RésuméHeinrich Scholz et J.M. Bocheski ont affirmé que les lois de la logique formelle étaient en fait les lois les plus générates qui caractérisent les choses, les propriétés, les relations, les états de choses etc. D'autres confondent la logique et la théorie des ensembles. Mais ľ interpretation des quantificateurs qu'on trouve chez Leśniewski montre que la logique ne fait partie ni de ľ ontologie, ni des mathématiques.

Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, (...) offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community. Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how “political articulation” has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline. (shrink)

This article discusses the effects of executive leadership on fiscal policies and performance. I propose that executive leadership, as a political entrepreneur who provides collective goods for organization, has incentives to maintain fiscal discipline so that he or she can stay in office by developing his or her party's reputation and leading party legislators to electoral success. This article argues that executive leadership with stronger public support is more likely to restrain fiscal expenditure and maintain fiscal (...) class='Hi'>discipline. I demonstrate this argument by showing that the prime minister who receives higher public support is more likely to restrain fiscal expenditure in Japan. (shrink)

Karen Quinlan played a big part in my decision to become a lawyer. When this nation's first high-profile right-to-die case was litigated in the 1970s, I was a college graduate who wasn't sure what to do next. I had majored in psychology and sociology and had thought about graduate study in one of those fields. But In re Quinlan ) pointed me in a different direction.Karen Quinlan was a young woman who had temporarily stopped breathing after taking tranquilizers and drinking (...) alcohol at a party. Oxygen deprivation left her in a persistent vegetative state, and doctors believed she needed a respirator and other intensive care measures to survive. Over time, her family came to see these measures... (shrink)

The political system adopted by Restoration France seemed to call for opposition, and possibly even parties, on the model of Britain. The French, however, remained deeply divided by the Revolution, such that the civilities of parliamentary government developed only with difficulty. Reflecting the distrust inherited from the Revolution, deputies favoured a secret ballot for votes in the chambers and this alone made it easy to disguise political loyalties or to change them. Those who resisted the British model emphasized the virtues (...) of political choices that responded only to one's conscience and sense of honour. On that basis, party seemed inconsistent both with French individualism and with a sense of delicacy. Supporting the claims for indig- enous political mores were perceptions of British politics that exaggerated the discipline of their parties. Though party bonds in France remained very loose — and understanding of the logic of parliamentary government less than perfect — those now deemed the important political thinkers of the time were, in the main, admirers of the politics of party. (shrink)

The interaction between philosophy and political parties is one of the most lively questions in the discipline of the history of philosophy and in the battle of ideas today. It affects both specialists in philosophy and representatives of other professions, particularly in the broad realm of creative intellectuals. It excites people of different generations living under different social systems and belonging to different and often opposed classes.

Protests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the?JMBG? protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement?Justice for (...) Dzenan,? organized by the Memic family upon the tragic death of Dzenan Memic in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors. The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement?Justice for Dzenan? interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics. (shrink)

The party registration of tenure‐track faculty at 11 California universities, ranging from small, private, religiously affiliated institutions to large, public, elite schools, shows that the “one‐party campus” conjecture does not extend to all institutions or all departments. At one end of the scale, U.C. Berkeley has an adjusted Democrat:Republican ratio of almost 9:1, while Pepperdine University has a ratio of nearly 1:1. Academic field also makes a tremendous difference, with the humanities averaging a 10:1 D:R ratio and business (...) schools averaging 1.3:1, and with departments ranging from sociology (44:1) to management (1.5:1). Across all departments and institutions, the D:R ratio is 5:1, while in the “soft” liberal‐arts fields, the ratio is higher than 8:1. These findings are generally in line with comparable previous studies. (shrink)

El perfeccionamiento de la disciplina Filosofía y Sociedad en la Educación Superior es una de la exigencias en los Lineamientos al VI Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba lo cual contribuye a la preparación de un profesional a la altura de los cambios científico tecnológicos que actualmente despliega la Educación Médica Superior cubana. Para el logro de este propósito se aplicó la simulación educativa como herramienta didáctica avanzada en temas de Ciencia Tecnología y Sociedad en la disciplina Filosofía y Sociedad, (...) la que permitió a los educandos desarrollar habilidades investigativas, un pensamiento científico, político, económico y social así como elevar su nivel creativo y productivo. Development of the discipline of Philosophy and Society in Higher Education is one of the requirements in the guidelines to the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba which contributes to the preparation of a professional at the height of the scientific-technological changes that Cuban Higher Medical Education currently deploys. For the achievement of this purpose the educational simulation was applied as a teaching tool advanced in terms of science, technology and society in the discipline of Philosophy and Society, which helped the students to develop research skills, scientific, political, economic and social thinking as well as raise their creative and productive level. (shrink)

