Исследование посвящено философскому осознанию природы духовности человека. Автор рассматривает духовность внутреннего мира человека как единство высших чувств души и нравственного сознания. Для специалистов в области философии, методологии науки.

We argue that the appraisal of models in social epistemology requires conceiving of them as argumentative devices, taking into account the argumentative context and adopting a family-of-models perspective. We draw up such an account and show how it makes it easier to see the value and limits of the use of models in social epistemology. To illustrate our points, we document and explicate the argumentative role of epistemic landscape models in social epistemology and highlight their limitations. We also claim that (...) our account could be fruitfully used in appraising other models in philosophy and science. (shrink)

According to familiar accounts, Rousseau held that humans are actuated by two distinct kinds of self love: amour de soi, a benign concern for one's self-preservation and well-being; and amour-propre, a malign concern to stand above other people, delighting in their despite. I argue that although amour-propre can (and often does) assume this malign form, this is not intrinsic to its character. The first and best rank among men that amour-propre directs us to claim for ourselves is that of occupying (...) 'man's estate'. This does not require, indeed it precludes, subjection of others. Amour-propre does not need suppression or circumscription if we are to live good lives; it rather requires direction to its proper end, not a delusive one. (shrink)

Dehaene and Naccache, Dennett and Jack and Shallice “see convergence coming from many different quarters on a version of the neuronal global workspace model†(Dennett, p. 1). (Boldface references are to papers in this volume.) On the contrary, even within this volume, there are commitments to very different perspectives on consciousness. And these differing perspectives are based on tacit differences in philosophical starting places that should be made explicit.  Indeed, it is not clear that different uses of “consciousness†and (...) “awareness†in this volume can be taken to refer to the same phenomenon. More specifically, I think there are three different concepts of consciousness in play in this issue. The global workspace model makes much more sense on one of these than on the others. (shrink)

Exclusionary defeat is Joseph Raz’s proposal for understanding the more complex, layered structure of practical reasoning. Exclusionary reasons are widely appealed to in legal theory and consistently arise in many other areas of philosophy. They have also been subject to a variety of challenges. I propose a new account of exclusionary reasons based on their justificatory role, rejecting Raz’s motivational account and especially contrasting exclusion with undercutting defeat. I explain the appeal and coherence of exclusionary reasons by appeal to commonsense (...) value pluralism and the intermediate space of public policies, social roles, and organizations. We often want our choices to have a certain character or instantiate a certain value and in order to do so, that choice can only be based on a restricted set of reasons. Exclusion explains how pro tanto practical reasons can be disqualified from counting towards a choice of a particular kind without being outweighed or undercut. (shrink)

The first thorough study in English of the multi-faceted system of Mou Zongsan, this book examines key influences on the New Confucian thinker and introduces his Kantian- and Mahāyāna Fo-inflected moral metaphysical reading of the Lu-Wang Learning of the Mind.

Standard accounts of civil disobedience include nonviolence as a necessary condition. Here I argue that such accounts are mistaken and that civil disobedience can include violence in many aspects, primarily excepting violence directed at other persons. I base this argument on a novel understanding of civil disobedience: the special character of the practice comes from its combination of condemnation of a political practice with an expressed commitment to the political. The commitment to the political is a commitment to engaging with (...) others as co-members in the on-going political project of living together. I show how such an understanding of civil disobedience is superior to the Rawlsian strain of thought, which focuses on fidelity to law. Rawls was concerned with civil disobedience solely in the context of overriding political obligation. The project of characterizing a contestatory political practice that can be distinguished and used in a wider variety of contexts than Rawls is concerned with, including under illegitimate regimes, beyond the nation-state, or on behalf of anarchism, requires a different understanding of civil disobedience. (shrink)

Political legitimacy is best understood as one type of a broader notion, which I call institutional legitimacy. An institution is legitimate in my sense when it has the right to function. The right to function correlates to a duty of non-interference. Understanding legitimacy in this way favorably contrasts with legitimacy understood in the traditional way, as the right to rule correlating to a duty of obedience. It helps unify our discourses of legitimacy across a wider range of practices, especially including (...) the many evaluations we increasingly make of international institutions of various sorts, but also including domestic institutions. (shrink)

