本书内容包括:四岳之后、姓氏称谓、东海上人、早年坎坷、时定入周、为文王师、封建齐国、强国方略、政略特色等。.

For almost 700 years shoguns ruled Japan. These "gentleman warriors" developed a dedicated system of honor and strict guidlelines of behavior that Taira Shigesuke first brought together in his 16th century book—Bushido Shoshinshu. Present to a modern audience in clear, easy-to-read English, this new translation captures the majesty of the higher principles as well as the usefulness of the daily advice. From principles such as "a samurai should keep foremost in his mind the fact that he must die" to rules (...) regarding duty, personal obligation and even money management, this book sets out the guidelines that defined Japan's "way of the warrior." Honor and obligation are emphasised above all to the reader, who is taught that a samurai is expected to be indifferenet to pain, unquestioningly loyal, and an expert in his training. (shrink)

Internet usage data from around the globe show that adolescents are the most frequent Internet users, but mostly for leisure activities and maintaining social contacts. In the present study, we focused on Internet use for e-services, which could improve youth efficiency in the financial domain and bridge the online divide in youth. Specifically, we explored how societal constructs influence the use of the Internet for online shopping, e-banking and communication with providers of goods and services online. We used a representative (...) sample of adolescents from 10 countries of Southeast Europe where a great variability in Internet use is present, and where the use of e-services is generally lower than the EU average. This also allowed for meaningful cross-country comparisons. We tested a structural equation model of values predicting the use of the Internet through institutional trust which was grounded in social capital theory, cultural theory and Schwartz human values model. The model exhibited a good fit to the data but the strengths of regressional paths were rather modest. Looking into the cross-country stability of the model, however, revealed some notable differences: while the relationship between trust and use of the Internet for e-services was modest in some countries, the relationship was insignificant in other countries, where Internet usage is lower in general. This suggests that strategies aimed at leveraging e-services and digital technology potential in youth should also account for cultural specificities in the transitional economies and cultural settings with sub-optimal adoption of digital services. (shrink)

The paper introduces Vailati’s life and works, investigating Vailati’s education, the relation to Peano and his school, and the interest for pragmatism and modernism. A detailed analysis of Vailati’s scientific and didactic activities, shows that he held, like Peano, a a strong interest for the history of science and a pluralist, anti-dogmatic and anti-foundationalist conception of definitions in mathematics, logic and philosophy of language. Vailati’s understanding of mathematical logic as a form of pragmatism is not a faithful interpretation of Peano’s (...) conception, but it is essential to understand the relations of Peano’s logic with other philosophical traditions and some epistemological aspects of Peano’s perspective, such as the search for a universal language. (shrink)

The thought of Pierre Klossowski, praised by Foucault, Blanchot, Deleuze, has been scarcely addressed by the philosophical community. We argue in this article that this is largely due to the frequent difficulty of understanding his work as a whole: both his artistic and literary production and his interpretations of Nietzsche or Sade form a coherent whole, whose significance has a deeply critical political scope. The notion of unproductive spending, which occupies a central place in Bataille's work, will be rearticulated in (...) Klossowski's reflections through the concepts of drive, phantasm, simulacrum, value and consumption. In The Living Currency, the political dimension of these terms appears clearly: relying on a rereading of Fourier and Sade, the author shows the extreme degree of deformation of what we assume as a reality in modern industrial society. In this sense, his thinking takes on special relevance today, as a revelation of the excess and unhingedness of a society in which production and consumption are reproduced without limit through the infinite reflections produced by the game between drives, ghosts and simulacra. (shrink)

Il saggio propone una traccia di ricerca per l’elaborazione di una teoria politica della cooperazione, ovvero per la considerazione del fenomeno cooperativo come caratterizzato da una peculiare modalità di azione collettiva, non ricompresa nella celebre distinzione hirschmaniana tra Exit, Voice e Loyalty. Chi partecipa all’impresa cooperativa non crede nelle possibilità di successo sia dell’opzione voice che di quella exit, ma pratica una forma diversa di azione che si basa sulla fiducia in se stessi e nei soci che hanno interessi comuni. (...) Questa forma di azione collettiva può essere preliminarmente definita come entry. L’entry riporta all’interno del mercato chi aveva scelto l’opzione exit, conservando al tempo stesso quella carica di contestazione delle relazioni capitalistiche tipica dell’opzione voice. L’impresa cooperativa, in virtù di questa doppia caratteristica dell’azione dei suoi soci, rappresenta quindi un’opzione, oltre che economica, anche politica. (shrink)

Random House, Jonathan Cape, London, 244 Pages Index Translated from the Italian by Jenny McPhee and Matrha Mcphee.

