A number of authors now invoke the opposition between political philosophy and social philosophy, whether to account for the specific nature of Marx’s relation to philosophy or to reactualize the project of a critical theory of society. What, the article asks, is the meaning of this distinction? Can it fulfill the requisite conditions that will enable philosophers to address in a pertinent manner the social and political challenges of our time? These are the questions addressed here by Catherine (...) class='Hi'>Colliot-Thélène, whose fear is that the distinction in question may lose sight of the crucial question of power, and by Franck Fischbach, who emphasizes the materialist orientation of an approach that seeks to address the political from the perspective of the social. (shrink)

“Reality” is not a category listed in Hegel’s Logic. Hegel is distrustful of the ordinary uses of this term, linked to the empiricist presupposition of a dependence of thought on the given of sensi...

Dans les « Concepts fondamentaux de sociologie » (1920), Max Weber distingue entre Vergemeinschaftung (« communautisation ») et Vergesellschaftung (« sociétisation »). Cette terminologie, bien qu’elle évoque l’opposition célèbre de Ferdinand Tönnies entre communauté et société, signale le caractère original de l’approche wébérienne des phénomènes collectifs. Plutôt que de figer des types de collectifs structurellement distincts les uns des autres, Weber analyse des logiques de formation qui se retrouvent et se combinent, à des degrés divers, dans tous les collectifs humains. (...) Un ensemble de manuscrits plus anciens (1910-1914), première mouture d’Économie et société, est consacré pourtant à l’étude de différentes variétés de communautés (domestiques, ethniques, nationales, de marché, etc.). S’appuyant sur ces manuscrits (dont la traduction française est parue en 2019), on confronte ici la compréhension wébérienne des phénomènes communautaires avec divers usages, anciens ou récents, de la notion de « communauté » ou du « commun ». (shrink)

Cette édition numérique a été réalisée à partir d'un support physique, parfois ancien, conservé au sein du dépôt légal de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, conformément à la loi n° 2012-287 du 1er mars 2012 relative à l'exploitation des Livres indisponibles du XXe siècle. Pages de début Introduction Aux sources de la méthodologie wébérienne : la polémique contre l'Ecole historique allemande Max Weber et le marxisme Rationalisation et désenchantement du monde La logique du comprendre Conclusion Textes extraits des œuvres de (...) Max Weber Quelques donnéesbiographiques et bibliographiques Glossaire Pages de fin. (shrink)

This article discusses some of the theses put forward by Catherine Colliot-Thélène in her latest book, Le commun de la liberté (2022). After a brief reminder of the links of continuity between the latter and La démocratie sans “demos” (2011), concerning in particular the central question, in both books, of subjective rights, I turn to the author’s treatment of the themes of property and exclusion. With regard to property, whose meaning I seek to determine in the book, it (...) is the joint, paradoxical and ultimately fruitful use of Kant’s and Marx’s theories that is examined here. According to Colliot-Thélène, the major problem of contemporary democracies is exclusion due to the dispossession or absence of property, which defies their universalist principles: I underline the originality of her approach in terms of rights, and suggest some extensions that sociological and ethnological literature can provide to it. (shrink)

In her latest work, Le commun de la liberté (2022), Catherine Colliot-Thélène returns to Kant, which seems to her to offer a more robust defence of subjective rights and, above all, to provide these rights with all the guarantees necessary for them to be effective, notably through a reflection on the universalisation of private property understood as a fundamental right. This approach – which reinforces the definition of the subject of rights as a political subject advocated in La (...) démocratie sans “demos” (2011) – is similar to that of the reciprocity of powers described – and put aside – in Philip Pettit’s neo-republicanism. Our article seeks to understand whether a return to Hegel, interpreted in the light of the analyses proposed by Colliot-Thélène in her first work, Le désenchantement de l’État (1992), might not offer a better strategy in order to protect subjective rights: that of compatibility between the antecedence of a just social order and the defence of subjective rights. (shrink)

Based more specifically on Le commun de la liberté (2022), this article examines the notion of the common as it appears in Catherine Colliot-Thélène’s thought, and aims to test the conception of politics that it outlines. The first part of the article examines the reasons, issues and contours of Colliot-Thélène’s “politics of rights”, before highlighting its merits, focusing in particular on the conception of social rights and migrants’ rights that it implies. After this first part, which seeks (...) to reconstruct the argument of Le commun de la liberté by following its argumentation, the second part seeks to identify what is both problematic and fruitful about this “politics of rights”: while thinking about the political common without self-legislation seems perilous, the risks of heteronomy that Colliot-Thélène’s approach seeks to avert call for us to question what democratic domination – government – can be. (shrink)