In the early 1950s, the Chinese communist party promoted a massive Learning-from-the-Soviet-Union Campaign and made Pavlov’s reflexology the political-academic orthodoxy in physiology, medical science and psychology. In the late 1950s, however, while Pavlov’s theory was continuously advocated by physiologists and medical scientists, it suffered a major setback in psychology as Pavlovian psychology was criticized as being bourgeois and reactionary. How was it possible for such sheer contrast across disciplines to take place within a few years? This paper argues that (...) the greater ideologization of Pavlovian psychology was conditioned by a number of factors: the Sino-Soviet relations, the shifting Chinese communist policies, professional practices, local social conditions, disciplinary cultures and discursive performances. This historical reconstruction rejects a homogenizing view of the relation between politics and science in the Maoist China, and demonstrates ways in which historical localities and dynamics ruptured the overarching political context. (shrink)

Nineteenth-century psychiatrists ascribed to a model of health that was predicated on the existence of objective and strictly defined laws of nature. The allegedly “natural” rules governing the production of consumption of food, however, were structured by a set of distinctively bourgeois moral values that demonized over-indulgence and intemperance, encouraged self-discipline and productivity, and treated gentility as an index of social worth. Accordingly, the asylum acted not only as a therapeutic instrument but also as a moral machine that was (...) designed to remake lazy, indolent transgressors into useful, “decorous” citizens. Because the theory and mechanics underlying this machine seemed straightforward and self-evident to psychiatrists, they were confounded when the asylum failed to translate its ideals into reality. While psychiatrists tended to blame this failure on the intractable immorality and weakness of individual patients, particularly paupers and immigrants, a review of the various meanings and uses of food in the hospital reveals the fault lines that ran through the asylum’s ideological structure. (shrink)

The politics of interpretation should not be confused with interpretive practices such as political theory, political commentary, or histories of political institutions, parties, and conflicts that have politics itself as a specific object of interest. In these other interpretive practices, the politics that informs or motivates them—“politics” in the sense of political values or ideology—is relatively easily perceived and no particular meta-interpretive analysis is required. The politics of interpretation, on the other hand, arises in those interpretive practices which are ostensibly (...) most remote from overtly political concerns, practices which are carried out under the aegis of a purely disinterested search for the truth or inquiry into the natures of things which appear to have no political relevance at all. This “politics” has to do with the kind of authority the interpreter claims vis-à-vis the established political authorities of his society, on the one side, and vis-à-vis other interpreters in his own field of study or investigation, on the other, as the basis of whatever rights he conceives himself to possess and whatever duties he feels obligated to discharge as a professional seeker of truth. This politics which presides over interpretive conflicts is difficult to identity because traditionally, in our culture at least, interpretation is thought to operate properly only as long as the interpreter does not have recourse to the one instrument which the politician per vocationem utilizes as a matter of course in his practice—the appeal to force as a means of resolving disputes and conflicts.11. I have followed the lead of Max Weber in defining the phrase “politics of interpretation.” In “Politics as Vocation,” Weber wrote that “ ‘politics’ means for us striving to share power or striving to influence the distribution of power, either among states or among groups within a state” . Rather than discuss the age-old problem of the professional interpreter’s political responsibilities, I will consider that politics which is endemic to the pursuit of truth—the striving to share power amongst interpreters themselves. The activity of interpreting becomes political at the point where a given interpreter claims authority over rival interpreters. As long as this claim is not reinforced by appeal to the power of the state to compel conformity of belief or conviction, it is “political” only in a metaphorical sense. Of course, interpretation becomes political when a given point of view or finding is taken as orthodoxy of belief by those holding political power, as in the Soviet Union, Germany under Hitler, or any number of religiously puritanical regimes. But these are the easy cases. It is much more difficult to determine the political nature of interpretive practices which, as in literary criticism or antiquarian scholarship, appear to have no bearing upon political policies or practices.Hayden White is a professor and director of the program in the history of consciousness at the University of California, Santa Cruz. He is coeditor of Representing Kenneth Burke and is currently working on a book on the rhetoric of realism. His previous contributions to Critical Inquiry are "The Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality" and "The Narrativization of Real Events". (shrink)

Résumé La généalogie du capitalisme amorcée par Foucault à la fin des années 70 ébranle ce que nous croyons savoir du libéralisme. Le constat d’Adam Smith conserve toute sa force : le politique (droits) et l’économie (intérêts) ne sont ni superposables, ni réconciliables. Le gouvernement libéral se propose d’y répondre. Englober et « passer par l’extérieur », telles sont ses tâches, et elles connaissent deux modalités d’application depuis lors, qui sont aussi deux techniques de normalisation. La première, prédominante, s’occupe du (...) gros : la discipline. La seconde, active et souterraine, s’occupe des détails : la sécurité. Elle cerne de plus près les multiplicités, la vie, les conduites. Une véritable politique des multiplicités supposerait, bien davantage encore, de passer « par l’extérieur » des agents que nous tenons pour naturels ou spontanés, mais qui sont l’objet d’un souci et d’une ré-institution constants : le marché, l’entreprise, le travailleur. (shrink)