Este artículo propone una relectura contemporánea de los textos de La Religión dentro de los límites de la mera razón en los cuales Kant esboza la idea de una comunidad ética universal. Esta idea kantiana se puede parangonar con las ideas de otros pensadores de la ilustración, que anticiparon la emergencia de nuevos sujetos sociales cosmopolitas diferentes del sujeto político encuadrado en las estructuras formales del Estado moderno, los cuales no se plantean fines directamente políticos, pero en cuanto tienen presencia (...) en el espacio público, adquieren también una relevancia política significativa. La comunidad ética, sin la cual no podríamos ser personas morales, es para Kant algo ya existente, como comunidades informales, particulares, fragmentadas, e independientes del sistema de las instituciones jurídico-políticas. Se trata de hacer reflexivos los fines morales de estas comunidades para que puedan abrirse a la unidad de todo el género humano. La significación de esta idea kantiana se redescubre y se puede valorar más adecuadamente recién hoy, en el contexto de los debates actuales de la filosofía política, a partir del descentramiento del Estado y del retorno de la sociedad civil, o de la recuperación de su autonomía, y de las redes de integración que significan formas de globalización alternativas. (shrink)

Personal review record, as a form of personally identifiable information, refers to the past review information of a reviewer. The disclosure of reviewers’ personal information on electronic commerce websites has been found to substantially impact consumers’ perception regarding the credibility of online reviews. However, personal review record has received little attention in prior research. The current study investigated whether the disclosure of personal review record influenced consumers’ information processing and decision making by adopting event-related potentials measures, as ERPs allow for (...) a nuanced examination of the neural mechanisms that underlie cognitive processes. At the behavioral level, we found that the purchase rate was higher and that the reaction time was shorter when the review record was disclosed, indicating that the disclosed condition was more favorable to the participants. Moreover, ERPs data showed that the disclosed condition induced an attenuated N400 component and an increased LPP component relative to the undisclosed condition, suggesting that the former condition gave rise to less cognitive and emotional conflict and to more positive evaluations. Thus, by elucidating potential cognitive and neural underpinnings, this study demonstrates the positive impact of reviewers’ disclosure of personal review record on consumers’ purchase decisions. (shrink)

Este artigo apresenta a diferenciação do conceito de poder no pensamento de Jürgen Habermas em duas obras. Na primeira, a Teoria da ação comunicativa, o autor introduz uma concepção de poder reduzida à ação racional com respeito a fins, enquanto, na segunda, Facticidade e Validade, Habermas introduz um conceito de poder comunicativo, em oposição ao poder administrativo.A apresentação dessa diferenciação indica uma abertura da própria ideia de ação comunicativa para a política e para os princípios do Estado de direito. Na (...) medida em que o procedimentalismo e o uso público da razão implicam constantes disputas que envolvem comunicação e poder, Habermas apresenta o poder comunicativo com potências radicalmente democráticas. O conceito fornece bases para a esfera pública influenciar politicamente o sistema político por meio de um modelo extraordinário de circulação do poder político nos processos deliberativos. (shrink)

