The article presents an interpretation of Plotinius’ concept of eternity, which is defined in his treatise On Eternity and Time III.7 [45] as the “life of being.” The textual and philosophical analysis of a number of related passages from Plotinus’ Enneads concludes that the description of eternity as the life of being is neither metaphorical nor analogical. It should be understood in a technical philosophical sense, which contains direct metaphysical and phenomenological implications. Life is not an effect of intelligible reality (...) but an ontological condition, the limit, source of activity, background for the identity of Intellect. The life of being is not identical with partial aspects of the intelligible universe, but is implied and covered by them. In the context of the Plotinian noetics, the notion of life expresses the wholeness of being in its totality—this is applicable not only to the life of intelligible being, but also true for the life of Soul, which assumes the totality of Soul’s time. Life is recognizable and experienced by living and existing beings on the basis of common liveliness and their common ontological status, so life establishes, develops and intensifies the connection of our own being with eternity via eternal in us. There are notable functional similarities between the Plotinian concept of eternity as the life of being and the image of Aion as reconstructed from fragments of Chaldean oracles—a mystical philosophical text widely read by later Neoplatonic philosophers, albeit never openly referred to by Plotinus. The comparative analysis and philosophical interpretation of the Plotinian and Chaldean concepts and images related to eternity suggest that both the sources maintain similar metaphysical roles of mediation, the transfer of unifying and animating light, causing the motion of reality. It is also significant that the Plotinian parallelism of eternity and “eternal in us” is comparable to the Chaldean image of “flower of the mind,” which is described both as a metaphysical attribute of Aion and as a specific power of Soul, which could be used by a person to acquire knowledge of divine reality. (shrink)

This book provides a rediscovery of one of the most influential philosophical and religious works of Late Antiquity.

Rare work by a fourth-century philosopher is also an introduction to the study of Plato.

In the present paper, the meanings the term “Chaldeans” acquired during the Antiquity and the early Middle Ages are presented, but mainly the role the Chaldean Oracles played inside the movement of Neo-Platonism is emphasized. The stratification of Being according to the theology of the Chaldean Oracles, suggests a reformation of the ancient Chaldean dogmas by the Neo-Platonists. The kernel of this paper is the demonstration of the similarity between the name “En” that the ancient (...) Babylonians used as the first part of many compound words for their gods, with the One (Ἕν=En), the first theological principle in the Neo-Platonic system. Yet, a comparison between the Chaldean theology and the Neo-platonic views on Mysticism and religiosity follows. As it is well known, the later Neo-Platonism will be led to the creation of a way of thought and practice as impacts from the ancient tradition. (shrink)

Cet article propose une hypothèse au sujet des Oracles Chaldaïques en les abordant sous l’angle de l’histoire de leur réception. L’objectif de l’A. est de replacer l’origine de ces oracles dans le contexte immédiat de la spiritualité néoplatonicienne. L’hypothèse proposée est illustrée par quelques vers de Proclus qui nous sont rapportés par son disciple Marinus dans son traité Proclus ou sur le bonheur ainsi que par quelques témoignages littéraires sur la conception de la prière chez les néoplatoniciens. L’article (...) se termine sur un exemple de réception moderne des Oracles Chaldaïques. This paper proposes a hypothesis on the Chaldean Oracles by an approach under the angle of the history of their reception. The objective of the A. is to replace the origin of these oracles in the immediate context of Neoplatonician’s spirituality. The hypothesis suggested is illustrated by some verses of Proclus which are brought back to us by his disciple Marinus in his Proclus or on happiness as well as by some literary testimonies on the conception of prayer among Neoplatonicians. The paper finishes on a modern example of reception of the Chaldean Oracles. (shrink)

