Includes bibliographical references and index.

Sovereignty and the sovereign state are often seen as anachronisms; Globalization and Sovereignty challenges this view. Jean L. Cohen analyzes the new sovereignty regime emergent since the 1990s evidenced by the discourses and practice of human rights, humanitarian intervention, transformative occupation, and the UN targeted sanctions regime that blacklists alleged terrorists. Presenting a systematic theory of sovereignty and its transformation in international law and politics, Cohen argues for the continued importance of sovereign equality. She offers a theory (...) of a dualistic world order comprised of an international society of states, and a global political community in which human rights and global governance institutions affect the law, policies, and political culture of sovereign states. She advocates the constitutionalization of these institutions, within the framework of constitutional pluralism. This book will appeal to students of international political theory and law, political scientists, sociologists, legal historians, and theorists of constitutionalism. (shrink)

The traditional conception construes human rights as moral rights all people have due to some basic feature or interests deemed intrinsically valuable. This comported well with the revival of the discourse of human rights in the wake of atrocities committed during WWII. It served as a useful referent for local struggles against foreign rule and domestic dictatorship in the 1980s. Since 1989, human rights discourse acquired a new function: the justification of sanctions, military invasions, and transformative occupation administrations by outsiders, (...) framed as enforcement of international law against violators. The traditional conception doesn't fit this new function, hence the efforts to counter-pose a "political" to the "traditional" approach. This essay analyzes two recent versions of the political conception, and argues for a third. The thesis is that sovereign equality and human rights are normative principles of our dualist international system and both are needed to construct a more just version of that system. (shrink)

This article argues that understanding the dangers and risks of authoritarian populism in consolidated constitutional democracies requires analysis of the forms of pluralism and status anxieties that emerge in civil and economic society, in a context of profound political, socioeconomic, and cultural change. This paper has two basic theses. The first is that when societies become deeply divided, and segmental pluralism maps onto affective party political polarization, generalized social solidarity is imperiled, as is commitment to democratic norms, social justice, and (...) liberal democratic constitutionalism. The second, is that populist political entrepreneurs excel in fomenting social antagonisms by framing shifts in the forms of social pluralism in ways that foster deep political polarization, generalized distrust and a politics of resentment against “elites,” “the establishment,” “the oligarchy,” and “outsiders.” Why populist offers resonate requires a social theoretical analysis of status/solidarity and class issues and a direct response to them. I draw on Polanyi and Habermas to develop an explanatory approach to the current crisis and the populist responses it triggers. I navigate between two inadequate approaches: that of the Hofstadter consensus school which construes status concerns and populism as retrograde, anti-modern, paranoid and meriting no direct response; and that of the neo-Marxist tradition that acknowledges the mobilizing power of “cultural factors” and status anxieties but deems them to be epiphenomena of the deeper story of economic distributive injustice. I reject this assessment and seek to take up the status/solidarity issues in ways that take them seriously, challenge populist framing and provide alternative direct responses to them. I reject the narrative frames of left populists who foment polarization and I try to present an alternative narrative framing for a future democratic politics that draws on the best in politically liberal, constitutionalist, democratic, and socialist traditions. (shrink)

We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state and presuppose the coincidence of political rule, public power, government, legitimacy and jurisdiction with territorially delimited states. We are also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, egalitarian ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination and separation of powers, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty, for the standards that should constitute, guide, limit and legitimate the exercise of sovereign power. This Article addresses an important challenge to these principles: the reemergence of theories (...) and claims to jurisdictional/political pluralism on behalf of non-state “nomos groups” within well-established liberal-democratic polities. Theories of jurisdictional political pluralism purport to account for the independent sovereign authority of the corporate religious, while providing a “postmodern,” “permeable,” “pluralist” conception of sovereignty allegedly more appropriate descriptively to twenty-first century reality and more attractive normatively, than the modern statist version. This Article analyzes and assesses these claims. It criticizes the disassociation of the sovereignty concept from publicly accountable power, challenges the displacement of rights-holders from individuals to corporate groups, and offers a different, federal alternative to anachronistic or normatively flawed modern monistic statist conceptions. My purpose is to preserve the key achievements of democratic constitutionalism and to apply them to every level on which government, power, rule, and/or domination is exercised. (shrink)