Decir que no es el primer paso de la conquista de nuestra libertad. Puede considerarse también que es el paso decisivo, y el más difícil. Se habla en este caso de libertad negativa. Esta ha sido considerada a veces como una forma menor, o equivocada de la libertad. Pero en el contexto del actual desencanto frente a la libertad positiva de las democracias existentes, se ha revalorizado la libertad negativa de los derechos individuales. Y frente al discurso hegemónico de la (...) cultura afirmativa, que ya había denunciado H. Marcusse con gran penetración, me parece oportuno reivindicar el concepto de la negatividad dialéctica de la libertad. Es propósito de este artículo aclarar ante todo el concepto de la libertad negativa, porque dicha expresión se ha empleado por lo menos en dos sentidos bien diferentes en la historia del pensamiento. El desarrollo de la exposición recorre los puntos siguientes: 1) el concepto político de la libertad negativa del liberalismo, 2) el concepto filosófico de la libertad negativa en Hegel y, 3) finalmente se esbozan algunas proyecciones de estos conceptos para la filosofía política y la teoría de la revolución. (shrink)

Segundo o autor do artigo, a teoria do juízo reflexivo que se encontra na primeira parte da Crítica do Juízo de Kant dedicada ao gosto estético representa uma busca do sentido do dado na experiência. Este sentido não pode ser posto, antes tem de ser descoberto, pois a experiência do belo, a criação estética da arte, não podem ser compreendidos mediante preconceitos que já possuímos. Este tipo de juízo é o que se requer também segundo Arendt diante dos acontecimentos e (...) situações sempre novas da vida política e da história. As condições da comunicabilidade universal do juízo reflexivo são os apelos ao sentido comum humano e a amplitude de pensamento necessária para assumir o ponto de vista dos outros. O artigo mostra também serem estas as condições que, segundo Arendt, se requerem para uma autêntica compreensão política. (shrink)

En este artículo se confronta la teoría clásica de la modernidad sobre el sujeto de la política con las experiencias y las interpretaciones de la Filosofía contemporánea, haciendo jugar un nuevo concepto de ciudadanía. La filosofía política contemporánea abandona las expresiones sustantivas que evocaban la representación de un macrosujeto unitario de lo político. En lugar de las categorías que representaban un sujeto colectivo homogéneo en gran formato, se presta atención ahora a otro tipo de categorías más abiertas, dinámicas, múltiples y (...) fluidas, que se despliegan en la sociedad civil, o mejor dicho, que despliegan los espacios públicos (en plural) constitutivos del mundo de la vida social. Se estudia finalmente la redefinición de las dicotomías modernas de lo público y lo privado, así como de la sociedad civil y del Estado. In this article the classical theory of modernity on the subject of politics is confronted with the experiences and interpretations of contemporary Philosophy, playing with a new concept of citizenship. Contemporary political Philosophy abandons substancial expressions suggestive of the representation of a unified macrosubject of the political. Instead of the categories which represented a homogenoeous, colective subject in huge format, attention is now paid to another type of opener, more dynamic, multiple and fluent categories, which open themselves up in civil society, or rather, which spread out the public spaces that constitute the social Lebesnswelt. Finally, a redefinition of the modern dichotomies of the public and the private is dealt with, as well as of civil society and of the State. (shrink)

The essential role of memory in the constitution of identity is shown first . Then, the article moves on to the critical analysis of uses of memory and of its relation with written history , to introduce the issue of collective memory policies and go through modern State identity policies . In its central part the article refers to the fact that at the beginning of the 21st century we experiment that memory and forgetfulness/oblivion policies do no longer work in (...) respect of the new wounds that live memory drags forth from the 20th century, and reconciliation by means of that kind of elaborations is not possible . The serious issue of live memory is no longer bound to the historiography of the founding deeds of the state-nation in the remote past, but is bound instead to other tragic events of the recent history of the society in which we live . In postmodern societies we witness a redefinition of traditional identity policies and a formation of new post-national identities bound to the tragic memory of genocides and to the moral and political commitment of "nevermore" .En primer término se muestra fenomenológicamente el papel esencial de la memoria en la constitución de la identidad . Se avanza luego el análisis crítico de los usos de la memoria y de su relación con la historia escrita , para introducir en el tema de las políticas de la memoria colectiva , y revisar las políticas de identidad del Estado moderno . El artículo se refiere en su parte central al hecho de que en los comienzos del Siglo XXI experimentamos que las políticas de la memoria y del olvido del Siglo XIX ya no funcionan con respecto a las nuevas heridas que la memoria viva arrastra del Siglo XX, y la reconciliación mediante aquel tipo de elaboraciones no es posible . La cuestión seria de la memoria viva no está ligada ya a la historiografía de los acontecimientos fundacionales del estado nación en el pasado remoto, sino que está ligada a otros acontecimientos trágicos de la historia reciente de la sociedad en que vivimos . En las sociedades posmodernas se asiste a una redefinición de las identidades políticas tradicionales y a la formación de nuevas identidades posnacionales ligadas a la memoria trágica de los genocidios y al compromiso moral y político del "nunca más". (shrink)