In the summer of 1486, Pico came into possession of what he regarded as the original Chaldean text of the Chaldean Oracles, whose Greek text thus came to appear to him as an incomplete and flawed translation. The now-lost purported original Chaldean Oracles were a back translation infused with kabbalistic elements produced by Flavius Mithridates. In his Conclusiones nongentae (Rome, 1486), however, Pico devoted to them fifteen conclusions. Through an overall analysis of these conclusions, the (...) first part of the article points out the kabbalistic themes and symbols that Pico descried in the original Chaldean Oracles. In the second part, an in-depth analysis of one of these conclusiones demonstrates that Pico’s reading of the oracle quoted therein implied that the Greek translator had missed the kabbalistic purport of the original. The article shows that Pico’s Conclusiones aimed at pointing out that the transmission of kabbalah to Zoroaster and from Zoroaster (although not without misinterpretations) to the Greek world – in other words, the existence of a divinely revealed prisca theologia transmitted through the ages – could be demonstrated on the basis of philological analysis and that, according to Pico, insofar as they provided a philological reconstruction of that science and its transmission, the Conclusiones should be reckoned as the culmination of the studia humanitatis. (shrink)

Lengthy review of Nicola Spanu's 2020 book, Proclus and the Chaldean Oracles A Study on Proclean Exegesis, with a Translation and Commentary of Proclus’ Treatise On Chaldean Philosophy. The review indulges in some reflections on methodology and the interpretation of Neoplatonic texts.

By drawing on what the ancient Greeks understood by παράδεισος, and reviewing different conceptions of the biblical paradise as portrayed in the New Testament, the Old and New Testament Apocrypha, the Nag Hammadi Library, the Manichean literature, the Koran, and other mystical sources of Islam, this paper seeks to determine the nature of the ‘paradise’ mentioned in the Chaldean Oracles (frs. 107 and 165). Particular attention is paid to the Christianized reading by the Byzantine scholar Michael Psellus, who (...) arranged Greek traditional themes, motives of Genesis concerning the Garden of Eden, the allegorical exegesis by Philo ofAlexandria, and Neoplatonic doctrines, all together in his Commentary of the Chaldean Oracles. (shrink)

This book covers the first 500 years of the common era. These years witnessed the revivals of Aristotelianism, Epicureanism, Pyrrhonism, Cynicism, and Pythagoreanism; but by far the most important movement was the revival of Platonism under Plotinus. Here, the historical context of Plotinus is provided including the currents of thought that preceded him and opened the path for him. The presuppositions of the Enneads are made explicit and the thought of Plotinus is reconstructed. The author reorients the expositions of Middle (...) Platonism and neo-Pythagoreanism. He provides a full exposition of Hermeticism and the doctrines of the Chaldean Oracles. He also defends the notion that Philo of Alexandria nourished a Jewish philosophy, not an eclectic mixture. (shrink)

