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  1. Afwegingskader voor een sociaal en democratisch coronabeleid.Josette Daemen - 2021 - Socialisme and Democratie 78 (6):47-61.
    As the realisation kicks in that the coronavirus will not be going away any time soon, it is time for political parties to engage in a value-driven debate about the question what society should look like if the virus remains part of it. This paper presents a framework based on the values of personal, collective, and moral freedom that could help politicians to make the right choices in this regard. [Dutch].
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  2. Building Bridges, Not Barriers: The Case for Reforming the Uk's Citizenship Test.Thom Brooks - 2021 - Bristol: Bristol University Press.
    How many questions could you answer in a pub quiz about British values? Designed to ensure new migrants have accepted British values and integrated, the UK's citizenship test is often portrayed as a bad pub quiz with answers few citizens know. With the launch of a new post-Brexit immigration system, this is a critical time to change the test. Thom Brooks draws on first-hand experience of taking the test, and interviews with key figures including past Home Secretaries, to expose the (...)
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  3. The Trust Factor: Essays on the Current Crisis and Hope for the Future.Thom Brooks - forthcoming - London: Methuen.
    Trust is essential for our democracy. We trust our political leaders and institutions to put the public interest before their personal or partisan advantage. We trust each other to work and live together. No system is perfect and there is rarely one right answer to the big challenges faced, but we expect leaders to be honest, competent and compassionate – and punish any breaches harshly in the polls or the ballot box. But not any longer. Now is a time of (...)
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  4. Beaconism and the Trumpian Metamorphosis of Chinese Liberal Intellectuals.Yao Lin - 2021 - Journal of Contemporary China 30 (127):85-101.
    This article examines the puzzling phenomenon that many Chinese liberal intellectuals fervently idolize Donald Trump and embrace the alt-right ideologies he epitomizes. Rejecting ‘pure tactic’ and ‘neoliberal affinity’ explanations, it argues that the Trumpian metamorphosis of Chinese liberal intellectuals is precipitated by their ‘beacon complex’, which has ‘political’ and ‘civilizational’ components. Political beaconism grows from the traumatizing lived experience of Maoist totalitarianism, sanitizes the West and particularly the United States as politically near-perfect, and gives rise to both a neoliberal affinity (...)
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  5. Why Radical Democracy is Inconsistent with "Mob Rule".Walter Horn - 2021 - The Romanian Journal of Society and Politics 1 (15):7-22.
    The word “populism” commonly elicits images of hordes of angry townspeople with pitchforks and torches. That is the classic picture of “the mob,” bolstered by countless movie and television productions, and it is clearly based on such historical events as the English civil wars, the sans-culottes’ terror, the Bolshevik revolution, and the recent genocides in Rwanda and Burundi. Many of the leaders involved in fostering such horrors are seen as radical democrats whose successors today should also be feared. In this (...)
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  6. How Are Moral Foundations Associated with Empathic Traits and Moral Identity?Kelsie J. Dawson, Hyemin Han & YeEun Rachel Choi - forthcoming - Current Psychology.
    We examined the relationship between moral foundations, empathic traits, and moral identity using an online survey via Mechanical Turk. In order to determine how moral foundations contribute to empathic traits and moral identity, we performed classical correlation analysis as well as Bayesian correlation analysis, Bayesian ANCOVA, and Bayesian regression analysis. Results showed that individualizing foundations (harm/care, fairness/reciprocity) and binding foundations (ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect, purity/sanctity) had various different relationships with empathic traits. In addition, the individualizing versus binding foundations showed somewhat reverse relationships (...)
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  7. A Response to the Respondents.Kathryn Tanner - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (2):403-408.
  8. Capitalism and the Face of the Oppressed: A Response to Kathryn Tanner and Devin Singh.Nichole M. Flores - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (2):358-368.
  9. Public Values in the Right Context.Kian Mintz-Woo - 2020 - Australasian Philosophical Review 4 (1):57-62.
    [Comment] I am sympathetic to Avner de Shalit’s position that a political philosophy should incorporate public values, but I see their role differently. Philosophers of science standardly distinguish between values being introduced in the context of discovery (inputs into the investigation or arguments) and in the context of justification (acceptance or rejection of substantive claims in light of the arguments or investigation). I argue that de Shalit is wrong to put the public values in the context of discovery; with respect (...)
