The Spinoza party -- The Tractatus Theologico-Politicus: a democratic manifesto -- The Tractatus Politicus: a science of the state -- The Ethics: a political anthropology -- Politics and communication.

Marxist Philosophy or Marx's Philosophy? The general idea of this little book is to understand and explain why Marx will still be read in the twenty-first ...

Etienne Balibar, one of the foremost living French philosophers, builds on his landmark work 'Spinoza and Politics' with this exploration of Spinoza's ontology. Balibar situates Spinoza in relation to the major figures of Marx and Freud as a precursor to the more recent French thinker Gilbert Simondon's concept of the transindividual. Presenting a crucial development in his thought, Balibar takes the concept of transindividuality beyond Spinoza to show it at work at both the individual and the collective (...) level. (shrink)

A collection of Essays over the last 20 years, exploring different dimensions of the philosophical debate on "subjecthood" and "subjectivity" in Modernity, as it was framed by the "Controversy on the subject" from the 1960's, and showing how it is now continued in a "controversy on the Universal.".

Suite de la réflexion sur les rapports entre violence, civilité et révolution dans les sociétés contemporaines, initiée par le philosophe Etienne Balibar dans son ouvrage Violence et civilité et prolongée par un colloque international en 2014.

First published in 1994. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Qu'appelons-nous " modernité "? Cette question est travaillée selon une triple orientation philologique, épistémologique et historique, en prenant pour fils conducteurs l'auto-énonciation du sujet, la constitution du " nous " communautaire, l'aporie de l'institution judiciaire. L'interprétation défendue pose que les processus opposés du devenir-citoyen du sujet et du devenir-sujet du citoyen en viennent à se recouvrir. C'est aussi le moment où le rapport du commun à l'universel devient un écart politique au sein de l'universel lui-même. Le " jugement des autres (...) " doit être rapporté à un " jugement de soi-même " attestant pour chacun sa propre normalité. Dès lors, l'humain ne peut coïncider avec l'institution du politique qu'à la condition de se retrancher de soi-même, dans la forme des " différences anthropologiques ". Le citoyen-sujet ne peut se comprendre indépendamment de son envers, qui le conteste et le défie. (shrink)

International in scope and featuring a diverse group of contributors, The Borders of Justice investigates the complexities of transitional justice that emerge from its “social embeddedness.” This original and provocative collection of essays, which stem from a collective research program on social justice undertaken by the Calcutta Research Group, confronts the concept and practices of justice. The editors and contributors question the relationship between geography, methodology, and justice—how and why justice is meted out differently in different places. Expanding on Michael (...) Walzer's idea of the “spheres of justice,” the contributors argue that justice is burdened with our notions of social realities and expectations, in addition to the influence of money, law, and government. Chapters provide close readings of Pascal, Plato and Marx, theories on global justice, the relationship between liberalism and multiculturalism, struggles of social injustice, and how and where we draw the borders of justice. (shrink)

Cet ouvrage donne la parole à cinq philosophes marxistes français de renommée internationale - Main Badiou, Étienne Balibar, Jacques Bidet, Michael Löwy, Lucien Sève - qui présentent l'évolution de leur rapport à Marx, à la philosophie et à la politique, depuis les années 1950 jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Dans ces entretiens, chacun à son tour, les auteurs ont répondu aux questions posées par deux philosophes de générations différentes, Alexis Cukier et Isabelle Garo : comment avez-vous rencontré la pensée de Marx, et (...) comment avez-vous commencé à en faire usage? Dans quel contexte théorique et politique, pour répondre à quelle urgence et à quel problème, en rapport avec quels engagements militants? Quelle a été l'évolution de votre conception du communisme et que devraient être une action ou une organisation politique communiste aujourd'hui? Que retenez-vous d'essentiel de la pensée de Marx pour penser la période politique présente? Au fil des réponses à ces questions, les auteurs analysent les rapports entre philosophie et politique, reviennent sur la trajectoire du marxisme en France et abordent la signification du communisme aujourd'hui. L'introduction, complétée d'une bibliographie étendue, présente les coordonnées théoriques et politiques complexes de ces trajectoires singulières, leurs convergences et leurs divergences, qui éclairent le renouvellement en cours de la philosophie marxiste ainsi que de l'engagement communiste."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Il testo che qui presentiamo riproduce un articolo tratto dal volume miscellaneo Il transindividuale. Soggetti, relazioni, mutazioni, a cura di E. Balibar e V. Morfino, Mimesis, Milano 2014,.