This book covers the first 500 years of the common era. These years witnessed the revivals of Aristotelianism, Epicureanism, Pyrrhonism, Cynicism, and Pythagoreanism; but by far the most important movement was the revival of Platonism under Plotinus. Here, the historical context of Plotinus is provided including the currents of thought that preceded him and opened the path for him. The presuppositions of the Enneads are made explicit and the thought of Plotinus is reconstructed. The author reorients the expositions of Middle (...) Platonism and neo-Pythagoreanism. He provides a full exposition of Hermeticism and the doctrines of the Chaldean Oracles. He also defends the notion that Philo of Alexandria nourished a Jewish philosophy, not an eclectic mixture. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Plato's Timaeus as Cultural IconGerard NaddafGretchen J. Reydams-Schils, editor. Plato's Timaeus as Cultural Icon. Notre Dame, IN.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003. Pp. xiv + 334. Cloth, $59.95. Paper, $29.95.This volume emanates from an international conference entitled "Plato's Timaeus as Cultural Icon" held at the University of Notre Dame in 2000. In the introduction, the editor and organizer, Gretchen Reydams-Schils (GRS), contends that the title is meant (...) to communicate the considerable influence of Plato's Timaeus on so many different intellectual traditions and asks "What could account for this philosophical and cultural status?" (1).There are thirteen essays by distinguished specialists in the field. For some reason, a number of the essays do not focus on the general theme of the volume and the question GRS raises, "what could account for this philosophical and cultural status?" is never directly, or even indirectly, addressed. In this short review, I will examine the essays in their order of appearance and make some general comments at the end.Mitchell Miller, in the opening essay, argues that the Timaeus must be understood as addressed to a nonphilosophical audience, although he endeavors to show how the philosophically minded could interpret the Timaeus in light of the god-given method, the longer way, of the Philebus (16c-17a). With this in mind, Miller shows that the constitution of the elements and animals in the Timaeus was in fact determined in light of this method. From this perspective, the Timaeus is addressed not only to a nonphilosophical audience—albeit chiefly to these—but also to a philosophical audience.Kenneth Sayre discusses a number of inconsistencies and incoherences in Plato's description/analysis of the Receptacle and concludes that it is nothing short of a "failed experiment." Personally, I find Plato's analysis rather helpful in a manner analogous to the famous similes he employs in the Republic to help us grasp the Form of the Good. Meanwhile, there is nothing in the essay, as with Miller's essay, to indicate why the Timaeus would constitute a cultural icon (unless as a paradigm for opacity and thus as a catalyst for allegorical interpretation, but again this is not Sayre's intent). [End Page 335]John Dillon, with whom the notion of the Timaeus as a cultural icon begins to emerge, emphasizes that most of the members of the Old Academy, including Speusippus, Xenocrates, and Cantor, maintained (contra Aristotle) that Plato did not hold that the universe was created. While it is true, as he notes, that they were in a better position to interpret the master, the fact remains that they all had different interpretations. There is thus a sense in which Dillon's analysis confirms Miller's position that Plato meant the Timaeus for two very different audiences.Carlos Lévy focuses on the difficulty that Cicero had in translating the Timaeus without reverting to Stoic concepts. He argues that a Latin reader, unfamiliar with the Greek, would assume that transcendence is nonexistent and that mind and matter, as with the Stoics, are one. However, Lévy remains silent on why Cicero would not allow Plato to speak for himself, given that this appears to be the norm with many of his other interlocutors. Moreover, it is difficult again to see why the Timaeus would constitute a "cultural icon."Luc Brisson presents the Timaeus in a radical new light. He shows the extent to which the Timaeus, or more precisely the highly exegetical Middle Platonist interpretation of the work, was the primary reference text for the influential Chaldean Oracles. This is an excellent example of the iconic status of the Timaeus, but it is worth noting that the Chaldean Oracles themselves and their doctrine of salvation may have been historically more influential than the Timaeus itself.David Runia's essay is also an excellent example of the iconic influence of Plato's Timaeus, but unlike Brisson, he focuses on a particular feature of the cosmogonical account rather than the entire treatise: how the Timaeus influenced the debate, including with regard to the opening verses of Genesis, on first principles and the doctrine of creation. Runia... (shrink)