This article focuses on the impact of globalization on international law and the discourse of sovereignty. It challenges the claim that we have entered into a new world order characterized by transnational governance and decentered global law, which have replaced “traditional” international law and rendered the concepts of state sovereignty and international society anachronistic. We are indeed in the presence of something new. But if we drop the concept of sovereignty and buy into the idea that transnational governance has upstaged (...) international treaty organizations, we will misconstrue the nature of contemporary international society and the political choices facing us. In the contemporary context where there is a powerful imperial project afoot (on the part of the United States) that seeks to develop a useful version of global (cosmopolitan) right to justify its self-interested interventions, proposals to abandon the default position of sovereignty and its corollary, the principle of nonintervention in international law, are both premature and dangerous. Instead, we should rethink the normative dimensions of the concept of sovereignty in light of the new principle of sovereign equality articulated in the UN Charter, and show how it can complement cosmopolitan principles such as human rights and collective security. The task is to strengthen, not abandon, international law and supranational institutions, and to foster a global rule of law that protects both the sovereign equality of states, based on a revised conception of sovereignty, and human rights. (shrink)

This article discusses the work of Cornelius Castoriadis, an important political thinker and theorist of democracy. Castoriadis developed not one but two theories of democracy based on two distinct understandings of autonomy. The first is compatible with the key features of representative government; the second is not. Unfortunately, Castoriadis models his interpretation of the idea of popular sovereignty on the second view, thereby concluding, like Rousseau before him, that it is incompatible with representative government. This article discusses both approaches and (...) presents a reinterpretation of political representation and of the idea of popular sovereignty in order to show how they can be made compatible. I argue that the discourse of popular sovereignty and the modern principles of representative government entail one another. (shrink)

This article defends the principle of non-establishment against 21st-century projects of political religion, constitutional theocracy and political theology. It is divided into two parts, which will appear in two consecutive issues of Philosophy & Social Criticism, 39(4–5) and 39(6). Part 1 proceeds by constructing an ideal type of political secularism, and then discussing the innovative American model of constitutional dualism regarding religion that combined constitutional protection for the freedom of religious conscience and exercise with the principle of non-establishment. The article (...) analyses the strengths and limits of the ‘separation– accommodation’ frame that became hegemonic in 1st amendment jurisprudence from the 1940s to the 1990s. It challenges the standard caricature of the American model as strictly separationist and privatizing. It then critically assesses two contemporary alternatives to that frame: the integrationist approach and the equal liberty approach. The first, disguised as a concern for pluralism and fairness, challenges ‘separation’ and political secularism in a subtle attack on the non-establishment principle, aimed at drastically narrowing its scope. Successes of this approach in recent Supreme Court jurisprudence and politics have triggered a response by liberal egalitarians. The author addresses this response – the equal liberty model – in part 2, which will appear in Philosophy & Social Criticism 39(6), arguing that although on the right track, it fails to find a middle ground between political secularism and integration. (shrink)

This article engages with Cristina Lafont’s excellent book, Democracy without Shortcuts. I argue that she provides us with the tools to comprehend what democracy entails and how to challenge the populist pseudo-democratic project.