Answering a question of B. Karsenti on the relation between ontology and politics, E. Balibar reaffirms the irreducible character of politics, including the most philosophical objects. Between the two ontological and transcendental poles of politics, it appears in order to articulate the political and the anthropological. The social relations, functioning by introducing differences in the species, are constitutive of the question of violence that is at the heart of the it-reducibility of politics.

Il testo che qui presentiamo riproduce l’Introduzione al volume miscellaneo Il transindividuale. Soggetti, relazioni, mutazioni, a cura di E. Balibar e V. Morfino, Mimesis, Milano 2014.

Conferencia introductoria de la serie de seminarios y mesas redondas titulada Utopia 13/13, “A History of the Future”, que se llevó a cabo en la Universidad de Columbia entre el segundo semestre de 2022 y el primer semestre de 2023, organizada por Bernard E. Harcourt. Traducción, Federico Correa Pose.

Il saggio affronta la relazione tra nazionalismo e razzismo ruotando attorno alle nozioni di etnicità fittizia e di schema genealogico, rinvianti all’idea che la nazione debba trovare un meccanismo, istituzionale e immaginario, per trasferire e riprodurre al livello politico la funzione simbolica che lega il susseguirsi delle generazioni sotto il segno del ‘retaggio culturale’ e della ‘identità ereditaria’. Da un’analisi attenta risulta come tali nozioni siano il residuo dell’idea di ‘razza’ dopo che la sua applicazione alla violenta discriminazione dei soggetti (...) coloniali, o dei discendenti degli schiavi, o dell’alterità etnica, è stata delegittimata. Si può comprendere come la nozione di razza, qualunque sia la giustificazione biologica adottata, non sia mai stata altro che una costruzione mitologica volta ad autorizzare il pensiero che riproduzione, trasmissione, educazione, memoria, tradizione, avvengano nei limiti di una comunità dotata di una identità riconoscibile.This essay deals with the relationship between nationalism and racism, and it revolves around the notions of fictitious ethnicity and genealogical scheme. Both these notions refer to the idea that the nation must find an institutional and imaginary mechanism in order to transfer and reproduce at a political level the symbolic function which binds the succession of generations under the sign of ‘cultural heritage’ and ‘hereditary identity’. A careful analysis shows how these notions are the residue of the idea of ‘race’ after the de-legitimation of its application to the violent discrimination of colonial subjects, or descendants of slaves, or ethnic alterity. It can be understood how the notion of race, whatever biological justification is adopted, was nothing else than a mythological construction, its aim being to support the idea that reproduction, transmission, education, memory, tradition, occur within the limits of a community with a recognizable identity. (shrink)

Il saggio affronta la relazione tra nazionalismo e razzismo ruotando attorno alle nozioni die di, che insieme rinviano all'idea che la nazione debba trovare un meccanismo, istituzionale e immaginario, per trasferire e riprodurre al livello politico la funzione simbolica che lega il susseguirsi delle generazioni sotto il segno del ‘retaggio culturale' e della ‘identitÀ ereditaria'. Da un'analisi attenta risulta come tali nozioni siano ildell'idea di ‘razza' dopo che la sua applicazione alla violenta discriminazione dei soggetti coloniali, o dei discendenti degli (...) schiavi, o dell'alteritÀ etnica, č stata delegittimata. Dunque, si puň comprendere come la nozione di razza, qualunque sia la giustificazione biologica adottata, non sia mai stata altro che una costruzione mitologica volta ad autorizzare il pensiero che riproduzione, trasmissione, educazione, memoria, tradizione ecc., avvenganodotata di una identitÀ riconoscibile. (shrink)

In Marx e Spinoza la categoria dell’essenza umana viene sovvertita, ma in sensi opposti: per l’uno la sovversione si fa nel nome del rapporto, per l’altro nel nome della singolarità. Come stanno le cose in Freud? Troviamo qui una terza modalità di critica delle antropologie essenzialistiche, che prende le mosse direttamente dalla reciprocità fra «formazione di massa» e individuazione, la quale oscilla fra identificazione e asocialità. Si cercherà di mettere questi discorsi a confronto.