Petrić, koji na Pletonovu tragu spise poznate pod naslovom Kaldejska proroštva pripisuje Zoroastru, »suvremeniku Abrahamovu, prvom otkrivaču astrologije i magije tj. mudrosti«, objavljuje te spise u »Dodatku« svoje Nove sveopće filozofije 1591. te 1593. godine pod naslovom Zoroaster et eius CCCXX Oracula Chaldaica, eius opera e tenebris eruta et latine reddita . Spisi će 1593. godine kao zasebno izdanje biti objavljeni u Hamburgu pod naslovom Magia philosophica hoc est Zoroaster et eius CCCXX Oracula chaldaica .Zoroastru pripisanu filozofiju Petrić zajedno sa (...) svojom vlastitom i s još tri filozofije, kao jednu »pobožnu filozofiju« podastire papi Grguru XIV. u zamjenu za Aristotelovu »bezbožnu « filozofiju što se »posvuda predaje po školama«.Prema njegovim vlastitim riječima, Petrić ulaže »nemali trud« u prikupljanje 324 stiha Kaldejskih proroštava, raspršenih po djelima različitih autora poglavito novoplatoničke orijentacije, sakupljajući ih u jedan cjelovit spis, koji raspoređuje u nekoliko tematskih cjelina i prevodi na latinski.U tekstu se nastoje sagledati Petrićevi motivi izdavanja Zoroastru pripisanih Oracula chaldaica, što se povezuje prije svega s pitanjem o tome jesu li i, ako jesu, kako su učenja iz Oracula prisutna u njegovoj vlastitoj filozofiji izloženoj u Novoj sveopćoj filozofiji.Svoj načelni stav o tome kako Proroštva funkcioniraju u njegovoj filozofiji iznosi Petrić u šestoj knjizi »Panarchije« Nove sveopće filozofije gdje kaže: »Ali mi filozofiramo pozivajući se na autoritete [pri čemu misli prije svega na Zoroastra] više kao na ures nego kao na temelj. Pozabavimo se stoga dokazima!« Premda, naime, Zoroastra priznaje kao autoritet, Petrić njegove izrijeke ne smatra filozofskim dokazima!Analizom Nove sveopće filozofije pokušava se u tekstu doći do odgovora na pitanje stoji li ova Petrićeva tvrdnja o pozivanju na autoritete kao na ures. Ujedno se nastoji sagledati specifičnost njegove interpretacije Kaldejskih proroštava, napose interpretacije koncepcije počela u njima izložene.Na kraju su značajke Petrićeve recepcije tih spisa rezimirane u jednoj njegovoj izjavi, vezanoj doduše uz pitanje razuma, no koja se može primijeniti i na sva ostala učenja izložena u Oracula chaldaica. Petrić u njoj znakovito kaže: »Međutim ta [sc. Zoroastrova] povijest o razumu ne čini se da se mnogo tiče naše filozofije, niti se pak mnogo razlikuje od nje.«The article attempts to examine Petrić’s motives for publishing Oracula Chaldaica, attributed to Zoroaster, and relate them primarily with the question of whether the teachings from the Oracles are present, and if so, in what way are they present in Petrić’s philosophy laid out in his Nova de universis philosophia.Petrić introduces his basic position on how Oracles function in his philosophy in the sixth book of “Panarchia” in Nova de universis philosophia, where he says: “But we philosophise by appealing to the authorities [by which he primarily means Zoroaster] more in the sense of an ornament than in the sense a foundation. Let us therefore deal with proofs!” Although, in fact, Petrić recognizes Zoroaster as an authority, he does not regard his sayings as philosophical proofs!Through the analysis of Nova de universis philosophia the article tries to answer the question whether the claim of appealing to the authorities merely as an ornament is justified. At the same time, it tries to expound the particularity of his interpretation of Chaldean Oracles, especially the interpretation of the notion of substance found in Oracles.Finally, the features of Petrić’s reception of these writings are summarized in one of his statements, although connected to the issue of reason, but which can be applied to all of the teachings of Oracula Chaldaica. He indicatively states: “However, this [sc. Zoroaster’s] history of reason does not seem to concern our philosophy very much, nor does it greatly differ from it.”. (shrink)

While Platonists are generally committed to a non-materialist worldview and the idea that human happiness is attained by caring for the immortal soul, they show less agreement on how the founding texts of their tradition, the Platonic dialogues, should be interpreted. After a discussion of Proclus’ philosophical sources and of the curriculum of the later Neoplatonists, the author tackles the question as to Proclus’ place in the Platonic tradition first by showing how Proclus himself regarded his predecessors, before pointing to (...) the limitations of Proclus’ own perspective. The author argues that Proclus indeed belonged to the strand of Platonism ready to go beyond the Plato’s words, but that his exegesis of Plato was much more inspired by Numenius’ allegorical interpretation and by Porphyry’s and Iamblichus’ project of reconciling Plato with Orphism and the Chaldean Oracles than Plotinus’. (shrink)