Un nouvel intérêt se manifeste en France pour l'œuvre de Max Weber. Des traductions récentes rendent enfin accessibles au public français des textes majeurs jusqu'alors ignorés, tandis que les questions qui traversent cette œuvre, celle des formes de domination, des logiques d'individualisation et de socialisation, des conflits de valeur, imposent leur actualité à une époque où l'expansion planétaire de certains types de rationalité d'origine occidentale va de pair avec la remise en question irréversible des représentations eurocentriques du sens. Le moment (...) est venu d'une lecture philosophique, puisant aux textes et à leur commentaire érudit les moyens d'une reconstitution du programme scientifique wébérien, en le dégageant des mythes d'hier (la " sociologie compréhensive ") comme des distorsions d'aujourd'hui (la " crise de la modernité "), également incapables de renoncer aux postulats téléologiques que Weber n'a cessé de critiquer. Au fil de ses études, Catherine Colliot-Thélène s'y emploie en passant de la question des rationalités à celle des conditions historiques et à la genèse des systèmes juridiques. Instituant les confrontations nécessaires (Marx, Gierke, Schmitt, Elias, Wittgenstein, Habermas, Foucault), elle centre son alternative aux récupérations idéalistes de Weber sur trois concepts : contingence, conduites de vie, puissances de socialisation, dont l'ensemble fait de Weber le pionnier d'un nouvel universalisme sans fondation ni mission. (shrink)

Un nouvel intérêt se manifeste en France pour l'œuvre de Max Weber. Des traductions récentes rendent enfin accessibles au public français des textes majeurs jusqu'alors ignorés, tandis que les questions qui traversent cette œuvre, celle des formes de domination, des logiques d'individualisation et de socialisation, des conflits de valeur, imposent leur actualité à une époque où l'expansion planétaire de certains types de rationalité d'origine occidentale va de pair avec la remise en question irréversible des représentations eurocentriques du sens. Le moment (...) est venu d'une lecture philosophique, puisant aux textes et à leur commentaire érudit les moyens d'une reconstitution du programme scientifique wébérien, en le dégageant des mythes d'hier (la " sociologie compréhensive ") comme des distorsions d'aujourd'hui (la " crise de la modernité "), également incapables de renoncer aux postulats téléologiques que Weber n'a cessé de critiquer. Au fil de ses études, Catherine Colliot-Thélène s'y emploie en passant de la question des rationalités à celle des conditions historiques et à la genèse des systèmes juridiques. Instituant les confrontations nécessaires (Marx, Gierke, Schmitt, Elias, Wittgenstein, Habermas, Foucault), elle centre son alternative aux récupérations idéalistes de Weber sur trois concepts : contingence, conduites de vie, puissances de socialisation, dont l'ensemble fait de Weber le pionnier d'un nouvel universalisme sans fondation ni mission. (shrink)

Catherine Colliot-Thélène, philosophe politique disparue en 2022, a livré, dans son dernier ouvrage Le commun de la liberté. Du droit de propriété au devoir d’hospitalité paru aux Presses universitaires de France cette même année, une nouvelle étape importante de sa philosophie de la démocratie élaborée une dizaine d’années plus tôt dans la continuité de sa lecture de Max Weber et de ses réflexions de longue date sur la notion de droits subjectifs. Le dossier de ce nº 61 des (...) Cahiers de philos... (shrink)

This paper analyses Catherine Colliot-Thélène’s two books, La démocratie sans “demos” (2011) and Le commun de la liberté (2022), focusing on the “politics of subjective rights” they propose. It highlights their originality, particularly with regard to the reading of Marx, and the contribution they make to the critical theory of society.

La présente étude part d’une discussion de la thèse exposée par Catherine Colliot-Thélène dans son ouvrage La démocratie sans « demos » selon laquelle la démocratie moderne est « sans demos », composée uniquement de sujets de droits individuels. Appliquée à la construction européenne, cette thèse s’avère féconde, mais aussi problématique. Si elle conduit à sortir des mythes du contrat social et du pouvoir constituant et de poursuivre la démocratisation par la seule garantie du droit subjectif, elle le (...) fait néanmoins en maintenant l’un des axiomes principaux du contractualisme qu’elle réfute, à savoir l’idée que face à l’État seul l’individu est source de droit, non les corps intermédiaires, les communautés et les collectifs. Une autre tradition constitutionnelle fait pourtant plus efficacement l’économie du concept de pouvoir constituant, l’anglaise et l’allemande. Celle-ci développe l’idée d’une « constitution matérielle » ou « réelle », issue des rapports de la pluralité des puissances sociales et non de la volonté du législateur. On postule que cette tradition permet de mieux décrire l’intégration européenne et qu’elle livre des pistes précieuses pour démocratiser l’Europe. (shrink)