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  10. Prefata.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2021 - In Murray N. Rothbard (ed.), Anatomia statului. Liberalis. pp. 7-20.
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  11. Review of Drutman, Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop. [REVIEW]Walter Horn - 2021 - A Hornbook of Democracy Book Reviews, 3:16 AM.
  12. Love and the (Wrong) World. Adorno and Illouz on an Ambivalent Relation.Federica Gregoratto - 2021 - Journal of Social Philosophy 52 (1):72-91.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, Volume 52, Issue 1, Page 72-91, Spring 2021.
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  13. Irrupción y Paradojas de Un Nuevo Pueblo. [REVIEW]Ernesto Águila - 2010 - Mutatis Mutandis: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 14.
    En un formato de texto reconcentrado y ensayı́stico, llega hasta nosotros el nuevo libro del sociólogo Carlos Ruiz Encina, Octubre chileno. La irrupción de un nuevo pueblo (Santiago, Taurus, 2020). El libro arranca con una detallada bitácora de los dı́as previos al 18 de octubre de 2019, del estallido social mismo y de los acontecimientos inmediatamente posteriores. Queda la impresión de esos raros momentos cuando la historia se acelera y libera energı́as largamente acumuladas. Si bien los hechos por su masividad (...)
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  14. Political Participation as Self-Cultivation: Towards a Participatory Theory of Confucian Democracy.Jingcai Ying - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (2):290-311.
    Challenging the popular perception that Confucianism provides mostly a moral defense of political hierarchy, this article demonstrates that Confucianism is more than compatible with democracy and f...
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  15. Argumentative Patterns of Right-Wing Populism.David Lanius - 2020 - In Catarina Dutilh Novaes, Henrike Jansen, Jan Albert Van Laar & Bart Verheij (eds.), Proceedings of the 3rd European Conference on Argumentation. Groningen: College Publications. pp. 77-98.
    Populism has become one of the most intensely discussed topics in both public debate and academic research. So far there has been no systematic argumentation theoretic analysis of populism, however. This paper is intended to provide first steps towards such an analysis by giving a full argumentation theoretic reconstruction of the political manifesto of the German right-wing populist party “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). This allows to draw preliminary conclusions about the AfD’s argumentative strategy as exemplary for right-wing populism.
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  16. Uma Ideologia de Centro / A Center Ideology.Rodrigo Reis Lastra Cid (ed.) - 2020 - Porto Alegre: Editora Fi.
    O objetivo deste livro é propor uma reflexão sobre o ideário de centro, se perguntando se ele seria possível e como. Preferi chamar de “Uma Ideologia de Centro” em vez de “Ideário”, pois o termo “Ideologia” é instigante para um título. Entretanto tenho a noção de que essa palavra é bastante carregada de significados teóricos. No modelo marxista, grosso modo, a ideologia é um conjunto de crenças, construído pela parcela dominante da sociedade, para naturalizar a dominação. Não é nesse sentido (...)
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  17. Sursa puterii în politică.Sfetcu Nicolae - manuscript
    Maxima lui Samuel Gompers, parafrazară adesea ca "Premiază prietenii și pedepsește dușmanii", se referă la două din cele cinci tipuri de putere recunoscute de psihologii sociali: puterea stimulativă (puterea de a premia) și puterea coercitivă (puterea de a pedepsi). Celelalte trei puteri derivă din acestea. Puterea legitimității, puterea unui polițist sau a celui care ia decizii, este puterea dată de unei persoane de o autoritate recunoscută pentru a impune standarde comportamentale. Puterea legitimității este similară puterii coercitive prin aceea că o (...)
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  18. Disagreement or Badmouthing? The Role of Expressive Discourse in Politics.Michael Hannon - forthcoming - In Elizabeth Edenberg & Michael Hannon (eds.), Political Epistemology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    A striking feature of political discourse is how prone we are to disagree. Political opponents will even give different answers to factual questions, which suggests that opposing parties cannot agree on facts any more than they can on values. This impression is widespread and supported by survey data. I will argue, however, that the extent and depth of political disagreement is largely overstated. Many political disagreements are merely illusory. This claim has several important upshots. I will explore the implications of (...)
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  19. Book Review: Emancipatory Thinking: Simone de Beauvoir and Contemporary Political Thought by Elaine Stavro. [REVIEW]Laura Hengehold - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (5):653-659.
