sidewalk and at corner plazas. It includes seats, water fountains, bicycle racks, wastepaper baskets. As a counterpoint to the linear concrete bench, groups of concrete seats are arranged informally. These seats are a reinterpretation of the dynamic BKF chair (also known as Butterfly chair), the classic Argentinean design of the 1930’ by Antonio Bonet, Juan Kurchan, and Jorge Ferrari-Hardoy. A few low concrete tables complete these spaces as authentic urban lounges. Lighting design accompanies the general features of the project and creates a new scenography emphasizing night-time usage. -/- Landscape gardening criteria is set up by a selection of various species of high-resistant pasture (grass). The higher the slope, the higher the grass, increasing the final volumetric result. Based on considering the original tipas line (tipuana tipu, a species from the north of Argentina, yellow flowering) as a vertical wall that frames the view, the horizontal stripes contain a single species each, differing in size, shade and flowering periods –adding, in the middle band, a changing color on the big green plane slope in the same chromatic range. The final configuration of the stripe sequence from bottom to top: bermuda grass, bulbine frutescens, euryops pectinatus. The upper band existing native species is reinforced with new samples: paspalum exaltatum + cortadera selloana and ipomea + thumbergia climbing the railway fence. Each sector between gabions has an automated system of drip irrigation. Near the corner plazas, several palms are planted to provide shade and identity to the street-crossing. -/- The intervention proposes an ambivalent effect on the landscape, trascending the merely ornamental by accompanying the motorist in speed, while conforting the pedestrian with spaces for contemplation and urban relax. (shrink)

Kljub temu, da je bil Louis Rossel eden vodilnih akterjev v francoski državljanski vojni, se ga veliko manj spominjamo in je tudi veliko manj spoštovan kot vodilni misleci komune. Tu analiziram njegovo sodelovanje pri tem dogodku in pri predhodni kampanji Nacionalne obrambe, opirajoč se pri tem tako na biografijo Edith Thomas kot na Rosslova lastna posthumna dela. Prevladujoča domneva, da je Rossla motivirala lastna ambicioznost, ki naj bi bila pogubna za usodo komune in nasprotujoča njenim revolucionarnim egalitarnim načelom, se na (...) podlagi obstoječih dokazov zdi poenostavljena. Še več, takšni domnevi lahko nasprotujemo z interpretacijo komune in državljanske vojne v Franciji kot drame, še posebej če se navežemo na dela Jeana-Pierra Vernanta in Pierra Vidala-Naqueta o grški tragediji. (shrink)

Tema je ovoga članka odnos između modernog procesa globalizacije i demokracije. Razmatranje započinje konceptom demokracije, njegovim različitim značenjima i raznim slojevima, zamkama i paradoksima, posljedicama i učincima, prednostima i nedostatcima u obzoru suvremenog života. Nakon uvoda u temu, članak ocrtava kratki povijesno-filozofijski pregled razvoja globalizacije od drevnih vremena do suvremenog svijeta. Žarište filozofskog gledišta jest ono dvojice značajnih autoriteta i nasuprotnih pristupa u procesu razvoja ‘svjetskog društva’ – Immanuela Kanta i Georga Wilhelma Friedricha Hegela. Kant je objasnio sredstva statusa ‘svjetskog (...) građanstva’ kao ‘prirodne svrhe’. Hegel je izložio nužnost razvoja svjetske povijesti do stanja globalne slobode. Pitanje: ugrožava li process stvaranja globalnog društva demokraciju u modernom svijetu – ključno je pitanje danas. Svi se slažu da globalizacijski proces oslabljuje područje autentičnog političkog djelovanja. Demokracija ima izvor u ‘polisu’ ili malome gradu- republici, te je simbol vladavine u maloj političkoj zajednici. Korak od demokracije polisa prema demokraciji nacionalen države bio je rezultat promjene od izravne prema predstavničkoj demokraciji. Prijelaz s nacionalne na supranacionalnu i globalnu politiku zahtijeva novu bitnu transformaciju demokracije. (shrink)