O uso diferenciado dos termos multitudo e populus em Espinosa nos remete a problemáticas mais recentes que se referem aos “movimentos de massas", seu controle, sua utilização e sua repressão preventiva. Tomando as 'massas' como objeto de estudo específico, Espinosa recusa tanto a redução da individualidade pelas massas quanto a redução das massas pelo poder, fornecendo-nos assim subsidios para pensar as instituições democráticas.

In this response, while agreeing with Balibar’s substantive positive position, I take issue with the way he situates it. Specifically, he casts it as a via negativa in relation to all previously existing thought. I suggest that it would be more accurate to say he is positioning the notion of the transindividual as a via media between two alleged extremes, individualism and organicism. I argue that the idea that there is an opposite and equal error to individualism is mistaken, (...) and that in actuality Balibar’s concept of the transindividual is not a radical departure from a long history of anti-individualism. (shrink)

This article is a critique of Étienne Balibar's philosophical orientation towards Europe, construed as both an ideal and an institutional reality, in light of recent European crises. I argue that Balibar's commitment to Europe follows from his longstanding political-philosophical preference for a compromise position between political utopianism and political realism, but that this compromise is ultimately incoherent, combining the ungroundedness of utopianism with the undue self-limitation of realism.

The philosophy of Deleuze is as relevant to contemporary thought as it is obscure and complex. Deleuze at the End of the World guides readers through this maze by exploring the raw material that Deleuze took from thinkers in various fields of knowledge to construct his own concepts, some of them well known (such as Hegel, Kant, Husserl, Balibar and Blanchot) and some widely unexplored (Selme, Guillaume, Bakhtine and Dalcq). At the same time, readers will gain access to Latin (...) American perspectives on contemporary philosophy. (shrink)

Partindo da Introdução geral à crítica da economia política de Marx, Deleuze e Guattari afirmam, em O anti-Édipo, que só há história universal das contingências. O que está em jogo nessa valorização do aspecto contingente da história universal segundo a leitura deleuzo-guattariana de Marx? Nossa hipótese é a de que uma boa via para compreender o sentido desta valorização da contingência é através de um exame de alguns comentários de Althusser e Balibar à obra de Marx, em que defendem (...) que os encontros contingentes são mais importantes do que a lógica da necessidade histórica no materialismo marxista. (shrink)

La démocratie souffre d'un curieux paradoxe : contrairement à l'aristocratie ou à la monarchie dont les contours institutionnels et symboliques peuvent être tracés avec clarté, la démocratie ne se fige jamais dans une quelconque forme et se maintient plutôt suspendue à sa réinvention permanente. Balibar n'est pas le premier à poser la question du manque d'ambition de la démocratie, mais le seul à refuser de dissocier la question de l'extension démocratique de celle de son intensité. Pages de début Introduction. (...) Le refus de la démocratie finie Race et nation, les angles morts du marxisme Les multiples dimensions du concept de politique Une anthropologie de la citoyenneté Conclusion. La contradiction infinieBibliographie des ouvrages principaux de Balibar Pages de fin. (shrink)