  20. „Political Correctness“ als Kern der Politik. Mit Nietzsche gegen die neue Rechte.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - In ARSP-B (Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie - Beihefte), Band 164. Stuttgart: pp. 167-176.
    The article develops the concept of "political judgement" - a new, affirmative understanding of the phenomena which are criticized as "political correctness" by both right-wing and liberal commentators. To that end, it takes the right's claims, that "political correctness" is slave morality in Nietzsche's sense seriously and proposes a systematic reading of a right-nietzschean position. Connecting current "political-correctness"-critique and Nietzsche in this way allows for a deeper understanding of the right-wing rationality and the affective energy underlying the critique. Through contrasting (...)
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  21. Origin stories: Wonder woman and sovereign exceptionalism.Elizabeth Barringer - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (3):430-452.
    This article approaches the recent Wonder Woman film as a presentation of the tensions traditionally associated with the paradox of democratic foundations. Steeped in classical mythology, Wonder Woman adapts two origin myths from the Athenian polis: the myth of Pandora and the myth of the heroic colonizing demigod. Through its adaptation of these myths I argue that Wonder Woman offers two competing responses to the democratic paradox of founding. One is exceptionalist, where sovereign interventions by extraordinary ‘super-agents’ like Wonder Woman (...)
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  22. Zen and the Art of Democracy: Contemplative Practice as Ordinary Political Theory.Shannon Mariotti - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (4):469-495.
    In recent years, contemplative practices of meditation have become increasingly mainstream in American culture, part of a phenomenon that scholars call “Buddhist modernism.” Connecting the embodied practice of meditation with the embodied practice of democracy in everyday life, this essay puts the radical democratic theory of Jacques Rancière into conversation with the Zen writings of Shunryu Suzuki and Thomas Merton. I show how meditation can be understood as an aesthetic practice that cultivates modes of experience, perception, thinking, and feeling that (...)
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  23. On ‘Aristocratic’ Dignity.Adam Etinson - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 19 (3):399-407.
    In his recent book, Andrea Sangiovanni raises various objections against what he calls the “aristocratic” conception of dignity – the idea that dignity represents a kind of high- ranking social status. In this short article, I suggest that Sangiovanni gives the aristocrats less credit than they deserve. Not only do his objections target an uncharitably narrow version of the view, Sangiovanni surreptitiously incorporates aspects of the aristocratic conception of dignity into his own (supposedly non-dignitarian) theory of moral equality.
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  24. Plurality and the Potential for Agreement: Arendt, Kant, and the “Way of Thinking” of the World Citizen.Nicholas Dunn - 2020 - Constellations 27 (2):244-257.
  25. To Not Lose Sight of the Good.Matt Rosen - 2020 - Journal for Cultural and Religious Theory 2020 (Jan 14 2020).
    ​This article considers the place of moral concerns about hospitality and welcoming in the politics of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista Army of National Liberation, or EZLN). I argue that the EZLN’s political model exemplifies some of what I think to be characteristic of the ideal relationship between politics, concerned with sameness and collective identities, and ethics, concerned with hospitality to those who are genuinely different.
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  26. Exploring a European tradition of allyship with sovereign struggles against colonial violence: A critique of Giorgio Agamben and Jacques Derrida through the heretical Jewish Anarchism of Gustav Landauer.Clive Gabay - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (2):251-273.
    Recently, indigenous struggles against ongoing colonial violence have become prominent in the context of growing environmental destruction and the ascendancy of the far right in the United States and parts of South America. This article suggests that European radical theory is not always equipped to provide normative frameworks of allyship with such struggles. Exploring the ‘messianic tone’ in European radical theory, and in particular the works of Jacques Derrida and Giorgio Agamben, the article argues that the analytical tendency to render (...)
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  27. Between Race and Nation: Marcus Garvey and the Politics of Self-Determination.Desmond Jagmohan - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (3):271-302.
    This essay argues that Marcus Garvey held a constructivist theory of self-determination, one that saw nationalism and transnationalism as mutually necessary and reinforcing ideals. The argument proceeds in three steps. First it recovers Garvey’s transnationalist emphasis by looking at his intellectual debts to other diaspora struggles, namely political Zionism and Irish nationalism. Second it argues that Garvey held a constructivist view of national identity, which also grounds his argument that the black diaspora has a right to collective self-determination. Third it (...)