Polazeci od prve krivulje u izradi koncepta 'postajanja-manjinom' Deleza i Gatarija ispitujemo odnos koji postoji izmedju dva pravca problematizacije tog koncepta: analize istorijskih antagonizama cije su drustvene manjine danas 'nad-odredjeno' mesto; identifikacije jednog tipa pozicije unutar kolektivnih nacina iskaza. Time razmatramo, isto tako, i problem onoga sto bi moglo da znaci politicko zauzimanje manjinske pozicije u diskursu. Upravo na taj nacin suocavamo borbe manjina shemi borbe klasa, ispitujemo odredjene veze izmedju procesa 'proleterizacije' i 'minorizacije' te na toj osnovi zasnivamo (...) pitanje novog internacionalizma. (shrink)

Ovaj prilog je nastavak autorovog teksta iz proslog broja casopisa 'Filozofija i drustvo'. U prilogu autor razmatra evoluciju religijske svesti ruskog stanovnistva i medjusobni odnos drustva, religije i crkve predstavljajuci je u vidu svojevrsnog religijskog klatna. Ispitujuci kretanje pomenutog klatna autor analizira religijsku situaciju i vernicku strukturu carske, sovjetske i savremene Rusije. U tom dugom vremenskom periodu mogu se postulirati tri tipa vernicke strukture: stabilna vernicku strukturu dorevolucionarne Rusije, destabilizovana vernicka strukture u sovjetsko vreme, restabilizovana struktura tokom 90-ih godina (...) proslog veka i nova stabilizovana vernicka struktura poslednjih godina. (shrink)

The paper analyses the philosophical aspects of the 'religion - national mythology' synthesis. The main directions of the study are as follows: 1. Both on the individual and social plan, the orientation of the transcending universalizing power of religion could vary depending on the macro-social movements a community /or an individual/ is involved in. For the individual as for the community, religion could be a cultural position transcending ego and ethno-centrism, mono-cultural tendencies; in situations of internal differentiation and disintegration of (...) these entities, the universalizing binding role of religion is partialized and determined by various social groups, who are often in opposition to each other due to their economic political, ethnic, psychological features; 2. This process is usually related to the invalidation of universally uniting religious-moral bonds and values and intensification of differences: power, property, doctrinal differences to a shift of the weight center from internal spiritual movements /particularly typical of mysticism, asceticism, priesthood/ on to practical social action - reformist heresies, the various practical theologies of revolution, liberation, the religious-motivated wars; 3. When reduced to an ethnic, political, or state emblem, religious affiliation to Judaism, Islam Orthodoxy, Catholicism, Protestantism has become and still remain a tool for the sacralization of military and political conflicts. In religion-motivated conflict situations, opposing parties de-sacralize their Sacred Books as their acts contradict the books' moral content; 4. The power of historical mythologies is in reverse proportion to the capacity of a nation to periodically renew its social life world - its psychological attitudes labour relations, political stereotypes; 5. In this type of situation religion is usually reduced to 'belonging', as G. Davie put it, at the expense of 'believing' and a corresponding moral behavior. The religious universe becomes thus subordinated to partial group values, instead of standing above them. Ovaj tekst analizira filozofske aspekte sinteze 'religija - nacionalna ideologija'. Sledeci su glavni pravci studije: 1. I na individualnom i na drustvenom planu, usmerenje na transcendiranju, univerzalizaciji moci religije moze varirati u zavisnosti od makrosocijalnih kretanja zajednice koji je u njih ukljucen. Kako za pojedinca tako i za zajednicu, religija bi mogla biti kulturno stanoviste koje transcendira egocentrizam i etnocentrizam, kao i monokulturna kretanja; u situacijama unutrasnjih raslojavanja i dezintegracije tih entiteta, univerzalizujuca uloga religije je parcijalizovana i odredjena od razlicitih drustvenih grupa koje cesto stoje nasuprot jedna drugoj zbog njihovih politickih, ekonomskih etnickih i psiholoskih osobina. 2. Taj je proces obicno povezan s obezvredjivanjem univerzalno ujedinjujucih religijsko-moralnih vrednosti i intenziviranjem razlika: moc, svojina, doktrinalne razlike; 3. Kada su svedeni na etnicke, politicke ili drzavne simbole, religiozna pripadnost judaizmu, islamu, pravoslavlju, katolicanstvu, protestantizmu postaje i ostaje sredstvo za sakralizaciju vojnih i politickih sukoba. U situacijama sukoba koji religijski motivisani, protivnicke strane desakralizuju svete knjige druge strane kako njihova dela protivrece moralnom sadrzaju tih knjiga. 4. Moc istorijskih mitologija je u obrnutoj srazmeri sa sposobnoscu nacije da periodicno obnovi svoj drustveni svet zivota - svoja psiholoska drzanja, radne odnose, politicke stereotipe. 5. U situaciji tog tipa religija je obicno svedena na 'pripadnistvo', kako na to ukazuje G. Dejvi naustrb 'verovanja' i odgovarajuceg moralnog ponasanja. (shrink)