This article focuses on the relationship between social movements and political parties in the context of populist challenges to constitutional democracy. There are many reasons for the current plight of democracy but I focus here on one aspect: the decline of mainstream political parties, the emergence of new forms of populist movement parties and the general crisis of political representation in long consolidated Western democracies. This article analyses the specific political logic and dynamics of social movements – the logic of (...) influence, and distinguishes it from that of political parties – the logic of power. It addresses transformations in movements, parties and their relationships. It looks at the shifts in movement and party types that constitute the political opportunity structure for the emergence of new populist movement party forms and relationships, focusing on the hollowing out and movement-ization of political parties. Contemporary populist movement parties are not the cause of the hollowing out or movement-ization of political parties. Rather they are a response to the crisis of political representation exemplified by hollow parties and cartel parties. But it is my thesis that thanks to its specific logic, populism fosters the worst version of movement party relationships, undermining the democratic functions of both. (shrink)

This article defends the principle of non-establishment against 21st-century projects of political religion, constitutional theocracy and political theology. It is divided into two parts. The first part, published in special issue 39.4–5 of Philosophy and Social Criticism, proceeds by constructing an ideal type of political secularism, and then discussing the innovative American model of constitutional dualism regarding religion that combined constitutional protection for the freedom of religious conscience and exercise with the principle of non-establishment. It then critically assesses the integrationist (...) approach –disguised as a concern for pluralism and fairness – as an alternative to this framework. The integrationist approach challenges ‘separation’ and political secularism in a subtle attack on the non-establishment principle, aimed at drastically narrowing its scope. Successes of this approach in recent Supreme Court jurisprudence and politics, have triggered a response by liberal egalitarians. I address this response – the equal liberty model – in this second part, arguing that although on the right track, it fails to find a middle ground between political secularism and integration. Instead, by abandoning the discourse of separation, it plays into populist integrationist hands without delivering on the promise of providing a coherent standard for deciding cases. The article proposes a third approach, one that does not throw out the non-establishment baby with the strict separationist bathwater and that wholeheartedly endorses political secularism, a sine qua non for 21st-century constitutional democracy. Equal liberty properly construed can help provide criteria for determining when an accommodation, a regulation or no regulation of religion by the state is appropriate. But it must be supplemented by other values – democratic and civil republican. The article concludes with a typology of the forms of regulation that are warranted under the conditions of the contemporary regulatory state, now the target and prize of politicized religion. (shrink)

L’oeuvre de Jean-Luc Nancy - une des plus importantes aujourd'hui - aura traversé plus qu'une expérience de pensée. La richesse et la complexité de ses analyses, de ses références, de son engagement intellectuel sont d'une densité rare. Rien ne lui aura échappé : histoire de la philosophie, métaphysique, politique, déconstruction, théologie, esthétique, art, littérature... Les entretiens passe en revue ces différents registres de la pensée sans jamais céder à l'exigence philosophique qui caractérise ce partage à deux voix. Ce dialogue (...) entre Danielle Cohen-Levinas et Jean-Luc Nancy a commencé depuis longtemps, un peu sur le mode d'une forme musicale, telle qu'on la trouve à l'époque classique et baroque. L'inventeur de l'invention est Jean-Sébastien Bach. Il s'agit ici d'une invention à deux voix, qui se déploie dans le temps sans jamais viser sa finalité ou sans jamais toucher à sa fin. (shrink)

Résumé Confronté à l’orientation tendanciellement matérialiste des sciences de la nature dans le dernier tiers du xix e siècle, Hermann Cohen s’efforça d’offrir une fondation idéaliste de ces sciences en recourant à la philosophie transcendantale kantienne. Il fut en accord avec Friedrich Albert Lange dans le refus de toute métaphysique dogmatique, mais il ne partagea pas son naturalisme, et l’idéalisme poético-fictif qui le complétait. Alors que Lange, dans son Histoire du matérialisme, avait eu pour but de décrire l’autodissolution de (...) la métaphysique matérialiste, Cohen voulut montrer comment le matérialisme débouchait dans un idéalisme méthodique, de provenance kantienne. En fin de compte, la distance dans le temps par rapport à Lange s’accroissant, il en vint à prêter un tel idéalisme à Lange lui-même ; ce qui est problématique. (shrink)

L’éthique est sans discussion. Les rencontres de Jacques Derrida et de Jean-François Lyotard à Cerisy, en 1980 et en 1982, l’attestent. Elles imposent une écoute et une lecture qui relèvent de ce que Kant nommait « l’interprétation authentique ».