Cet article propose de lire Le commun de la liberté (2022) de Catherine Colliot-Thélène comme une contribution majeure à la manière nouvelle de faire de la philosophie politique propre à ce que l’on peut appeler les « Lumières radicales ». Il part de l’idée que le livre s’inscrit dans le même projet politico-philosophique que La démocratie sans « demos » (2011), celui de reconstruire la démocratie sur une base nouvelle et radicale. Colliot-Thélène propose une défense audacieuse de (...) l’individualisme méthodologique des droits dont elle fait l’élément clé de la grammaire de la politique démocratique, en même temps qu’elle examine les lacunes des systèmes démocratiques existants du point de vue de deux figures symptomatiques, le pauvre et le réfugié. La deuxième partie de la contribution aborde trois aspects qui sont au cœur du Commun de la liberté, à savoir la conception de la propriété, la conception de la citoyenneté et des statuts personnels, et la théorie des droits. (shrink)

This article analyses the policies and the use of social rights in France and Germany in relation to the philosophical conception of subjective rights theorised by Catherine Colliot-Thélène. The first part is devoted to the relationship between the innate right and the solidarist conception of social citizenship, which is institutionalised and evolves within the framework of the “labour society” in both countries. The second part deals with the differences and developments in the French and German regimes of social (...) citizenship and policies of access to rights. In recent times, social rights have been redefined as fundamental rights and form part of a renewed conception of citizenship. In the third part, we study the implementation of schemes of access to social rights and their agents in Berlin, Paris and the Paris region, focusing on the case of “poor migrants”. (shrink)

This article discusses the way in which Catherine Colliot-Thélène addresses the issue of social law in her latest writings, in particular in Le commun de la liberté (2022). It is based on the hypothesis that social law is a point of discomfort for the Kantian and for the Marxian she is. Indeed, Colliot-Thélène recasts democracy, citizenship and, finally – since Le commun de la liberté – social law itself around the concept of subjective right, and not around (...) the concept of social law. But what is left of social law in this quest of a new foundation, which leads her to get rid of the concept of status? (shrink)

Penser la démocratie sans demos implique de dénouer le lien solidement établi au XIXe siècle entre les concepts de démocratie et de souveraineté du peuple. A cela, la mondialisation contemporaine ne cesse de nous inciter. Le procès continu de démocratisation de l'Etat moderne a été rendu possible par l'individualisation du sujet de droit, elle-même résultat de la destruction des droits particuliers des sociétés d'Ancien Régime par l'action centralisatrice d'un pouvoir de type territorial. Mais, en s'imposant comme la seule instance garante (...) des droits, l'Etat moderne a aussi nationalisé la citoyenneté. Or, il est certain qu'aujourd'hui l'érosion du monopole juridique et judiciaire de l'Etat s'accompagne d'une multiplication et d'une hétérogénéité croissantes des pouvoirs auxquels les individus peuvent et doivent s'adresser pour obtenir la reconnaissance et la garantie des droits qu'ils revendiquent. Cette situation nous fait obligation de dénationaliser la citoyenneté sans sacrifier pour autant cette forme spécifique de subjectivité politique qu'est l'individu sujet de droits, sans renoncer par conséquent aux ressources émancipatrices dont cette figure du sujet politique a fait la preuve au cours des deux derniers siècles. (shrink)

This book critically investigates the notion of democracy without demos by unravelling the link that modern history has established between the concepts of democracy and the sovereignty of the people. This task is imposed on us by globalization. The individualization of the subject of rights is the result of the destruction of regimes of special rights of ancient societies by the centralizing action of a territorial power. This individualization, because it implies equality, has created a new form of political subjectivity (...) that has been the driving force of the democratization of democracies during the 19th and 20th centuries. Democracy and subjective rights discusses how asserting itself as the only guarantor of rights, the modern state has also nationalized citizenship. However, the author argues, the legal and judicial monopoly of the nation-state is weakened today by the multiplication and heterogeneity of the powers on which the rights of individuals depend. This situation forces us to denationalize citizenship without sacrificing, however, the specific form of political subjectivity that the individualization of rights has made possible. (shrink)

Thelen et al.'s account of cognition as the dynamic interaction of processes of perceiving, reaching, and remembering within a movement planning field is a useful articulation of the Piagetian concept of sensorimotor cognition. The claim that the same kind of analysis applies to all kinds of cognition at all ages, however, is questioned in light of the distinction between sensorimotor and symbolic cognition.