Grassmann n’est pas le premier à créer un nouveau calcul :Möbius, Hamilton, Bellavitis, Cauchy, et bien d’autres l’ont précédé dans cette voie qui témoigne de toute l’importance des mutations subies par l’algèbre et de l’évolution des rapports complexes entretenus entre ce domaine et son « exacte contrepartie » la Géométrie euclidienne : à l’heure où s’élaborent les premières « structures » et les « morphismes », la géométrie euclidienne perd son statut de « critère de vérité » et d’« existence (...) » des entités algébriques, notamment dénoncé par un prétendu « retour à la rigueur ».L’introduction « philosophique », décriée par ses contemporains ne voyant là que « fausse philosophie », ne pouvait être impunément écartée : la « seconde » Ausdehnungslehre de 1862 (A2) — pourtant proposée telle une nouvelle version rédigée conformément au style « souhaité » par son époque — ne conviendra pas plus à ses trop rares lecteurs. Tout lecteur averti reconnaît que A2ne peut être parfaitement entendu sans les nécessaires éclaircissements de A1.Trois points nous paraissent aujourd’hui significatifs :– L’Ausdehnungslehre est une science formelle qui trouve sa place dans le système mathématique de Grassmann. Ce système « améliore » celui déjà classique (notamment connu du père de Grassmann) qui résulte du croisement entre les deux contrastes fluants « continu/discret » et « distinct/égal ».– L’Ausdehnungslehre admet la géométrie comme première « application » remarquable. La géométrie [Geometrie] (ou encore la théorie de l’espace [Raumlehre]) est devenue une science réelle (l’espace préexiste), elle ne peut donc légitimement figurer au sein de la mathématique pure.– Une partie précède la séparation en les quatre branches précédentes de la mathématique pure (ou théorie des formes). La théorie générale des formes présente leurs lois communes, soit cette série de vérités qui, de la même manière se rapportent à toutes les branches des mathématiques et qui ne supposent donc que les concepts généraux d égalité, de diversité, de liaison et de séparation. (shrink)

Grassmann n’est pas le premier à créer un nouveau calcul :Möbius, Hamilton, Bellavitis, Cauchy, et bien d’autres l’ont précédé dans cette voie qui témoigne de toute l’importance des mutations subies par l’algèbre et de l’évolution des rapports complexes entretenus entre ce domaine et son « exacte contrepartie » la Géométrie euclidienne : à l’heure où s’élaborent les premières « structures » et les « morphismes », la géométrie euclidienne perd son statut de « critère de vérité » et d’« existence (...) » des entités algébriques, notamment dénoncé par un prétendu « retour à la rigueur ».L’introduction « philosophique », décriée par ses contemporains ne voyant là que « fausse philosophie », ne pouvait être impunément écartée : la « seconde » Ausdehnungslehre de 1862 (A2) — pourtant proposée telle une nouvelle version rédigée conformément au style « souhaité » par son époque — ne conviendra pas plus à ses trop rares lecteurs. Tout lecteur averti reconnaît que A2ne peut être parfaitement entendu sans les nécessaires éclaircissements de A1.Trois points nous paraissent aujourd’hui significatifs :– L’Ausdehnungslehre est une science formelle qui trouve sa place dans le système mathématique de Grassmann. Ce système « améliore » celui déjà classique (notamment connu du père de Grassmann) qui résulte du croisement entre les deux contrastes fluants « continu/discret » et « distinct/égal ».– L’Ausdehnungslehre admet la géométrie comme première « application » remarquable. La géométrie [Geometrie] (ou encore la théorie de l’espace [Raumlehre]) est devenue une science réelle (l’espace préexiste), elle ne peut donc légitimement figurer au sein de la mathématique pure.– Une partie précède la séparation en les quatre branches précédentes de la mathématique pure (ou théorie des formes). La théorie générale des formes présente leurs lois communes, soit cette série de vérités qui, de la même manière se rapportent à toutes les branches des mathématiques et qui ne supposent donc que les concepts généraux d égalité, de diversité, de liaison et de séparation. (shrink)

The paper maintains and reinforces a viewpoint that science and religion are methodologically and epistemologically independent. However, it also suggests that this independence can be overcome if a “third party” is taken into account, that is – philosophy. Such a possibility seems to follow from the thesis of incommensurability and the thesis of underdetermination formulated and analysed in the current philosophy of science.