Shvaćajući kulturni pluralizam kao činjenicu suvremenog liberalno demokratskog društva, uočava se njegova problematičnost u odnosu na same liberalno-demokratske ideje. Demokracija polazi od prava većine, a liberalizam polazi od pojedinca kojemu su osigurana temeljna prava i dužnosti zanemarujući činjenicu njegova mogućeg pripadanja manjinskoj kulturi. Može li se odgovor na zahtjev kulturne različitosti pronaći isključivo u teoriji ljudskih prava ili je potrebno dopustiti postavljanje posebnih prava za pripadnike različitih manjinskih kultura? Je li takva posebna prava dovode u pitanje ideal jednakosti koji (...) se oduvijek smatrao temeljem pravednih odnosa? Will Kymlicka, polazeći sa svog liberalnog stajališta, navodi kako jedna obuhvatna teorija pravednosti u multikulturalnom društvu treba uključivati i opća prava, koja su pripisana svim pojedincima bez obzira kojim skupinama pripadali, ali i određena grupno-diferencirana prava ili »specijalni status« za manjinska prava.Understanding cultural pluralism, as a fact of the modern liberal democratic societies, it is problematic regarding the very liberal democratic ideas. Democracy starts with the majority rule, and liberalism is based on the individual, whose basic rights and duties are ensured, disregarding the fact of possible belonging to a minority culture. Can the answer to the demand of cultural diversity be found exclusively in the human rights theory or must we allow the setup of special rights for the for the members of different minority cultures? Do such “special rights” question the ideal of equality that was always considered to be a base of justice? Will Kymlicka, starting from his liberal standpoint, states that a comprehensive theory of justice in multicultural society must include both the general rights ascribed to all individuals, regardless of which groups they belong to, and the specific group-differentiated rights or “special status” for minority rights. (shrink)