But in this book, Catherine Malabou proposes a more radical meaning for plasticity, one that not only adapts itself to existing circumstances, but forms a ...

Truth is standardly considered a requirement on epistemic acceptability. But science and philosophy deploy models, idealizations and thought experiments that prescind from truth to achieve other cognitive ends. I argue that such felicitous falsehoods function as cognitively useful fictions. They are cognitively useful because they exemplify and afford epistemic access to features they share with the relevant facts. They are falsehoods in that they diverge from the facts. Nonetheless, they are true enough to serve their epistemic purposes. Theories that contain (...) them have testable consequences, hence are factually defeasible. (shrink)

This edited volume of 13 new essays aims to turn past discussions of natural kinds on their head. Instead of presenting a metaphysical view of kinds based largely on an unempirical vantage point, it pursues questions of kindedness which take the use of kinds and activities of kinding in practice as significant in the articulation of them as kinds. The book brings philosophical study of current and historical episodes and case studies from various scientific disciplines to bear on natural kinds (...) as traditionally conceived of within metaphysics. Focusing on these practices reveals the different knowledge-producing activities of kinding and processes involved in natural kind use, generation, and discovery. -/- Specialists in their field, the esteemed group of contributors use diverse empirically responsive approaches to explore the nature of kindhood. This groundbreaking volume presents detailed case studies that exemplify kinding in use. Newly written for this volume, each chapter engages with the activities of kinding across a variety of disciplines. Chapter topics include the nature of kinds, kindhood, kinding, and kind-making in linguistics, chemical classification, neuroscience, gene and protein classification, colour theory in applied mathematics, homology in comparative biology, sex and gender identity theory, memory research, race, extended cognition, symbolic algebra, cartography, and geographic information science. -/- The volume seeks to open up an as-yet unexplored area within the emerging field of philosophy of science in practice, and constitutes a valuable addition to the disciplines of philosophy and history of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. -/- Contributions from a diverse group of established and junior scholars in the fields of Philosophy and History and Philosophy of Science including Hasok Chang, Jordi Cat, Sally Haslanger, Joyce C. Havstad, Catherine Kendig, Bernhard Nickel, Josipa Petrunic, Samuli Pöyhönen, Thomas A. C. Reydon, Quayshawn Spencer, Jackie Sullivan, Michael Wheeler, and Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther. (shrink)

The book contains a unique epistemological position that deserves serious consideration by specialists in the subject."--Bruce Aune, University of Massachusetts.

If understanding is factive, the propositions that express an understanding are true. I argue that a factive conception of understanding is unduly restrictive. It neither reflects our practices in ascribing understanding nor does justice to contemporary science. For science uses idealizations and models that do not mirror the facts. Strictly speaking, they are false. By appeal to exemplification, I devise a more generous, flexible conception of understanding that accommodates science, reflects our practices, and shows a sufficient but not slavish sensitivity (...) to the facts. (shrink)

Calls for justice and reconciliation in response to political catastrophes are widespread in contemporary world politics. What implications do these normative strivings have in relation to colonial injustice? Examining cases of colonial war, genocide, forced sexual labor, forcible incorporation, and dispossession, Lu demonstrates that international practices of justice and reconciliation have historically suffered from, and continue to reflect, colonial, statist and other structural biases. The continued reproduction of structural injustice and alienation in modern domestic, international and transnational orders generates contemporary (...) duties of redress. How should we think about the responsibility of contemporary agents to address colonial structural injustices and what implications follow for the transformation of international and transnational orders? Redressing the structural injustices implicated in or produced by colonial politics requires strategies of decolonization, decentering, and disalienation that go beyond interactional practices of justice and reconciliation, beyond victims and perpetrators, and beyond a statist world order. (shrink)

Is contemporary continental philosophy making a break with Kant? The structures of knowledge, taken for granted since Kants Critique of Pure Reason, are now being called into question: the finitude of the subject, the phenomenal given, a priori synthesis. Relinquish the transcendental: such is the imperative of postcritical thinking in the 21st century. Questions that we no longer thought it possible to ask now reemerge with renewed vigor: can Kant really maintain the difference between a priori and innate? Can he (...) deduce, rather than impose, the categories, or justify the necessity of nature? Recent research into brain development aggravates these suspicions, which measure transcendental idealism against the thesis of a biological origin for cognitive processes. In her important new book Catherine Malabou lays out Kants response to his posterity. True to its subject, the book evolves as an epigenesis – the differentiated growth of the embryo – for, as those who know how to read critical philosophy affirm, this is the very life of the transcendental and contains the promise of its transformation. (shrink)