Feminist Policymaking in Turbulent Times offers a unique and timely reflection of the critical debates around the institutionalisation of feminist and gender-focused ideas and norms into policy. Many states and non-governmental organisations are increasingly invested in 'feminist policymaking' at the domestic and international levels. Yet, this liberal (feminist) agenda is also vastly disputed by critical, intersectional and decolonial voices on the one hand, and by anti-gender movements around the world on the other. Indeed, while opposition to 'gender ideology' is mounting (...) from reactionary, religious and secular forces, feminist policymaking is also being challenged in important ways from within. Thus, this book situates feminist policymaking in a challenging and 'turbulent', global context. This book explores feminist policymaking in multiple areas of policy, examining various gender-focused programmes that states and international organisations have undertaken in the last decade, offering critical interventions and rethinking the relationship between feminism and policy. The book not only reflects on the advances of feminist policymaking globally, but also critically assesses the intersectional challenges embedded within it and lying ahead. It moves the field forward by creating opportunities, based on lived experiences, for re-imagining the transformative potential of the nexus between feminism and policymaking. Interdisciplinary in scope and bringing to the fore the voices of both academics and practitioners, the book is the product of an international collaboration, forging links and dialogue that are increasingly necessary to question some of the exclusionary, militaristic and hierarchical assumptions of policymaking which is labelled as feminist. Feminist Policymaking in Turbulent Times will be of interest to all scholars, students and practitioners interested in the role of gender in policymaking and concerned with contestations around gender-focused projects. (shrink)

This paper draws on Cox and McCubbins’ comparison of floor and cartel agenda models and adapts it to the context of multi-party parliamentary regimes with the goal of clarifying some important differences between the legislative consequences of cohesion and discipline, on the one hand, and the effects of agenda setting, on the other. Internal party discipline and/or preference cohesion receives the bulk of emphasis in comparative studies of empirical patterns of legislative behavior, generally without considering the (...) role of the agenda. In a series of stylized models, this paper highlights important differences between having more unified parties and/or coalitions as a result of discipline and/or cohesion and the successful use of agenda control. We show that cohesion or discipline - understood as the ability to achieve voting unity - does not produce the same patterns of legislative behavior as negative agenda control. Data on legislative voting in the Polish Sejm are used to illustrate some points. (shrink)

This book's fourteen short essays are neither very technical nor definitive, as Schaff warns in his forward. They do, however, reveal the struggle of a sincere philosopher, who happens also to be a high official of the Polish Communist Party, against the absolutes that plague him—absolute determinism, total party discipline, the definitive revolution. Schaff here continues his debate with the existentialists, notably Sartre, and contributes some clarification to the problem of "Marxist ethics."—W. L. M.

This article analyses the election of the Speakers of both houses of the Belgian parliament, the House of Representatives and the Senate, in the period 1918-1974. According to the Belgian constitution, the election of the Speaker is a competence of each house. As can be expected in a system of parliamentary government, the Speakers belong to the government majority, as they did already before 1914. But with the disappearance of a homogeneous majority and the need for cabinet coalitions after 1918 (...) - result of the proportional representation - someeffects which tended to erode parliamentary autonomy more substantially occurred. At several occasions the election of the Speakers was postponed until the result of cabinet formation was known. In addition, the coalition parties had to make an agreement for the partition of the two Speakers' positions. The coalition practice also affected procedure. Since agreements were less easily implemented in a secret ballot, the provisions of the parliamentary statute were put aside for an election by acclamation to strengthen party discipline. In this context a further shift in the election process occurs: from the parliamentary groups to the party leadership. Eventually, the appointment of the Speakers becamepart of the cabinet formation itself. This practice appears to be firmly established in the 1970' and has been criticized severely. It can be considered one aspect of the decline of parliaments in this period. (shrink)

Dans la genese de sa constitution, la philosophie n'a pu faire l'economie d'une confrontation avec la musique qui fournissait aux anciens Grecs les schemes fondamentaux de la culture. De cette confrontation Platon est le temoin. Scindant la musique, il privilegie l'Harmonique, qui en est la partie theorique, sans toutefois lui reconnaitre la titre de science supreme. Correlativement, il condamne comme dysharmonie, tumulte fracassant et perturbateur de l'ordre cosmique, l'harmonie chromaticiste dont il s'emploie, non sans paradoxe, a decrire le detail. Par (...) cette lecture en filigrane des Dialogues de Platon, l'auteur se propose de reconstruire la pensee qui procede de l'harmonie chromaticiste et de montrer son importance dans l'elaboration de la philosophie fondatrice. Au carrefour des disciplines du savoir antique, ce livre s'adresse non seulement aux philosophes, mais aussi a tous ceux qui, musiciens ou stylisticiens, s'interessent a la forme musicale. (shrink)

