Розкрито сутність поняття «рейтинг». Доведено значущість рейтингової оцінки для суб’єктів фінансового ринку, зокрема для страхових компаній, потенційних страхувальників, інвесторів та кредиторів.

"Williams's masterful translation satisfies (at last!) a long-standing need. There are lots of good translations of Augustine's great work, but until now we have been forced to choose between those that strive to replicate in English something of the majesty and beauty of Augustine's Latin style and those that opt instead to convey the careful precision of his philosophical terminology and argumentation. Finally, Williams has succeeded in capturing both sides of Augustine's mind in a richly evocative, impeccably reliable, elegantly readable (...) presentation of one of the most impressive achievements in Western thought--Augustine's Confessions." --Scott MacDonald, Professor of Philosophy and Norma K. Regan Professor in Christian Studies, Cornell University. (shrink)

This book offers a critical introduction to the work of American philosopher D. G. Leahy (1937-2014). Leahy's fundamental thinking can be characterized as an absolute creativity in which all creating is 'live' -- a happening occurring now that manifests a supersaturated polyontological actuality that is essentially created by the logic that characterizes it. Leahy leaves behind the categorial presuppositions of modern thought, eclipsing both Cartesian and Hegelian subjectivities and introducing instead an essentially new form of thinking founded in a nondual (...) logic of creation. The new thinking delineates the absolute unicity of existence as a creative interactivity beyond all traditional dichotomies (such as one vs. many, unity vs. plurality, identity vs. change): a fully "digitized" actuality that is nothing but newness, which inherently implies nothing but change. Through this new form of thinking, change itself is revealed to be the very essence of reality and mind. Any reader looking for a quantum leap beyond the thrall of modern and postmodern fixations is invited to hear and apprehend this new thinking that refuses to be conditioned by paradigms, categories, species, genera, walls, bridges, boundaries, or abstractions: an essentially free thinking that embodies creative novelty itself. (shrink)

This article addresses the theoretical difficulty of justifying the use of penal coercion in circumstances of marked, unjustified social inequality. The intuitive belief behind the text is that in such a context—that of an indecent State—justifying penal coercion becomes very problematic, particularly when directed against the most disfavored members of society.

This paper deals with the relationship between law and social protests, a topic that seems particularly relevant at this time, when recent public events show the existence of growing tension between citizens and public officers. The paper does not explore the ultimate causes that triggered these social protests, but rather the normative and legal questions raised by these conflicts. The main question that it addresses is the following: How should the law act in the face of these growing expressions of (...) social discontent? The main point that it defends is that social protests are political expressions that, as such, deserve a special public (and particularly judicial) protection. The argument is particularly directed at studying the legal consequences of taking the expressive components of social protests seriously. The exploration may have a further theoretical interest for those who are interested in reflecting upon the scope and limits of the theory of deliberative democracy. (shrink)

Después de más de 200 años de vida del constitucionalismo, en América Latina, una mayoría de los países de la región sigue viéndose afectada por sistemas políticamente inestables y económicamente muy desiguales; en donde las violaciones de derechos humanos son un hecho habitual; las ramas políticas del gobierno tienden a funcionar con independencia de cualquier reclamo ciudadano, mientras se encargan de moldear normas a medida de intereses privados; los tribunales aparecen como órganos de difícil acceso público, que tienden a decidir (...) en favor de los poderosos, criminalizando a quienes protestan; y en donde el debate público destaca por las pobreza de su contenido. En este trabajo, se exploran algunas de las causas de dicha situación, relacionadas con el propio diseño del sistema constitucional dominante en la región. (shrink)

En este escrito me propongo examinar la filosofía política republicana como una concepción en diálogo con el liberalismo. Según intentaré mostrar -a través del recurso a ejemplos históricos provenientes de los orígenes del constitucionalismo- ambas filosofías se encuentran unidas por sus comunes aspiraciones igualitarias, pero al mismo tiempo muestran entendimientos diferentes acerca del significado y los alcances de la idea de igualdad. El republicanismo, según diré, viene a «reparar» los déficits del liberalismo en tanto postura igualitaria. Sin embargo -sostendré también-, (...) el éxito del republicanismo en esta empresa resulta, en todo caso, sólo parcial. Para proceder en este análisis, primero haré referencia a algunos rasgos salientes del liberalismo; luego mostraré las respuestas del republicanismo frente a los mismos; y finalmente mencionaré algunos de los límites propios de la respuesta republicana. Desde ya, me interesa dejar en claro que siendo tantas y tan disímiles las posibles caracterizaciones de las dos teorías aquí en juego -el liberalismo y el republicanismo- mi presentación sólo resultará de algún interés para quienes acepten las descripciones que aquí propongo sobre las mismas. (shrink)

