This study is an attempt to construct a quantitative link for international regimes with global leadership. The country's willingness to lead in solving global issues as the first mover in the formation of an international regime is measured and characterized by analyzing their ratification behavior in multilateral conventions deposited to the United Nations which shape of the global community. For this purpose, a set of quantitative indicators, the Index of Global Leadership Willingness and the Global Support Index, was defined and (...) calculated for each country based on its actual ratification year data for 120 multilateral conventions covering global issues such as peace and security, environment, commerce, communication, intellectual property protection, human rights, and labor. By proposing a framework of global leadership analysis, the study seeks to provide an empirical testing of the transformation of global governance towards cooperation without hegemony paradigm. The paper analyses changes in the leadership willingness indices of selected country groups, such as the G3, G7/8, and G20, over the century and finds that the will to drive the international agenda of these groups of leaders is in decline. Moreover, our study provides evidence to argue that our current world is actually without consistent global leadership across domains of the world affairs. Although several countries still show visible leadership in specific policy domains, such as environment and intellectual property, neither the G7/8 nor the G20 was playing a comparable role to those performed by the G3 a hundred years ago. (shrink)

In order to usurp Party power and restore capitalism, the "gang of four" has deliberately confused Marxist theories and the people's thinking. "Bourgeois rights" under the socialist system is a question which has been greatly confused by the clique. Like [Max] Stirner who was denounced by Marx, they abused the concept of "bourgeois rights" "on any occasion" in the manner of "fleas hopping" and turned out their fantastic "rights economics.".

This article discusses how women’s travels in the early imperial period threatened the ‘natural’ socio-cultural hierarchy of the Roman upper-classes. In a first part, the main threads of the ideological discourse on female mobility will be mapped by means of an examination of a senatorial debate during the reign of Tiberius in Tacitus’ Annals, uncovering layers of meaning that have remained unnoticed. The second and third parts will be devoted to literary motifs that have shaped the characterizations of men and (...) women travellers to illustrate the extents to which Roman travel is gendered. Central to this examination is the Roman elite’s fear of the corrupting and disrupting power of the exotica of foreign nations and its effects on men’s and women’s Romanness. (shrink)

Ancient Chinese Encyclopedia of Technology: Translation and Annotation of the Kaogong ji. By Wenren Jun. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2018. Pp. xxviii + 525. $224 ; $49.95.

Volume 34, Issue 8, December 2020, Page 1591-1607.

W. H. Auden's dictum "poetry makes nothing happen" has an enduring currency in poetic criticism, quoted ad nauseam to support the view that poetic discourse must never fall subservient to political ends.1 Conventional wisdom would hold that Hugh MacDiarmid, a poet more often noted for his obstinate commitment to communism, patently failed to heed this dictum. Indeed, as Scott Lyall notes, MacDiarmid's political poems are almost never anthologized, suggesting that the poems in which MacDiarmid's political views are made explicit are (...) of inferior poetic quality.2Yet one must acknowledge that its subject matter cannot be taken as an... (shrink)

This paper explores food commoning through an ethnographic case study in Catalonia as our primary site while the Norwegian case is juxtaposed as a comparison, two agriculturally and economically different European countries. The ethnography analyses cooperation networks between organic food producers’ and consumers’ involving different nodes of community gardening initiatives, self-employed growers, local farmers and all of them under a unique cooperative integrating a community economy. The result it is a myriad of exchange practices ranging from reciprocity and barter to (...) market exchange without intermediaries through on-line platforms. Along these exchanges different options of currency intervene giving rise to novel social and cooperative relations. Similar initiatives in Norway show less variation and are less experimental regarding forms of payment but share similarities in relation to material articulations, concerns and forms of alternative practice. Although these novel forms do not represent a complete break from the more standardized supply chains, and hence from the oppositions/contradictions of production and consumption, the participants see themselves as contributing to a more general process of de-commodification of food. We explore the extent to which the meaning and moral values are mutually constituted in relation to socioeconomic exchanges and environmental caring that each person experiences based on different forms of cooperation and reciprocity. Food, we suggest, is more than a commodity on the market that we may influence through our role as consumers. It is a significant focal point connecting our lives to those of others that articulates one’s relations to society in a political manner. (shrink)

Syltern et al. (2022) propose a new approach to decision-making at the limit of viability: by default, intensive care will be initiated for every infant born in “the gray zone” of viability. This w...