Communist discourses are resurging in various disciplines across the globe. Philosophy has its share of this resurgence especially after the global financial crisis of 2008 made a number of its thinkers convene in various conferences and intellectually meet in a host of publications. In these intellectual engagements, the idea of communism is once again interrogated as the moribund capitalist system failed humanity its promise. Alain Badiou is among the leading figures in the philosophical task of (re)interrogating the idea of communism. (...) Badiou raised the urgency of reformulating what he calls as the communist hypothesis for it to both reconsider its supposed failures of the past and better suit the current conditions. Badiou is particularly guided by the lessons of the May ’68 of France, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of China, and various contemporary popular uprisings to develop a reformulation of the communist hypothesis. In advancing a laborious task of reformulation, Badiou inevitably rejected a core category of the Marxist-Leninist tradition: the party. The rejection is supported by a view of the party that reduced it to its supposed fusion with the State, i.e., the party-State fusion. Such a fusion is characterized by either parliamentarian or insurrectionary politics. In this politics, Badiou argues that the party is obstructed from advancing further the proletarian revolution as it is tied to a Statist procedure. This work develops a Maoist reformulation of the communist hypothesis. Along the course of the socialist constructions of Russia and China, certain moments of what can be called as indigenized and mobilizational politics characterized periods that escape what Badiou reduced the party into, i.e., the party-State fusion. The Maoist notions of the mass line and protractedness come out as indispensable requisites in developing the concepts of indigenized and mobilizational politics. These moments depicted what can be called as the party-masses fusion and provided practical resources not only for the rectification of the supposed failures of the past but also for a reformulation of the communist hypothesis. Through the development and employment of the category of the party-masses fusion and the politics that determine it, the reformulation of the communist hypothesis is supported by a discourse of success rather than of defeat. (shrink)

Future for the History of Science? An Interjection Oriented towards Science Policies Inspired by the History of Medicine. The author argues that diversity is the great strength of the history of science. It allows for flexible reactions to intellectual challenges posed by its various reference disciplines. This strength, however, might turn into a weakness, if diversity results in arbitrariness. These claims are illustrated by the example of the history of medicine as a sub‐discipline of the history of science: The (...) history of medicine is currently able to acquire project funding because it is diverse and flexible. Simultaneously, it experiences the risks of flexibility and third‐party funding. Basic funding, scholarly interaction, and organized exchange seem necessary to ensure professional standards. It is concluded that the future for the history of science is bright, if it is able to preserve both its diverse creativity and a disciplinary sense for academic standards. (shrink)

With size, voting discipline, and technical resources superior to those of most Brazilian parties, in the last two decades, the support of the Agrarian Caucus has become crucial for the realization of presidents’ legislative agenda. In a country where 87 percent of the population is urban, how have representatives of the agrarian elites become key players in bargaining on nonagrarian issues? This article argues that Brazilian agrarian elites have been so successful because they have devised an electoral strategy that (...) maximizes their leverage in a fragmented party system with ideologically weak right-wing parties. Empirically, I show how agrarian elites in Brazil finance legislative campaigns, mobilize voters, and subsidize the legislative work of politicians from their ranks, independently of their partisan affiliation. Theoretically, I discuss the advantages of a candidate-centered electoral strategy: self-representation and multipartisanship. While self-representation has granted agrarian elites direct access to agenda-setting positions within Congress, having members in many parties has increased the number of agenda-setting positions they can control and guaranteed their presence in the legislative coalition of right- and left-wing presidents alike. (shrink)

Tempo barroco: as Visitas Pastorais dos Comissários das Ordens Terceiras no século XVIII em Minas Gerais. (Baroque Time: pastoral visits of the comissioners of the third orders in Minas Gerais, Brazil, during the eighteenth century.). O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar o aparato que marcava a entrada dos comissários das ordens terceiras em suas visitas às vilas, analisando também o modo como aconteciam essas visitas pastorais. As visitações dos comissários das Ordens Terceiras de Nossa Senhora do Carmo e de (...) São Francisco eram ocasiões que mobilizavam os irmãos destas congregações tanto no tocante aos assuntos espirituais quanto à esfera temporal. No aspecto material, as visitas demandavam grandes despesas com a realização de solenidades e hospedagem dos comissários. A visitação tinha por objetivo central assegurar a manutenção do sentido de ordem e de hierarquia que fundava as fraternidades de irmãos terceiros. Deste modo os padres visitadores deviam inspecionar e nortear a vida administrativa destas congregações e a vida particular dos terceiros seculares para verificar a sua conformação aos preceitos da moral e da fé cristã e às regras das ordens terceiras, instruir e disciplinar aqueles irmãos que houvessem cometido algum delito, coibir práticas e comportamentos desviantes. A pompa barroca das diversas cerimônias que aconteciam durante o tempo da visita concorria para suscitar o sentido de ordem e hierarquia entre os irmãos terceiros. Palavras-chave: Ordens Terceiras; Visita Pastoral; Festa; Catolicismo; Barroco.This article aims to examine the apparatus that marked the entrance of the Third Orders’ Commissioners on their visits to the villages, also analyzing how these pastoral visits took place. The Visitations of those Commissioners of the Third Order of Our Lady of Mount Carmel and San Francisco happened to be special occasions for the brothers of these congregations to be both materially and spiritually revived. In the material aspect, such visits demanded great costs to cover the ceremonies and the Commissioners expenses. The main purpose of the Visitation was to ensure the maintenance of a sense of order and hierarchy that originally was on the foundation of the fraternity. Thus, the Visitors should inspect and guide the administrative life of these congregations and also to help the Fathers to conform their lives to the precepts of morality and Christian faith and to the rules of the Third Order. Such visits also had the purpose to educate and to discipline those brothers who had committed some delict, and to curb practices and deviant behaviors. The pomp of the Baroque ceremonies that took place during the time of those mentioned visits finally aimed to raise the sense of order and hierarchy among all the members of Third Order of Our Lady of Mount Carmel and San Francisco. Key words : Third Order; Pastoral Visit; Party; Catholicism; Baroque. (shrink)