During 'cyclic' historical periods it would be correct to interpret religious processes in terms of interaction of two essentially different, but substantially, structurally and functionally comparative types of integrating cultural complexes that, in historical perspective, compete with each other on the effect on individuals and society in general. Such complexes represent secular and religious culture. Contemporary socio-cultural situation can be defined as an asymmetric representativeness of both secular and religious cultures. In a modern secular society, dominance of a secular culture (...) over a religious one can be manifested in three basic dimensions: substantial, regulative and subjective ones. Secular culture is adopted during the primary socialization process. However, religious culture is still adopted through conscious, voluntary selection in younger or more mature age. It may be possible to determine two basic attitudes of the contemporary man towards religion. The first attitude may be called 'reversive' and the other one 'conversive'. Za 'ciklicne' istorijske periode ispravna je interpretacija religijskih procesa u terminu uzajamnog dejstva dva sustinski razlicita ali sadrzajno, strukturalno i funkcionalno komparativna tipa integrisucih kulturnih kompleksa koji u istorijskoj perspektivi jedan drugom konkurisu u uticaju na pojedinca i drustvo. Takvi kompleksi su svetovna i religiozna kultura. Savremena sociokulturna situacija se moze definisati kao asimetrija reprezentativnosti svetovne i religiozne kulture. Dominacija svetovne nad religioznom kulturom u savremenom sekularizovnom drustvu manifestuje se u tri osnovne dimenzije: predmetnoj, regulativnoj i subjektivnoj. Svetovna kultrura se masovno usvaja u procesu primarne socijalizacije. Religiozna kultura se pak, usvaja samosvesnim, voljnim izborom u mladjem ili starijem uzrastu. Moguce je izdvojiti dva osnovna nacina obracanja savremenog 'sekularizovanog') coveka religiji. Prvi nacin mozemo nazvati 'reverzivnim' a drugi 'konverzivnim'. (shrink)

The text deals with the recently renewed issue of?antiphilosophy? in the self-understanding of some prominent contemporary continental philosophers but not only them, such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Zizek, both referring to the psychoanalyst and theoretician of discourse Jacques Lacan. Starting with a metaphorical analysis of the verdict made by Marx of?merely interpretive? character of philosophy in relation to?the study of real world? and with his comparison of philosophy with?masturbation?, the text addresses new appeals to?antiphilosophy? as samples of a token (...) or rather, as cases of a syndrome connected with Jocasta?s rationalization of Oedipus? curse. It was her discourse based on general rules of rationality with which she unconsciously attempted to avoid the confrontation with the truth of an event which had already occurred. In the text, presuppositions and consequences of such an analogy between ancient and contemporary philosophical material are discussed in order to show-on the basis of arguing that the unconscious is located within rational processes that subjects undertake in order to respond to rational needs -that contemporary discussion about?antiphilosophy? by left-wing philosophers bears unacknowledged tendencies to unconsciously reduce Marx? algorithm of?realization of philosophy? to the Hegelian negation of the negation and to integrate it into the discourse of academic philosophy. Tema teksta je nedavno iznova pokrenuto pitanje "antifilozofije" u samorazumijevanju nekih prominentnih suvremenih evropskih filozofa, ali ne samo njih, kao sto su Alain Badiou i Slavoj Zizek koji se obojica pozivaju na psihoanaliticara i teoreticara diskursa Jacquesa Lacana. Polazeci od metaforicke analize Marxovog iskaza o "puko interpretativnom" karakteru filozofije u odnosu na "studij stvarnog zivota" i od njegove usporedbe filozofije s masturbacijom, tekst se obraca novim pozivanjima na "antifilozofiju" tretirajuci ih kao primjerke jednog tipa, ili radije kao slucajeve jednog sindroma, povezanog s Jokastinom racionalizacijom Edipovog prokletstva; njezin diskurs utemeljen na opcim pravilima racionalnosti nesvjesni je pokusaj izbjegavanja susreta s istinom dogadjaja koji se vec dogodio. U tekstu se ispituju pretpostavke i posljedice takve analogije izmedju antickog i suvremenog tekstualnog materijala s ciljem da se pokaze - na temelju argumenta da je nesvjesno locirano unutar racionalnih procesa koje subjekt poduzima da bi udovoljio racionalnim potrebama - da suvremeno razumijevanje "antifilozofije" nosi u sebi neprepoznate tendencije na lijevom krilu suvremene filozofije da se Marxov algoritam ozbiljenja filozofije reducira na Hegelovu negaciju negacije i integrira u diskurs akademske filozofije. (shrink)