This article considers the issue of changes in the understanding of symbols as an integral part of spiritual life in Neoplatonic philosophy. It seems that ancient Neoplatonic philosophers were the first who clearly realized the importance of symbols to spiritual life. However, it happened due to the influence of the mystical Chaldean and Egyptian thought transferred to philosophical investigation by the Chaldean oracles and Corpus hermeticum. The late Neoplatonic thought of Iamblichus and Eastern Neoplatonic schools used symbols (...) and rituals as integral parts of philosophical investigation, understood as having a mystical goal. Especially mathematical symbols played a significant role, because they were used in the most advanced theurgical rituals. This analysis of the pagan Neoplatonic philosophy permits us to show properly the thought of Pseudo- Dionysius the Areopagite, who creatively transformed the teaching of his pagan predecessors, by incorporating ancient Neoplatonic tradition into Christian theology. Pseudo-Dionysius excludes liturgical symbols from the order of the cosmos and transfers them to the plane of Salvation grounded in Biblical Revelation. Only true symbols are used in the liturgy of the Church, and thus mathematical symbols are no longer needed in the ascent of the soul to unity with God. The third part analyzes the meaning of symbolism in the thought of Nicolas of Cusa. Thanks to the rediscovery of ancient pagan Neoplatonism and Pythagorean thought, Cusanus also brings new life to the mystical meaning of mathematics. Mathematical symbols once again become an im- portant part of the mystical ascent of the soul, but this time without their ritual context. (shrink)

We begin with the history of the discovery of computability in the 1930’s, the roles of Gödel, Church, and Turing, and the formalisms of recursive functions and Turing automatic machines . To whom did Gödel credit the definition of a computable function? We present Turing’s notion [1939, §4] of an oracle machine and Post’s development of it in [1944, §11], [1948], and finally Kleene-Post [1954] into its present form. A number of topics arose from Turing functionals including continuous functionals on (...) Cantor space and online computations. Almost all the results in theoretical computability use relative reducibility and o-machines rather than a-machines and most computing processes in the real world are potentially online or interactive. Therefore, we argue that Turing o-machines, relative computability, and online computing are the most important concepts in the subject, more so than Turing a-machines and standard computable functions since they are special cases of the former and are presented first only for pedagogical clarity to beginning students. At the end in §10–§13 we consider three displacements in computability theory, and the historical reasons they occurred. Several brief conclusions are drawn in §14. (shrink)

Groundhog Day animal weather forecasting ceremonies continue to proliferate around the United States despite a lack of public confidence in the oracles. This essay probes religio-historical and original ethnographic perspectives to offer a psychological argument for why these ceremonies exist. Employing Paul Shepard's notion of a felt loss of sacred, intimate relationships with nonhuman nature, as well as Peter Homans's concept of the monument that enables mourning, this essay argues that groundhog oracles serve as monuments that allow humans (...) experientially to attempt to heal lost sacred relationships with animals like weather forecasting bears, hedgehogs, and badgers. (shrink)

Karl Giberson and Mariano Artigas offer an informed analysis on the views of Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Dawkins, Edward O. Wilson, Carl Sagan, Stephen Hawking and Steven Weinberg; carefully distinguishing science from philosophy and religion in the writings of the oracles.

We investigate the connection between interference and computational power within the operationally defined framework of generalised probabilistic theories. To compare the computational abilities of different theories within this framework we show that any theory satisfying four natural physical principles possess a well-defined oracle model. Indeed, we prove a subroutine theorem for oracles in such theories which is a necessary condition for the oracle model to be well-defined. The four principles are: causality, purification, strong symmetry, and informationally consistent composition. Sorkin (...) has defined a hierarchy of conceivable interference behaviours, where the order in the hierarchy corresponds to the number of paths that have an irreducible interaction in a multi-slit experiment. Given our oracle model, we show that if a classical computer requires at least n queries to solve a learning problem, because fewer queries provide no information about the solution, then the corresponding “no-information” lower bound in theories lying at the kth level of Sorkin’s hierarchy is \. This lower bound leaves open the possibility that quantum oracles are less powerful than general probabilistic oracles, although it is not known whether the lower bound is achievable in general. Hence searches for higher-order interference are not only foundationally motivated, but constitute a search for a computational resource that might have power beyond that offered by quantum computation. (shrink)

We focus on how we should define the relevance of information to a context for information processing agents, such as oracles. We build our formalization of relevance upon works in pragmatics which refer to contextual information without giving any explicit representation of context. We use a formalization of context (due to us) in Situation Theory, and demonstrate its power in this task. We also discuss some computational aspects of this formalization.

"Explores the relationships between science and other societal sectors, notably law, religion, government and public culture, in terms of the concepts of expert and moral authority"--Provided by publisher.