Jonathan Bennett (1974) maintains that Huckleberry Finn’s deliberations about whether to return Jim to slavery afford insight into the tension between sympathy and moral judgment; Miranda Fricker (2007) argues that the trial scene in To Kill a Mockingbird affords insight into the nature of testimonial injustice. Neither claims merely that the works prompt an attentive reader to think something new or to change her mind. Rather, they consider the reader cognitively better off for her encounters with the novels. Nor is (...) her cognitive improvement restricted to acquiring new justified true beliefs about the works themselves. What the reader gleans is supposed to enhance her knowledge or understanding of the .. (shrink)

This book is one of the most important recent books on Hegel, a philosopher who has had a crucial impact on the shape of continental philosophy. Published here in English for the first time, it includes a substantial preface by Jacques Derrida in which he explores the themes and conclusions of Malabou's book. _The Future of Hegel: Plasticity, Temporality and Dialectic_ restores Hegel's rich and complex concepts of time and temporality to contemporary philosophy. It examines his concept of time, relating (...) it to perennial topics in philosophy such as substance, accident and the identity of the subject. Catherine Malabou's also contrasts her account of Hegelian temporality with the interpretation given by Heidegger in _Being and Time_, arguing that it is the concept of 'plasticity' that best describes Hegel's theory of temporality. The future is understood not simply as a moment in time, but as something malleable and constantly open to change through our interpretation. The book also develops Hegel's preoccupation with the history of Greek thought and Christianity and explores the role of theology in his thought. Essential reading for those interested in Hegel and contemporary continental philosophy, _The Future of Hegel _is also fascinating to those interested in the ideas of Heidegger and Derrida. (shrink)

The experience of the impossible churns up in our epoch whenever a collective dream turns to trauma: politically, sexually, economically, and with a certain ultimacy, ecologically. Out of an ancient theological lineage, the figure of the cloud comes to convey possibility in the face of the impossible. An old mystical nonknowing of God now hosts a current knowledge of uncertainty, of indeterminate and interdependent outcomes, possibly catastrophic. Yet the connectivity and collectivity of social movements, of the fragile, unlikely webs of (...) an alternative notion of existence, keep materializing--a haunting hope, densely entangled, suggesting a more convivial, relational world. Catherine Keller brings process, feminist, and ecopolitical theologies into transdisciplinary conversation with continental philosophy, the quantum entanglements of a "participatory universe," and the writings of Nicholas of Cusa, Walt Whitman, A. N. Whitehead, Gilles Deleuze, and Judith Butler, to develop a "theopoetics of nonseparable difference." Global movements, personal embroilments, religious diversity, the inextricable relations of humans and nonhumans--these phenomena, in their unsettling togetherness, are exceeding our capacity to know and manage. By staging a series of encounters between the nonseparable and the nonknowable, Keller shows what can be born from our cloudiest entanglement. (shrink)

Feminists note an association of arguing with aggression and masculinity and question the necessity of this connection. Arguing also seems to some to identify a central method of philosophical reasoning, and gendered assumptions and standards would pose problems for the discipline. Can feminine modes of reasoning provide an alternative or supplement? Can overarching epistemological standards account for the benefits of different approaches to arguing? These are some of the prospects for argumentation inside and outside of philosophy that feminists consider. -/- (...) The further concern is that the academic study of argumentation – in philosophy and other disciplines – has failed to account for the type of reasoning needed for social justice movements. What resources for addressing these concerns can be found in informal logic and interdisciplinary argumentation theory? Since part of the perceived problem derives from assuming that arguing is a contest, are more collaborative epistemological frameworks better? Can regular politeness or civility hedge against undesirable tendencies of argumentation? Can “critical thinking” pedagogy involving argument educations answer the needs of social justice? (shrink)

Trudy Govier argues in The Philosophy of Argument that adversariality in argumentation can be kept to a necessary minimum. On her ac-count, politeness can limit the ancillary adversariality of hostile culture but a degree of logical opposition will remain part of argumentation, and perhaps all reasoning. Argumentation cannot be purified by politeness in the way she hopes, nor does reasoning even in the discursive context of argumentation demand opposition. Such hopes assume an idealized politeness free from gender, and reasoners with (...) inhuman or at least highly privileged capabilities and no need to learn from others or share understanding. (shrink)