Otpor is discussed in the text as a complex and contradictory new type of social movement, whose members attempted to contribute to the tradition of enlightened reform of social and political life in Serbia, simultaneously in a highly pragmatic and in a creative, possibly even irresponsible manner. After the introduction, analyzed are popular and media narratives on the characteristics of the movement, dilemmas concerning the founding of the movement and meaning of its key symbols, and the Faustian question of goals (...) and consequences of foreign, in particular American influences. Following is a discussion of strategic and tactical roles of Otpor in the coordinated project of ousting Milosevic. Otpor?s role is then re-interpreted in the frame of the?electoral revolution?, developed by Valerie Bunce, Sharon Wolchik and Michael McFoul. An assessment of the transformation of Otpor from an active social movement into an exportable blueprint for non-violent political revolutions is offered in lieu of a conclusion. U radu se o Otporu raspravlja kao o slozenom, pa cak i kontradiktornom drustvenom pokretu novog tipa, koji je na krajnje pragmatican, a istovremeno i veoma mastovit, stvaralacki nastrojen, na trenutke cak neozbiljan i neodgovoran nacin pokusao da nastavi tradiciju prosvecenog reformisanja drustvenog i politickog zivota u Srbiji. Autor zapocinje analizu razmatranjem medijskih i narodskih narativa o Otporu. Potom se prelazi na pitanje nastanka pokreta i mogucih znacenja njegovog imena i kljucnih simbola. Sledeci odeljak bavi se "faustovskim" pitanjem vrsta i posledica stranih uticaja na nacin funkcionisanja Otpora. Zatim se prelazi na razmatranje specificnih strateskih i taktickih uloga Otpora u koordinisanom projektu rusenja Milosevicevog rezima. Sledi pokusaj teorijskog odredjenja politickog projekta ciji je konstitutivni deo bio i Otpor, a koji pociva na modelu izborne revolucije koji su razvili Valeri Bans, Seron Volcik i Majkl Mekfaul. U epilogu se razmatra kako je pokret, iako politicki mrtav, zahvaljujuci projektima nekadasnjih aktivista uspeo da preraste u jedan od poznatijih srpskih izvoznih "brendova". (shrink)

Avtorica umešča utopije oziroma utopične tekste v zgodovino idej in ugotavlja, da je žanr utopičnega romana s tematiko o realnih in idealnih oblikah vladavin prispeval k odkrivanju resnega v utopijah. Skozi ta postopek si utopija prisvoji zahteve racionalnega diskurza, postane izziv racionalnosti. Določanje tipa racionalnosti, ki je na delu v utopijah pa pomeni iskanje statusa koncepta. Utopija se vzpostavi kot anti-koncept — kot sistematično nasprotovanje realnemu; kot protimodel — v tem je razvidni pomen utopije za racionalnost.

Je li politika identiteta novi emancipacijski potencijal koji u formalizam liberalnih demokracija unosi zbiljski kulturni, socijalni i vrijednosni sadržaj grupnih identiteta ili se pak radi o kategorijalno proturječnom i neodrživom projektu koji razara autonomiju liberalnodemokratskog građanstva?Autor nastoji uravnoteženo odvagnuti značaj, poteškoće i doseg politike identiteta. U prvom dijelu razmatra se slojevitost i dinamičnost osobnih i grupnih identiteta, te političke artikulacije identiteta koje prethode današnjim raspravama. U drugom dijelu razmatraju se zahtjevi i poteškoće politike identiteta. One proizlaze iz njezina ishodišna (...) stajališta o političkom primatu koncepcije dobra pred koncepcijom prava, odnosno jednakom javnom i pozitivnom priznanju te prihvaćanju grupnih identiteta i socijalnih određenosti u političkoj artikulaciji zajednice. Naposljetku, autor ističe osobit značaj i izglede korektivnih vrijednosti politike identiteta za demokratsku pravednost.Is identity politics a new emancipatory potential which brings real cultural, social and value content of group identities into formalism of liberal democracies, or is it a case of categorically contradictory and untenable project which destroys autonomy of liberal-democratic citizenship?The author tries to weigh the importance, difficulties and scope of policy of identity in a balanced manner. The first part deals with the complexity and dynamics of personal and group identities, as well as political articulations of identities that precede the current discussions. In the second part the requirements and difficulties of identity politics are being considered. They arise from its starting position regarding the political primacy of the concept of the good over the concept of right, i.e. equal public and positive recognition and acceptance of group identities and social determination in the political articulation of community. Finally, the author emphasizes the special importance and prospects of corrective values of identity politics for democratic justice. (shrink)