Les conciles, qui font partie de la vie de l’Eglise depuis les temps les plus anciens, sont fortement marqués par leur contexte culturel respectif, de sorte que l’institution a subi, au fil des siècles, nombre de changements extérieurs. Malgré cela, une même essence est reconnaissable. Ainsi, pour tous les conciles, il s’agit d’établir et de constater un consensus tant en matière de discipline ecclésiastique que dans les questions de foi. C’est en ce sens que les anciens conciles entendaient être (...) le lieu d’émergence d’un double consensus, horizontal et vertical. Malgré les aléas de l’histoire, qui malmenèrent souvent cet idéal consensuel, les conciles veulent avoir en commun avec l’Eglise leur caractère à la fois divin et humain.Councils, which have been part of the Church’s life since the earliest times, have been strongly marked by their respective cultural contexts, which has resulted in a number of exterior changes in the institution over the centuries. In spite of this, the same essence is recognizable. Thus, the point for all the councils has been to establish and state a consensus concerning ecclesiastical discipline, as well as questions of faith. It is in this sense that the early councils were understood as being the place where a twofold consensus – horizontal and vertical – would emerge. Despite the accidents of history, which often made it difficult to achieve this consensual ideal, the councils have sought to share with the Church their divine and human character. (shrink)

La Jaiminiyasamhita, en partie inédite, est une œuvre puranique de nature "encyclopédique". Dans une section de six chapitres intitulée "La question de Janaka" ('Janakaprasna'), le roi Kartaviryarjuna rend visite à Dattatreya, afin de recevoir un enseignement sur l''advaita', la "non-dualité". Ce dernier lui rapporte l'enseignement que le sage Asita transmit autrefois au roi mythique Janaka. Cette "question de Janaka", à l'instar des Upanisad, se présente sous la forme d'un dialogue entre un maître et un disciple. La thématique au cœur de (...) ce dialogue concerne la nature du 'brahman' et son rapport au corps. Elle permet à l'auteur de faire montre de l'étendue de son savoir dans des domaines aussi riches que variés: le développement embryonnaire et les théories physiologiques, les conceptions cosmogoniques, les paradoxes de la non-dualité et les disciplines de salut, en particulier le yoga, influencé par des conceptions tantriques. (shrink)

Fichte caractérise la seconde partie de sa Doctrine de la science de 1804 à l’aide du terme «phénoménologie», auquel il assigne une double signification: théorie de l’apparence et théorie du phénomène. Si le premier volet de sa définition rappelle la conception de Lambert, inventeur de la phénoménologie comme discipline philosophique, le second volet correspond à l’idée que se fait Kant de la phénoménologie, notamment dans les Premiers principes métaphysiques de la science de la nature. La question qui se pose (...) est alors la suivante: est-il possible d’intégrer dans une même discipline l’apparence et le phénomène? Si Fichte parvient à réunir ces deux volets dans sa phénoménologie, c’est peut-être parce qu’en cela il suit le chemin frayé par Reinhold dans ses Beyträge de 1802-1803. (shrink)