Au fil du temps, l'Europe est devenue un objet central de la philosophie politique d'Étienne Balibar. Née sur le terreau de sa réflexion sur le racisme, cette pensée s'est concentrée toujours davantage sur la construction européenne et ses impasses. En ce sens, il s'agit d'une vision marquée par la crise et, de ce fait même, guidée par le souci et l'urgence de la démocratisation de l'Union européenne ou, ce qui revient au même, de sa transformation. Les problèmes de la (...) citoyenneté, des frontières, du positionnement géopolitique, de la constitution, des choix économiques, des migrants ont ainsi aimanté l'élaboration d'un ensemble de concepts originaux pour penser ces enjeux, formant une œuvre dont l'ampleur et l'extension n'ont probablement d'autre équivalent, dans la scène philosophique contemporaine, que l'entreprise de Jürgen Habermas. Les auteures et les auteurs de cet ouvrage - juristes, philosophes, politistes, venus de France et d'ailleurs - engagent à leur tour un échange productif avec les principaux concepts et propositions d'Étienne Balibar sur l'Europe, convaincus de leur intérêt théorique intrinsèque mais également de l'horizon post-national dans lequel le politique se déploie désormais. Ce qui donne l'occasion à Étienne Balibar de relancer, encore une fois, la discussion. (shrink)

Etienne Balibar se réfère à l’idée arendtienne de la citoyenneté pour montrer que la démocratie se construit nécessairement au travers d’une aporie. D’une part, la démocratie évoque l’idéal isonomique de l’égalité pour fonder la communauté ; d’autre part, elle inscrit la différence dans l’éventualité d’une contestation permanente des principes unificateurs. Ce que je propose, c’est de contribuer à développer le dialogue entre E. Balibar et Hannah Arendt en m’interrogeant sur la possibilité d’aller au-delà de l’horizon de la violence. (...) Le concept d’agon qu’Arendt utilise pour qualifier le vivre ensemble isonomique n’est pas la concurrence entre artisans, ni le conflit entre ennemis, mais renvoie plutôt à l’institution d’un monde commun grâce aux différences. L’agir agonistique comprend le risque de se distinguer, d’être en désaccord, de se différer, non seulement par rapport aux autres mais aussi par rapport a soi-même. Il faudrait alors définir la violence comme une force qui agit sur l’agon, c’est-à-dire, sur la capacité de « devenir-autre ». C’est justement ceci qu’aussi bien la loi que la notion moderne de droits oblitère. (shrink)

The work exposed hereafter intends to examine the ambiguous character of identities according to the analyses of the French philosopher Étienne Balibar. The text will focus on his works from the late eighties, where there is a distancing from the circle formed around Althusser and an approach to the philosophies of difference of Foucault, Deleuze and Derrida. We will seek to explain how the author, through the prism of Marxist class conflicts, will denounce the echelonment process of individuals in (...) a hierarchical fashion within the capitalist world-economy based on multiple identity processes which respect the logic of maintaining the existing international social structure. The background of such analyses is the rise of xenophobic and neo-fascists movements which have not ceased to increase in today's Europe as a reaction to a profound crisis of the nation-state, its institutions and the fragmentation of ideally established communities. (shrink)

The paper, which retains a hypothetical character, argues that Spinoza's propositions referring to God (or involving the use of the name ‘God’, essentially in the Ethics), can be read in a fruitful manner apart from any pre-established hypothesis concerning his own ‘theological preferences’, as definite descriptions of three ‘ideas of God’ which have the same logical status: one (akin to Jewish Monotheism) which identifies the idea of God with the idea of the Law, one (akin to a heretic ‘Socinian’ version (...) of Christianity) which identifies it with the idea of Human Love, and one (akin to a form of Cosmotheism, rather than ‘Pantheism’) which identifies it with Nature. Evidence of this analytic tripartition can be found in the letter of the texts themselves. If accepted (at least as a thought experiment), it would carry three interesting consequences: 1) to renew our understanding of the theory of the ‘three kinds of knowledge’, which have obvious affinities with the three possible ways of understanding the idea of God; 2) to emphasize the critical move associated by Spinoza with each of the three ideas of God (passing from an anthropomorphic legislator to an impersonal command, passing from an imaginary community of similarities to a practical community of singularities, and passing from a teleological and harmonious idea of nature to a causal, even conflictual, idea of its infinite power); 3) to locate the essential ethical and political questions associated with religion on the ‘vectors’ which lead from one idea to another, and represent themselves practical conatus: obedience, utility, order. It is also assumed that such a reading enhances the relevance of Spinoza's philosophy with respect to contemporary debates about religion and secularism. (shrink)