The paper analyses John Stuart Mill’s harm principle and its proper application in the process of drafting and evaluating laws, political decisions, and measures used to prevent the spread of contagious diseases. By interpreting Mill as an epistemic democrat and an epistemic liberal, the paper focuses on Mill’s thoughts regarding the decision-making procedures appropriate for legislation in a pandemic. Additionally, it discusses the proper division of epistemic and political labor, one of the most important mechanisms Mill uses to filter the (...) public will, and demonstrates how Mill’s arguments can help us balance between epistemic and moral virtues, i.e. between democratic and expert-oriented decision-making. (shrink)

On the twentieth anniversary of the death of one of the most important contemporary political and social philosophers, John B. Rawls (1921–2002), in this paper the authors deal with his understanding of the relationship between civil disobedience and freedom within the framework of a liberal constitutional democracy based on the rule of law. The fundamental starting point of Rawls’s theory, and thus of this work, is that civil disobedience expresses disobedience to the law within the limits of fidelity to the (...) law, although it is at the outer edge thereof. If the freedom of thought expressing disobedience to unjust laws is one of the fundamental freedoms, then civil disobedience can be understood not only as a corrective to liberal constitutional democracy but also as a realistic attempt to “save” it. This is an important topic of contemporary political philosophy, considering the increasingly widespread discourse about the crisis of liberalism in general today, and the impact of that crisis on the institutions of liberal constitutional democracy, among which the state stands out, but in fact law and the legal system as a whole. (shrink)

Na podlagi Deweyjevega razlikovanja med »zgolj združbenim obnašanjem« in »resnično družbenim obnašanjem« skuša članek pokazati, da lahko delo razumemo kot tisti dejavnik, ki omogoča prehod od prvega do drugega, tj. do skupnosti delovanja oziroma do sodelovanja. Izpeljava izpostavi demokratične zmožnosti, ki so lastne delu, in nazadnje privede do možnosti, da bi delovno okolje obravnavali kot demokratično javno mesto, ki bi lahko utemeljevalo vse druge prostore te vrste.

This paper describes research into the development and characteristics of particular qualities of democratic school culture and democratic school management in primary schools. The research involved 651 teachers from the City of Zagreb and Zagreb County. Research involved a survey that used a questionnaire containing the Instrument for measuring characteristics of democratic school management and the Instrument for measuring the characteristics of democratic school culture. Overall, the results show that teachers perceive management in their schools as moderately democratic to very (...) democratic. Rating the characteristics of school culture, teachers note the moderate development of both democratic and non-democratic characteristics of school culture; however, they more greatly consider their own school culture to possess democratic characteristics. Teachers at the beginning of their careers and those employed in schools whose current headmaster has been in his/her position less than five years perceive higher levels of democratic school management. Teachers employed in suburban or small schools perceive higher levels of characteristics of democratic school culture. (shrink)

I discuss the origins of the idea of a political “Left”. I trace them back to historical circumstances of the French Revolution and, behind them, to ways of symbolical representation to be located within the framework of symbolic spatial organization of the social space. “Left” is, more than a concept, a symbol or a metaphor. That Left is connected in its very roots with the idea of equality. The very idea of democracy is connected in a similar way both to (...) the ideal of Equality and to the idea of a Left. Besides, the universally shared normative ideal of democracy and the (to a point) universally shared normative ideal of equality are carried as a matter of course by the very framework of democracy as a set of institutions. (shrink)