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  28. Hannah Arendt besucht Karl Jaspers.Liliane Weissberg - 2020 - Zeitschrift für Religions- Und Geistesgeschichte 72 (2):178-197.
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  29. Sozial konstruierte Risiken erfordern diskursive Willensbildungsprozesse.Cornelia Ulbert & Karsten Schubert - 2018 - Unikate. Berichte Aus Forschung Und Lehre Universität Duisburg Essen 52:136-143.
    Ein Gespräch mit Cornelia Ulbert zur Governance von Risiken zwischen wissenschaftlicher Analyse und politischer Aushandlung. Die Fragen stellte Karsten Schubert.
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  30. Erdogans Architektur der Angst.Karsten Schubert - 2013 - JuWissBlog - Junge Wissenschaft Im Öffentlichen Recht.
  31. Levinas and the question of politics.Robert Froese - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (1):1-19.
    Recent political critiques and appropriations of Emmanuel Levinas’ work demonstrate the need to fundamentally re-evaluate the meaning and status of his philosophy. Both the Marxist critiques and ‘third wave’ applications interpret Levinas’ singular and unique relation to others—a bond which prohibits even the slightest trace of historical, hermeneutic, or political context—as the greatest obstacle to a Levinasian politics. From this standpoint, Levinas offers little more than a hyperbolic ethics that, at best, ignores, and, at worst, provides philosophical cover for, the (...)
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  32. Democracy and the Poor: Prolegomena to a Radical Theory of Democracy.Andreas Kalyvas - 2019 - Constellations 26 (4):538-553.
  33. Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System That Rules the World. By Branko Milanovic. Pp. 287, Cambridge/London, Harvard University Press, 2019, $29.95. [REVIEW]Patrick Madigan - 2020 - Heythrop Journal 61 (1):166-167.
  34. How to Be a Dictator: The Cult of Personality in the Twentieth Century. By Frank Dikötter. London/NY, Bloomsbury, 2019, £17.49. Orbán: Europe’s New Strongman. By Paul Lendval. Pp. X, 289, London, Hurst, 2019, £17.00. [REVIEW]Patrick Madigan - 2020 - Heythrop Journal 61 (1):191-192.
  35. Is Universalism the Cause of Feminist Complicity in Imperialism?Serene Khader - 2019 - Social Philosophy Today 35:21-37.
    Global and transnational feminist praxis has long faced a seemingly inexorable dilemma. Universalism is often charged with causing feminist complicity in imperialism. In spite of this, it seems clear that feminists should not embrace relativism; feminism is, after all, a view about how certain types of treatment based on gender are wrong. This article clears the path for an anti-imperialist feminist universalism by showing how feminist complicity in imperialism is not caused by the fact of having universalist normative commitments. What (...)
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  36. Response to Ted Smith.Alda Balthrop-Lewis - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (1):74-75.
  37. Response to Amy Hollywood.Rowan Williams - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (1):53-55.
  38. The Mark of Cain: Sovereign Negation and the Politics of God.Ted A. Smith - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (1):56-73.
  39. Secular Translations: Nation‐State, Modern Self, and Calculative Reason by TalalAsad , Vii + 222 Pp. [REVIEW]Timothy Jenkins - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (1):218-220.
  40. Political Irrationality, Utopianism, and Democratic Theory.Aaron Ancell - 2020 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 19 (1):3-21.
    People tend to be biased and irrational about politics. Should this constrain what our normative theories of democracy can require? David Estlund argues that the answer is ‘no’. He contends that even if such facts show that the requirements of a normative theory are very unlikely to be met, this need not imply that the theory is unduly unrealistic. I argue that the application of Estlund’s argument to political irrationality depends on a false presupposition: mainly, that being rational about politics (...)
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  41. Technological Re-Enchantment: Transhumanism, Techno-Religion, and Post-Secular Transcendence.Albert R. Antosca - 2019 - Humanities and Technology Review 38 (2):1-28.
    This article provides a framework for understanding the dynamics between the disenchanting effects of a uniquely modern existential meaning crisis and a countervailing reenchantment facilitated by the techno-cultural movement of transhumanism. This movement constructs a post-secular techno-theology grounded in a transhumanist ontology that corresponds to a shift away from anthropocentric meaning systems. To shed light on this dynamic, I take a phenomenological approach to the human-technology relationship, highlighting the role of technology in ontology formation and religious imagination. I refer to (...)