Étude de la réception de Fontenelle dans l'Encyclopédie qui démontre que celui-ci joue un rôle important à titre de figure tutélaire pour les encyclopédistes, à titre de penseur des progrès de l'esprit humain. -/- Study of Fontenelle's reception in the Encyclopédie, showing that he plays an important role as an authority for the encyclopedists, as a thinker of the progress of human mind.

Apollo's oracle gives specific instructions concerning the treatment of the murderer of Laius. Oedipus issues an edict of excommunication and bindshimself under a curse. I wish to examine the relationship between these three pronouncements as they occur initially and as they are used throughout the play. The basis of what I have to say is tentative in that it consists in a particular interpretation of Oedipus' addres, 216 ff., and in the assumption that Sophocles employed a distinction between an edict, (...) that is a secular command of the kingas governing authority, and a curse which, once pronounced, is felt to operate independently. However, both the interpretation and the assumption are farfrom arbitrary, and if they are acceptable the resulting analysis reveals whatmight be called Sophocles' creative use of past episodes. The terms of the oraclegive way to an edict of excommunication, and this in turn, becomes the contentof a curse which initially had a different content. (shrink)

Apollo's oracle gives specific instructions concerning the treatment of the murderer of Laius. Oedipus issues an edict of excommunication and bindshimself under a curse. I wish to examine the relationship between these three pronouncements as they occur initially and as they are used throughout the play. The basis of what I have to say is tentative in that it consists in a particular interpretation of Oedipus' addres, 216 ff., and in the assumption that Sophocles employed a distinction between an edict, (...) that is a secular command of the kingas governing authority, and a curse which, once pronounced, is felt to operate independently. However, both the interpretation and the assumption are farfrom arbitrary, and if they are acceptable the resulting analysis reveals whatmight be called Sophocles' creative use of past episodes. The terms of the oraclegive way to an edict of excommunication, and this in turn, becomes the contentof a curse which initially had a different content. (shrink)

Much modern scholarship on Delphic oracles has revolved around the question of authenticity, where authenticity implies it is a fact that there was a consultation of the Delphic oracle, that a response was given and that the account of these events reports the occasion of the consultation and the response verbatim. This article challenges the usefulness and validity of this definition on two grounds. First, there is ample evidence that most Delphic oracles circulated orally for at least a (...) generation before being recorded in writing. Therefore, Delphic oracles should be examined through what we know about orality from Homeric studies. Second, all six hundred or so oracles attributed to Delphi are fulfilled. This observation suggests that Delphic tales are religious testimonia and should be read for what they tell us about the beliefs, though not necessarily the facts and details, of the communities who circulated them. This article, then, both provides an alternate definition of authenticity that takes into account the oral transmission of these tales by communities of believers and comments on the nature of the historical evidence these tales provide. (shrink)

In order for Bayesian inquiry to count as objective, one might argue that it must lead to a consensus among those who use it and share evidence, but presumably this is not enough. It has been proposed that one should also require that the consensus be reached from very different initial opinions by conditioning only on basic experimental evidence, evidence free from subjective, social, or psychological influence. I will argue here, however, that this notion of objectivity in Bayesian inquiry is (...) too narrow. (shrink)

John Calvin claims that the foundation of Scripture is the oracles and visions revealed to the patriarchs, transmitted through countless generations by an oral tradition that faithfully preserved these oracles. The oral tradition of the patriarchs also contains practices not found in written Scripture that are applicable to the church of Calvin day.

La présente étude propose une lecture « à la verticale » des vers homériques composant l’Ὁμηρομαντεῖον du Papyrus de Londres 121, au-delà du mode d’emploi interactif selon lequel fonctionne ce texte. Outre le recours à un stock de vers homériques circulant de façon relativement autonome dans le monde érudit, l’étude des critères de sélection des vers composant ce passage révèle un effort conscient d’y reproduire les caractéristiques de la littérature oraculaire : caractère gnomique ou proverbial, obscurité, ton instructif et offensant, (...) etc. Tirés des discours des dieux ou de leurs élus, ces vers/oracles introduisent le questionneur dans une relation intime avec le divin tout en lui proposant des modèles de comportement moyennant les figures de Diomède ou d’Ulysse. Or, dans l’Oracle…, tout comme dans l’Iliade, Diomède paraît en quête d’un juste équilibre entre les maîtres du jeu, à savoir Athéna et Apollon. (shrink)