Treize spécialistes dans diverses disciplines - histoire, théologie, philosophie, sociologie, économie, musicologie, linguistique, esthétique... - considèrent, sous l'angle des différentes sciences humaines, la manière dont les vivants se représentent la mort, ainsi que les comportements des vivants vis-à-vis des défunts. Cette mise en questions de la mort, où les auteurs réfléchissent sur notre devoir de vivants de borner le monde des morts, comporte deux grandes parties : l'une centrée sur le religieux (Bible, Coran, bouddhisme, le recul de l'Église catholique et (...) les rituels malgaches de retournement des morts, ou la question du suicide assisté...), l'autre plus profane avec des travaux sur la mort en république laïque et une étude économique sur le marché de la mort en France, puis un développement important sur la mort dans l'art (le cas de Gunther von Hagens, plastineur allemand dont les œuvres d'art sont des cadavres, le Dies Irae, la mort en bandes dessinées, ou encore la mort vue par Brassens, Brel et Ferré). (shrink)

Dominique Urvoy. son propre parti. Il s'intéresse aux disciplines intellectuelles et institue une sorte d'académie qu'il préside personnellement. Pourtant il ne retire pas un véritable enrichissement spirituel de cette collaboration des cultures et ...

Over the past two decades, academic economics has undergone a mild revolution in methodology. The language, concepts and techniques of noncooperative game theory have become central to the discipline. This book provides the reader with some basic concepts from noncooperative theory, and then goes on to explore the strengths, weaknesses, and future of the theory as a tool of economic modelling and analysis. The central theses are that noncooperative game theory has been a remarkably popular tool in economics over (...) the past decade because it allows analysts to capture essential features of dynamic competition and competition where some parties have proprietary information. The theory is weakest in providing a sense of when it - and equilibrium analysis in particular - can be applied and what to do when equilibrium analysis is inappropriate. Many of these weaknesses can be addressed by the consideration of individuals who are boundedly rational and learn imperfectly from the past. Written in a non-technical style and working by analogy, the book, first given as part of the Clarendon Lectures in Economics, is readily accessible to a broad audience and will be of interest to economists and students alike. Knowledge of game theory is not required as the concepts are developed as the book progresses. (shrink)

When engaging in community-based research, it is important to consider ethical research practices throughout the project. While current research practices require many investigators to obtain approval from an ethics review board before starting a project, more is required to ensure that ethical principles are applied once the investigations begin and after the investigations are complete. In response to this concern, as expressed by workers at a feminist non-profit during a community placement, we developed a tool to foster both greater ethical (...) and feminist research practice in community-based research. Using feminist theories, methodologies, and concepts such as epistemic justice, epistemic trust, and coauthorship, a tool was developed to support researchers and other collaborators in building relationships of reciprocity. This tool, called the Research Responsibility Agreement (RRA) invites all members of a research project to explicitly reflect on their role in the research, their relationships with other collaborators, their responsibility to contributing meaningfully in the project, and their plans to remain accountable to one another. In doing so, the RRA adds to existing tools that support ethical research by sharing explicit reflections from all collaborators on how to prevent harm and by asking them to reflect on ethical practices beyond the initial stages of the project. The RRA also encourages greater engagement from researchers and collaborators toward building meaningful relationships with each other, and with participants, to work together in advancing social change. As a practical tool that promotes reflection, that builds relationships, and that holds all parties accountable to ethical and feminist research practices, the RRA has the potential to generate impactful change in community-based research projects and beyond. While the RRA is tailored to community-based research, it can be applied widely to any research project and has the potential to revolutionize how research relationships are built across disciplines. (shrink)

The chapter examines the recent approach to ideology as an actual and ubiquitous combination of decontested political concepts, whose micro-morphological arrangements are the key to the specific meaning each ideological family contains. Shifting proximities and relative weights accorded to those concepts produce multiple ideological variants. Ideologies are pivotal to the discipline of political theory, discernible both in professional and vernacular thinking, and serve as discursive competitions over the control of public political language. Notions of essential contestability, theories of symbolic (...) mapping, and a focus on actual rather than normative political thinking shed light on their semantic significance. Ideologies are permanent phenomena ranging from the flexible to the rigid, and the boundaries that seem to separate one ideology from another may be loose and mutating, challenging the traditional association of ideologies with political parties. In parallel, the study of ideology involves decoding and interpretation, not its juxtaposition with truth. (shrink)