Desde fines de los 90, y siguiendo una década de severos planes de ajuste estructural, América Latina fue surcada por numerosas experiencias de revueltas populares. Estas revueltas trajeron consigo masivas manifestaciones colectivas, altos niveles de agresión física y verbal contra políticos, jueces y funcionarios públicos, en general. Las protestas incluyeron, por ejemplo, la organización de ¿piquetes¿ destinados a bloquear el tráfico en las rutas principales, con el objeto de exigir empleo, comida, o el otorgamiento de subsidios; tanto como ruidosas manifestaciones (...) (i.e., ¿cacerolazos¿). Estas agresiones a las autoridades públicas alcanzaron el domicilio y las propiedades de los últimos, tato como los edificios públicos en los que trabajaban (la sede del gobierno, las legislaturas, los tribunales). Entre otros resultados, dichas protestas forzaron la renuncia del presidente Raúl Cubas, en Paraguay, en 1999;la del presidente Alberto Fujimori, en Perú, en el 2000; la del presidente Jail Mahuuad, en Ecuador, en el 2000 (tanto como la remoción del presidente Abdala Bucaram, en 1996); la del presidente Sánchez de Lozada en Bolivia, en el 2002; y la del presidente Bertrand Aristide, en Haití, en el 2004. En la Argentina, estas protestas culminaron con una profunda crisis que incluyó el mandato de cinco presidentes distintos en menos de dos semanas. Por supuesto, esta manifestaciones fueron promovidas, en cada caso, a partir de circunstancias parcialmente diversas. Algunas fueron seguramente más legítimas que otras; algunas fueron más ¿espontáneas¿ o ¿genuinas¿ que otras; algunas resultaron más poderosas y duraderas que otras. De todos modos, la presencia de todas estas variaciones no deberían impedirnos que reconozcamos las similitudes que vincularon a estos acontecimientos, que aluden al tipo de crisis que se encuentra afectando a muchos órdenes legales contemporáneos. (shrink)

En el trabajo, intento repensar la teoría penal de Carlos Nino, desarrollada durante sus estudios doctorales y posdoctorales, a la luz de su teoría de la democracia deliberativa, elaborada desde los años 80. Nino no tuvo la oportunidad de revisar plenamente sus estudios penales en la materia, luego de desarrollar su teoría de la democracia y este artículo se propone entonces dar algunos primeros pasos en esa dirección y explorar algunas posibles implicaciones de dicha tarea. In this work, I try (...) to re-think Carlos Nino’s theory about the Criminal Law, which he developed while he pursued his doctoral and post-doctoral studies, under the light of his deliberative theory of democracy, which he elaborated since the 1980s. Nino had no chance to develop this revision, so this article suggests ways to begin with this required re-elaboration. (shrink)

In a time of disenchantment with democracy, massive social protests and the 'erosion' of the system of checks and balances, this book proposes to reflect upon the main problems of our constitutional democracies from a particular regulative ideal: that of the conversation among equals. It examines the structural character of the current democratic crisis, and the way in which, from its origins, constitutions were built around a 'discomfort with democracy'. In this sense, the book critically explores the creation of different (...) restraints upon majority rule and collective debate: constitutional rights that are presented as limits to democratic debate; an elitist system of judicial review; a checks and balances scheme that discourages, rather than promotes, dialogue between the different branches of power; etc. Finally, the book proposes a dignified constitutional democracy aimed at enabling fraternal conversation within the framework of a community of equals. (shrink)

In this first paperback edition, a new introduction by Tom Burke establishes the ongoing importance of Sleeper's analysis of the integrity of Dewey's work and ...

Political liberals ask citizens not to appeal to certain considerations, including religious and philosophical convictions, in political deliberation. We argue that political liberals must include a demanding requirement of intellectual modesty in their ideal of citizenship in order to motivate this deliberative restraint. The requirement calls on each citizen to believe that the best reasoners disagree about the considerations that she is barred from appealing to. Along the way, we clarify how requirements of intellectual modesty relate to moral reasons for (...) deliberative restraint. And we argue against attempts to weaken our requirement of intellectual modesty by emphasizing those moral reasons. (shrink)

Locke is the first English philosopher to be considered in this series, and that fact of itself is worthy of attention. Philosophy, of course, like science, knows no frontiers and no national boundaries. Yet it is true to say that Locke’s contribution to philosophy is typically and peculiarly English. His moderation, his emphasis upon experience, his tolerant spirit of compromise, his dislike of mystical extravagance and of metaphysical speculation, even that elusive quality of his which people call his “common sense”, (...) are English traits. His very defects, illogicality leading to inconsistency and an awkward disorderliness of thought so abhorrent to the. (shrink)

The Nature of God explores a perennial problem in the philosophy of religion.

This book is not a study of Plato's philosophy, but a contribution to the literary interpretation of the dialogues, through analysis of their formal structure, ...

The Hellenistic philosophers and schools of philosophy are emerging from the shadow of Plato and Aristotle and are increasingly studied for their intrinsic philosophical value. They are not only interesting in their own right, but also form the intellectual background of the late Roman Republic. This study gives a comprehensive and readable account of the principal doctrines of the Stoics, Epicureans and various sceptical traditions from the death of Alexander the Great in 323 B.C. to around 200 A.D. Discussions are (...) arranged topically in order to address underlying issues and to make clear what the different schools have in common and how they differ. At the same time the coherence of each system as a whole is emphasized. (shrink)

Overdenkingen in proza en poëzie over filosofische vraagstukken door de in ongenade gevallen Romeinse ex-consul (480-524).