L'histoire philosophique montre, ou au moins suggère, que toute remise en cause de l'Un s'est accompagnée d'une mise en ordre, et que tout ébranlement de l'ordre s'est achevé en réduction unitaire. Ce balancement se déploie de la métaphysique jusqu'à l'épistémologie. Pour des raisons différentes et avec des méthodes disjointes, Derrida et Goodman ont, chacun, ébranlé l'un des deux piliers qui sous-tendent l'essentiel de la tradition philosophique. Derrida, par le jeu subtil de la différance, a fait vaciller la vaste entreprise de (...) mise en ordre. Goodman, par la profusion de mondes construits et irréductibles les uns aux autres, remet en cause l'aspiration à l'unité. Notre hypothèse consiste à supposer que la mise en échec - si tant est qu'elle soit possible - du diktat de l'unité demande à être pensée conjointement avec la ruine du primat de la mise en ordre. Utilisées à cette fin (qui n'est pas la seule signifiante), les propositions de Goodman et de Derrida, qui charrient les scories de deux longues traditions réputées indépendantes voire antagonistes, bénéficieraient sans doute d'une exploration synchrone. Mais c'est d'abord à la vérité qu'il faudra faire face. Commencer par ce qui aurait dû être l'achèvement. La vérité en tant que garde-fou et en tant que produit de la pensée qui la fonde et s'y confronte. Il s'agit d'ouvrir une brèche dans les obsessions de cette tradition philosophique qui, aussi riche et foisonnante fût-elle, demeure une coupe et donc une incise dans les possibles du réel qu'elle explore et invente. (shrink)

Li Zehou is known as the "intellectual leader of the Chinese Enlightenment" of the 1980s. His major quest has always been for a way to define the role of human agency versus determinism on the one hand, and voluntarism on the other. In the 1980s, Li came forward with a philosophical anthropology (his "theory of subjectivity" or "practice") that moves between two poles: On the one hand, mankind is different from the animals because of its capacity to mold its own (...) environment in a goal-directed way by means of "tools," which means that subjectivity is real if mankind can indeed to a great extent control its own destiny. On the other hand, human control over nature is subject to limitations that are largely determined by the level of technology and social organization in any given society at a certain time. Li attributes the widespread appeal of Maoist voluntarism in China to the persistence of the belief in the transformative power of the human will, unaided by science and technology. (shrink)

The paper attempts to construct a global model of a social contract using well-known metaphors of two great philosophers: Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Locke. By modelling a global social contract, I mean the formulation of a social contract using two sets of data: one is global citizens' preferences about values and norms while the other is sovereign states' participation in multilateral treaties. Both Rousseau and Locke formulate their versions of social contract theories in the national context of eighteenth-century Europe. This (...) paper tries my hands on extending their theories to the global context. This paper attempts to link empirically the relationship between global citizens' preferences as gauged by the World Values Survey and sovereign states' participation in 120 multilateral treaties deposited to the United Nations. To see the link between citizens and treaties (quasi-legislative outcomes, sort of), dimensional similarities of the cosmos of citizens' preference and the cosmos of sovereign states' willingness to join multilateral treaties are examined. Once done, all the sovereign states are located in each of the two cosmoses, citizens and states, and the correlation coefficients between them are measured. Based on these empirical results, the nature of the global quasi-legislative process is clarified. Conclusions and implications are drawn. (shrink)