Contemporary bioethics recognizes the importance of the culture in shaping ethical issues, yet in practice, a process for ethical analysis and decision making is rarely adjusted to the culture and ethnicity of involved parties. This is of a particular concern in a health care system that is caring for a growing Aboriginal population. We raise the possibility of constructing a bioethics grounded in traditional Aboriginal knowledge. As an example of an element of traditional knowledge that contains strong ethical guidance, we (...) present the story of the Gifts of the Seven Grandfathers. We note a resemblance of this Ojibway teaching to virtue ethics in European traditions, but we suggest that there are also important differences in how these two traditions are currently presented. We hope that further engagement with a variety of indigenous moral teachings and traditions could improve health care involving Aboriginal patients and communities, and enrich the discipline of bioethics. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt is one of the most widely read and influential German thinkers of the twentieth century. His fundamental works on friend and enemy, legality and legitimacy, dictatorship, political theology and the concept of the political are read today with great interest by everyone from conservative Catholic theologians to radical political thinkers on the left. In his private life, however, Schmitt was haunted by the demons of his wild anti-Semitism, his self-destructive and compulsive sexuality and his deep-seated resentment against the (...) complacency of bourgeois life. As a young man from a modest background, full of social envy, he succeeded in making his way to the top of the academic discipline of law in Germany through his exceptional intellectual prowess. And yet he never felt at home in the academic establishment and among those of high social standing. In his works, Schmitt unmasked the liberal Rechtsstaat as a constitutional façade and reflected on the legitimacy of dictatorship. When the Nazis seized power Schmitt was susceptible to their ideology. He broke with his Jewish friends, joined the Nazi Party in May 1933 and lent a helping hand to Hitler, thereby becoming deeply entangled with the regime. Schmitt was irrevocably compromised by his role as the ‘crown jurist’ of the Third Reich. But by 1936 he had already lost his influential position. After the war, he led a secluded life in his home town in the Sauerland and became a key background figure in the intellectual scene of postwar Germany. Reinhard Mehring’s outstanding biography is the most comprehensive work available on the life and work of Carl Schmitt. Based on thorough research and using new sources that were previously unavailable, Mehring portrays Schmitt as a Shakespearean figure at the centre of the German catastrophe. (shrink)

In the twenty-first century, the urgent problems the world is facing (the UN Sustainable Development Goals) are increasingly related to vast and intricate ‘systems of systems’, which comprise both socio-technical and eco-systems. In order for engineers to adequately and responsibly respond to these problems, they cannot focus on only one technical or any other aspect in isolation, but must adopt a wider and multidisciplinary perspective of these systems, including an ethical and social perspective. Engineering curricula should therefore focus on what (...) we call ‘comprehensive engineering’. Comprehensive engineering implies ethical coherence, consilience of scientific disciplines, and cooperation between parties. (shrink)

Many democratic countries have failed to stand up to the challenge presented by the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that the collective response to the pandemic has been incapacitated by an ‘epistemic crisis’, (i.e., a breakdown in the social division of epistemic labor) that led to a failure of citizens’ beliefs to converge towards a shared perception of the situation. Neither a paucity of relevant expert knowledge nor democratic citizens’ irrationality is required for the crisis to emerge. In particular, I highlight (...) three obstacles capable of preventing relevant expert testimony from gaining democratic legitimacy necessary for an effective policy response: 1) the proper domain of expertise is uncertain; 2) regular citizens’ meta-expertise – (i.e., ability to discriminate among the putative experts based on their relative epistemic merit) – is not efficacious enough to trigger truth-convergence of the public opinion; 3) the prominent sources of third-party meta-expertise lack credibility due to their conflicts of interest. Since the first two problems appear irresolvable, I propose that the search for a path towards preclusion of future epistemic crises concentrates on upgrading the institutional fundament for meta-expertise provision. Social epistemology plays a vital role in this search, but its close cooperation with other disciplines is a must. (shrink)

Social relations are predominantly influenced by an exchange paradigm whereby the logic of reciprocity shapes behaviour. If the notion of exchange instrumentalism is common across different business disciplines, this does not deny attempts – such as through gift exchange theory – to present different conceptions of traditional exchange-based relations. Gift exchange theory appears promising as it seeks to establish more meaning and significance to the nature and context of exchange relations between human actors or parties. The underlying processes may be (...) different for gift exchange and more traditional economic-based exchanges, but the general outcome remains the same – the obligation of reciprocity between actors. In this article, we develop an alternative conception of social and business experience that transcends the dominant logic of exchange: the existential gift. Firmly embedded in the idea of giving for its own sake, the existential gift suggests that for some individuals the expectations of reciprocity are neither sought nor established. Generosity that is expressed in both tangible and intangible ways need not depend on the response of intended receivers or recipients to precipitate future acts of giving. Based on the logic of unconditionality, the existential gift provides human actors with greater freedom in their choices and relationships. It may well be that this freedom, in turn, creates a new ‘ethic of generosity’ whereby significant progress can be made towards developing more human models and practices in business. (shrink)

In the twenty-first century, the urgent problems the world is facing (the UN Sustainable Development Goals) are increasingly related to vast and intricate ‘systems of systems’, which comprise both socio-technical and eco-systems. In order for engineers to adequately and responsibly respond to these problems, they cannot focus on only one technical or any other aspect in isolation, but must adopt a wider and multidisciplinary perspective of these systems, including an ethical and social perspective. Engineering curricula should therefore focus on what (...) we call ‘comprehensive engineering’. Comprehensive engineering implies ethical coherence, consilience of scientific disciplines, and cooperation between parties. (shrink)