Bu çalışma ilkin, ütopyacı düşünceye karşı istikrarlı bir muhalefet yürüten liberal düşüncenin sağ kanadındaki Karl Popper ve Francis Fukuyama gibi kanonik isimlerin yaklaşımlarının, zamanın sosyo-ekonomik gelişmelerinin katkısıyla genel siyaset düşüncesinin ana akımına bürünmesi sürecini ve ütopyaya ilişkin fikirlerini değerlendirecektir. Bir kez müesses nizam haline geldiği vakit menşeindeki ütopyacı niteliklerin hilafına değişimin ancak tedricen olması gerektiğini ve aksini savunan siyasal tavır alışların da yersiz radikalizmle malul siyaset dışı yönelimler olduğunu iddia eden ana akım liberal çizginin savunucuları olarak Popper ve Fukuyama, bu (...) çizgilerini radikal bir antikomünizmle taçlandırmışlardır. Aynı çizgide bu kez liberal düşüncenin sol cenahındaki sol-sosyalist fikri inkişaf döneminin ürünü çaplı toplumsal değişim taleplerini, radikal diye tabir ederek neredeyse affedilmez birer kusur gibi kabul eden kimi sol liberal feminist yaklaşımlar ile yenilginin sözde faturasını bu radikalizme keserek siyasal faaliyetini melankolik bir yazıklanmanın ötesine geçiremeyen birtakım liberal sol tavırların bu süreçteki rolü tartışılacaktır. Sonuç itibarıyla bu çalışma, çoğunlukla itham biçiminde zikredilen ütopyacılık tabirini, bu menfi kullanımın nesnesi olmaktan kurtarmak için alternatif ve daha iyi bir yaşama dair yolların çeşitlenmesinin önemli bir başlangıç noktası olarak bir paye gibi kabullenip sahiplenen Ernst Bloch’un umut mefhumu üzerinden yepyeni bir ontolojik ve epistemolojik inşaya tabi tutarak, ütopyacılığın bir tür iade-i itibarına odaklanacaktır. (shrink)

Comprehensive work on history and philosophy of Nātha sect in India.

En el contexto del cambio de una concepcion sustancialista a una concepcion desustancialista, en la cual se pierde de vista el fundamento mismo de la persona, el autor de este estudio cree que el problema de la identidad humana exige un replanteamiento y una reconstruccion. Es preciso entonces emprender un camino que conduzca a reconstruir al hombre, sacandolo del anonimato nihilista en el que lo habia sumido la modernidad al exagerar indebidamente el intelectualismo de la filosofia tradicional precedente. La antropologia (...) actual podra reivindicar la autenticidad de la propia persona y el verdadero alcance de la libertad humana en su configuracion. Jaime Calderon Calderon nacio en 1966 en Churintzio, Michoacan (Mexico). Ordenando sacerdote en 1991. Obtuvo el doctorado en filosofia en la Pontificia Universidad Gregoriana de Roma con la presente disertacion. (shrink)

Censurado durante la última década, sale finalmente a la luz Biografía de las ideas, de Isaiah Berlin. El libro pone de relieve el modo en que el sector liberal-conservador más poderoso, con sede en Oxford, ha construido la ficción en torno a la figura de Isaiah Berlin. Sir Isaiah Berlin es conocido como una lumbrera del pensamiento político del siglo XX, uno de los máximos exponentes intelectuales del liberalismo democrático, un pensador moralmente comprometido con la causa de la libertad y (...) la lucha contra el totalitarismo. El lector podrá comprobar que la imagen que se atribuye a Isaiah Berlin es una mitificación, una ficción forjada con el propósito de defender una serie de intereses académicos (y reforzar así la marca Oxford), políticos (en torno al sector liberal-conservador anglosajón) y nacionales (al objeto de cantar la leyenda de una Corona británica comprometida –así dicen– por la defensa de la democracia Occidental). Como Research Fellow en la Universidad de Oxford, el autor ha tenido oportunidad de examinar esta realidad y ver con sus propios ojos cómo los liberal-conservadores fabrican sus mitos. Las conclusiones de este estudio no dejarán indiferentes ni a académicos –principalmente, del área de Historia de las Ideas, y Teoría Política y Moral–, ni a escritores y políticos como el Premio Nobel Mario Vargas Llosa o la marquesa Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo, auto-denominados liberal-conservadores, porque derrumba un pilar de su religión. (shrink)