The beginning of Philosophy of Right with the concept of "Right" and "morality" presents the appearance of a form of treatment typical of the methodological individualism of natural right theories. Nevertheless, Hegel makes it clear that the expository plan does not reflect the genetic, temporal or ontological structure of the issue. This article will thus try to give an answer to the question about the criteria to which this problematic structure of the work plan responds. The thesis sustained by the (...) author is that the first two parts of the work have to be read mainly as a critical-negative exposition of the current theories, and only the third part about the institutions of Sittlichkeit provides a positive exposition of Hegel's thought. The treatment of Right and morality is not merely negative either, but takes up again and at the same time conforms to Kant's and Natural Rights fundamental principles, as necessary conditions for the comprehension of the institutions of modern society and modern State.El comienzo de la Filosofía del Derecho con el concepto de "Derecho abstracto" y la "moralidad" presenta la apariencia de una forma de tratamiento típica del individualismo metodológico de las teorías jusnaturalistas. Hegel aclara sin embargo que el plan de la exposición no refleja ni el orden genético, o temporal, ni la estructura ontológica de la cosa. La pregunta que tratará de responder este artículo es, entonces, a qué criterios responde esta problemática estructura del plan de la obra. La tesis que sostiene el autor es que las dos primeras partes de la obra se tienen que leer principalmente como una exposición crítico-negativo de las teorías vigentes, y que recién la tercera parte sobre las instituciones de la eticidad expone positivamente el pensamiento de Hegel. Pero el tratamiento del derecho y la moralidad no es tampoco meramente negativo, sino que retoma y hace suyos al mismo tiempo principios fundamentales del jusnaturalismo y de Kant, como condiciones necesarias para comprensión de las instituciones de la sociedad y del Estado modernos. (shrink)

El artículo parte de la crítica de H. Arendt a la posición de la filosofía frente a la política desde Platón hasta Marx y Heidegger. Esta fuerte crítica de la tradición filosófica, especialmente de su relación con la política, no es simplemente una crítica de la filosofía política, sino de la filosofía sin más, pero centrada en esta relación, o falta de relación con la política, y en la contribución de la filosofía al oscurecimiento y el olvido del sentido de (...) lo político en la historia moderna y contemporánea. Se trata de un ejercicio de crítica interna de la filosofía y de la política como paso para el redescubrimiento del sentido originario de la polis en la Grecia antigua, y para la reconstrucción actual del sentido de lo político. The starting point of this paper is H. Arendt criticism of philosophical tradition in front of politics from Plato to Marx and Heidegger. This strong criticism of philosophical tradition is not simply a criticism of political philosophy, but of philosophy itself centered in its relationship, or lack of relationship, to politics, and in the contribution of philosophy to the darkening and oblivion of the meaning of politics in modern and contemporary history. It is an exercise of internal criticism of philosophy and politics as a step to the rediscovery of the original meaning of the polis in ancient Greece, and for the current reconstruction of the meaning of politics. (shrink)