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  42. How Propaganda Became Public Relations: Foucault and the Corporate Government of the Public.Cory Wimberly - 2019 - New York, NY, USA: Routledge.
    How Propaganda Became Public Relations pulls back the curtain on propaganda: how it was born, how it works, and how it has masked the bulk of its operations by rebranding itself as public relations. Cory Wimberly uses archival materials and wide variety of sources — Foucault’s work on governmentality, political economy, liberalism, mass psychology, and history — to mount a genealogical challenge to two commonplaces about propaganda. First, modern propaganda did not originate in the state and was never primarily located (...)
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  43. American Immanence: Democracy for an Uncertain World by Michael S. Hogue.Lisa Landoe Hedrick - 2019 - American Journal of Theology and Philosophy 40 (2):123-126.
    American Immanence begins with the following premise: as the Earth becomes increasingly a product of human existence, we are faced with a radical unsettling of our traditional modes of self-understanding, both in relation to each other and to the broader environment. As Hogue succinctly observes, “By making the Earth homo imago, by terraforming our own self-image into the Earth, we have discovered ourselves as earth creatures, terra bēstiae”. The anthropogenic shifts that have beset our ecological, religious, and political climates, he (...)
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  44. Epiphany Philosophers: Afterword.Rowan Williams - 2019 - Zygon 54 (4):1036-1044.
    Being a theist makes a difference, but not so much to what propositions we assent to, nor to an expanded ontology of spiritual entities. Rather, it is concerned with what commitments we enter into, and involves a participatory engagement with a broader reality then we might have supposed was possible. Embodied practices are a crucial part of the contemplative path, which draws on the wisdom of the body. This leads on to a “labor of culture.” Our present culture is not (...)
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  45. “Science,” “Religion,” and “Science‐and‐Religion” in the Late Ottoman Empire.M. Alper Yalçinkaya - 2019 - Zygon 54 (4):1050-1066.
    Many intellectuals wrote texts on the relations between Islam and science in the nineteenth‐century Ottoman Empire. These texts not only addressed the massive social and cultural changes the Empire was going through, but responded to European authors’ claims about the extent to which Islam was compatible with the modern world. Focusing on several texts written in the second half of the nineteenth century by the influential Muslim Ottoman authors Namik Kemal, Ahmed Midhat, and Şemseddin Sami, this article shows the influence (...)
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  46. Theology After Hope and the Projection of Futures.Anthony B. Pinn - 2019 - American Journal of Theology and Philosophy 40 (2):24.
    The Trump presidency represents a political reboot that awkwardly exposes the grammar and performance of anti-“other” violence.1 Whether one sees the current political mood as fascistic or populist, or simply a glitch in our democracy, for certain populations such distinctions are mere semantics. The political history of the United States, in which actual, psychological, and rhetorical violence have often been used in support of culturally and racially normative framings of life, such substantive distinctions are of limited value. Furthermore, and this (...)
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  47. El pensamiento político de inspiración católica.Fernando Ponce (ed.) - 2014 - Quito, Ecuador: Secretaría Nacional de Gestión de la Política.
    Cualquiera que sea la opinión que uno tenga sobre la participación de la Iglesia católica en los debates políticos del Ecuador, nadie negará que ha sido y sigue siendo un actor importante de estos debates. Conocer sus ideas políticas contribuye a entender mejor este rol y a juzgarlo con más fundamento y menos apasionamiento. Por esto, el actual volumen reúne textos selectos de cinco pensadores católicos ecuatorianos representativos, desde fines del siglo XIX hasta las últimas décadas del siglo XX. Hablamos (...)
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  48. Capitalism: The Future of an Illusion. By Fred L. Block. Pp. Viii, 252, Oakland, California, University of California Press, 2018, $24.95. [REVIEW]John R. Williams - 2019 - Heythrop Journal 60 (6):949-949.
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  49. Capitalism: A Conversation in Critical Theory. By Nancy Fraser and Rahel Jaeggi; Edited by Brian Milstein. Pp. X, 244, Cambridge/Medford, MA, Polity Press, 2018, £17.99/$24.95. [REVIEW]Paul Niesiobedzki - 2019 - Heythrop Journal 60 (6):973-974.
  50. China’s Crisis of Success. By William H. Overholt. Pp. Xxviii, 275, Cambridge University Press, 2018, £16.71/$25.99.Patrick Madigan - 2019 - Heythrop Journal 60 (6):981-981.
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