Earlier, we have studied computations possible by physical systems and by algorithms combined with physical systems. In particular, we have analysed the idea of using an experiment as an oracle to an abstract computational device, such as the Turing machine. The theory of composite machines of this kind can be used to understand (a) a Turing machine receiving extra computational power from a physical process, or (b) an experimenter modelled as a Turing machine performing a test of a known physical (...) theory T.Our earlier work was based upon experiments in Newtonian mechanics. Here we extend the scope of the theory of experimental oracles beyond Newtonian mechanics to electrical theory. First, we specify an experiment that measures resistance using a Wheatstone bridge and start to classify the computational power of this experimental oracle using non-uniform complexity classes. Secondly, we show that modelling an experimenter and experimental procedure algorithmically imposes a limit on our ability to measure resistance by the Wheatstone bridge.The connection between the algorithm and physical test is mediated by a protocol controlling each query, especially the physical time taken by the experimenter. In our studies we find that physical experiments have an exponential time protocol; this we formulate as a general conjecture. Our theory proposes that measurability in Physics is subject to laws which are co-lateral effects of the limits of computability and computational complexity. (shrink)

Earlier, we have studied computations possible by physical systems and by algorithms combined with physical systems. In particular, we have analysed the idea of using an experiment as an oracle to an abstract computational device, such as the Turing machine. The theory of composite machines of this kind can be used to understand (a) a Turing machine receiving extra computational power from a physical process, or (b) an experimenter modelled as a Turing machine performing a test of a known physical (...) theory T. Our earlier work was based upon experiments in Newtonian mechanics. Here we extend the scope of the theory of experimental oracles beyond Newtonian mechanics to electrical theory. First, we specify an experiment that measures resistance using a Wheatstone bridge and start to classify the computational power of this experimental oracle using non-uniform complexity classes. Secondly, we show that modelling an experimenter and experimental procedure algorithmically imposes a limit on our ability to measure resistance by the Wheatstone bridge. The connection between the algorithm and physical test is mediated by a protocol controlling each query, especially the physical time taken by the experimenter. In our studies we find that physical experiments have an exponential time protocol, this we formulate as a general conjecture. Our theory proposes that measurability in Physics is subject to laws which are co-lateral effects of the limits of computability and computational complexity. (shrink)

Manipulés par les puissances hégémoniques, les sanctuaires oraculaires auraient rendu des oracles intéressés, et du même coup ambigus pour laisser aux consultants toute la responsabilité de leurs erreurs d’interprétation. Un coup d’œil aux réponses conser­vées dans les sources contemporaines des faits suffit pour se convaincre du contraire. De plus, il existe une tradition méconnue qui contredit le topos de l’ambiguïté volontaire : la seconde consultation du même sanctuaire pour préciser un oracle rendu. On trouve d’abondants exemples, privés et publics, (...) fictifs et réels, sur tous les sujets possibles, de l’archaïsme à la période romaine, à Delphes, Didymes et Dodone, entre autres. Qui plus est, et même dans les cas légendaires ou rapportés longtemps après les faits, la seconde consultation n’est presque jamais la conséquence de l’ambiguïté de la première réponse.It is often argued that Greek oracular sanctuaries provided self-interested answers, and that they were manipulated by hegemonic States. Hence, those oracles would have been ambiguous in the responses they gave and would have left the responsibility for any wrong interpretation to the person consulting them. In fact, a quick look at the preserved oracular responses reported by contemporary sources proves the opposite. Furthermore, there is a little-known tradition, which contradicts the topos of intentional ambiguity, i.e. a second consultation in the same sanctuary in order to clarify the first response given by an oracle. Many examples, private and public, fictitious and real, on all possible topics, from the archaic to the Roman period, exist at Delphi, Didyma and Dodona, among other places. Even in the legendary cases, or in those reported long after the fact, the second consultation is almost never prompted by the ambiguity of the first answer. (shrink)

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