This article raises the issue of the foundation of ethics in the situation of the pluralism of modern and contemporary society. Then , two types of answers to these problems are analyzed: comunitarism as the identitary ethics of an 'ourselves', and contractualism as the ethics of the partners' interests, which present themselves as rival theories in opposition to the universalism of kantian morality. It is however shown , how Kant himself had already worked at different levels of human integration with (...) both models: that of social contract and that of ethical community, and had articulated them in his system. The universal principle of morality , on the other hand, places itself at the meta-level of the profound grammar of the ethos of communities and contracts . Finally, it is observed that Kant´s fundamental ethical texts have not explicitly dealt with the hermeneutical problem of moral judgment in contexts of action. However, some passages of the Grundlegung are analyzed, as well as the Second Part of the Critique of Practical Reason, in which we find precise indications on this issue. It is maintained, that the observed lack of treatment may be bridged by means of widening the scope of the doctrine of reflexive judgment of aesthetic taste of the Third Critique's first part, which appears relevant, not for the foundation of the principle of morality, but for its application, i.e., for moral life.Este artículo plantea el problema de la fundamentación de la ética en la situación del pluralismo de la sociedad moderna y contemporánea. Se analizan luego dos tipos de respuesta a este problema: el comunitarismo como la ética identitaria de un nosotros, y el contractualismo como la ética de los intereses de los socios, los cuales se presentan como teorías rivales frente al universalismo de la moralidad kantiana. Se muestra sin embargo cómo el propio Kant había trabajado ya en distintos planos de la integración humana con los dos modelos del contrato social y de la comunidad ética, y los había articulado en su sistema. El principio universal de la moralidad se ubica en cambio en el meta-nivel de la gramática profunda del ethos de las comunidades y de los contratos . Se observa finalmente que los textos éticos fundamentales de Kant no han tratado de manera explícita el problema hermenéutico del juicio moral en los contextos de acción. Se analizan no obstante algunos pasajes de la Grundlegung y la Segunda Parte de la Crítica de la Razón Práctica, en los que hay indicaciones precisas sobre este problema. Se sostiene que la observada laguna se puede sortear mediante la ampliación de los alcances de la doctrina del juicio reflexivo del gusto estético de la primera parte de la Tercera Crítica, la cual parece relevante, no para la fundación del principio de la moralidad, pero sí para su aplicación, es decir: para la vida moral. (shrink)

El manifiesto predominio del punto de vista puramente semántico que ha caracterizado al paradigma antiguo de la filosofía del lenguaje, por lo menos desde Aristóteles hasta la Filosofía analítica contemporánea, ha radicado la cuestión de la verdad en la función enunciativa o representativa de las proposiciones, produciendo un completo oscurecimiento del problema de la constitución misma de los significados intersubjetivos y de la tematización de la verdad o de las pretensiones de validez, que solamente son posibles en lacomunicación y el (...) discurso argumentativo. Aquí se expone la crítica de aquel paradigma y se reconstruye el sentido de la verdad como una pretensión de validez que se realiza en el diálogo. (shrink)

En Wittgenstein encontramos una intuición muy profunda y una valoración muy elevada del ethos como lo más importante para la vida. Pero este autor quiere preservar el ethos puro, separado tanto de la pretendida existencia de un mundo ético objetivo, como del discurso moral. En este artículo se consideran las expresiones de Wittgenstein sobre la ética como ejemplo paradigmático de la ética del bien en cuanto diferente de la moral, de sus temas y características fundamentales, así como de los límites (...) del discurso filosófico con respecto a estas cuestiones profundas del sentido último de la vida, del bien y de la felicidad. (shrink)

Why should we read Carl Schmitt today? Does his friend-enemy conception of politics retain some pertinence in our “post-political” age? Do liberal democrats have something to learn from his critique of liberalism? Is his theory of sovereignty still relevant in a globalized word? These are some if the issue that Chantal Mouffe addresses in this article. The author considers that political theorists, in order to put forward a conception of a liberal-democratic society capable to win the active support of its (...) citizens, must be willing to engage with the arguments of those who have challenged the fundamental tenets of liberalism. This means confronting some disturbing questions, usually avoided by liberals and democrats alike. The intention of this article is to contribute to such a project by scrutinizing Carl Schmitts critique of liberal democracy. To bring to the fore the pertinence and actuality of Schmitt's questioning, the theme development is organized around two topics which are currently central in political theory: the boundaries of citizenship and the nature of liberal-democratic consensus. (shrink)