Nous avons voulu exposé, à partir du dernier texte de Fichte intitulé « L’Initiation à la Vie Bienheureuse », ce qu’il conviendrait d’appeler la question de I’humanisme. « Quel est I’être de I’humanisme? » est ainsi la question directrice qui a accompagnée notre lecture du texte de 1812. Nous avons tenté d’indiquer à la fois la racine chrétienne et I’origine philosophico-rationnelle de cet humanisme, en y relevant d’une part les allusions à Saint Jean et en soulevant la notion centrale (...) du sacrifice, tout en maintenant la référence constante à la mouvance et à l’exigence scientifique du philosopher. En contre-poids à cette définition christiano-philosophique de I’humanisme, il nous a semblé necessaire de faire intervenir Lévinas, qui s’efforce de reformuler, ou de réinventer, face à cette tradition philosophique, la question de I’humanisme. Cette reformulation, cette réinvention, s’inscrivant manifestement dans la tradition hébraïque, tâche d’offrir une alternative à la logique sacrificielle de I’humanisme fichtéen, en orientant I’humain non plus vers sa « destination suprême en tant qu’humain » mais vers son « éveil - sans-destination, sans-vocation - à la responsabilité pour Autrui ».We wish to expose,from Fichte’s last text entitled “The way towards the blessed life”, what should be called the question of humanism. “What is the essence of humanism?” is thus the main question that guided our reading of the text from 1812. We have attempted to point out the Christian roots as weIl as the philosophical-rational origin of this humanism by gathering references to Saint John, and by raisingthe central notion of sacrifice, while constantly alluding to the mobility and the scientific exigency of the act of philosophizing. In order to counterbalance this Christian-philosophic definition of humanism, in seemed necessary to us to call in Levinas, who endeavours to reformulate, or to reinvent, in the face of this philosophical tradition, the question of humanism. This reformulation, this reinvention, manifestly in line with Hebraic tradition, seeks to offer an alternative to the sacrificial logic of the Fichtean humanism by orienting Humans no longer towards their “supreme destination qua Humans”, but towards their “awakening - with no destination, no calling - to the responsibility for the Other”. (shrink)

Une réflexion en forme de coda : l’esthétique comme relance de la pensée de Jean-Luc Nancy au lieu même où le sens a disparu. Faisant l’expérience d’un visible qui se dérobe au regard à travers la question du portrait (L’Autre portrait), Nancy interroge la place et la vocation du portrait dans la tradition occidentale. N’y aurait-il pas dans la question du portrait la mise en œuvre de l’infini du sens qui réfute les désignations et nominations de la vérité de (...) l’art comme de la vérité philosophique et politique? (shrink)

Nous avons voulu exposé, à partir du dernier texte de Fichte intitulé « L’Initiation à la Vie Bienheureuse », ce qu’il conviendrait d’appeler la question de I’humanisme. « Quel est I’être de I’humanisme? » est ainsi la question directrice qui a accompagnée notre lecture du texte de 1812. Nous avons tenté d’indiquer à la fois la racine chrétienne et I’origine philosophico-rationnelle de cet humanisme, en y relevant d’une part les allusions à Saint Jean et en soulevant la notion centrale (...) du sacrifice, tout en maintenant la référence constante à la mouvance et à l’exigence scientifique du philosopher. En contre-poids à cette définition christiano-philosophique de I’humanisme, il nous a semblé necessaire de faire intervenir Lévinas, qui s’efforce de reformuler, ou de réinventer, face à cette tradition philosophique, la question de I’humanisme. Cette reformulation, cette réinvention, s’inscrivant manifestement dans la tradition hébraïque, tâche d’offrir une alternative à la logique sacrificielle de I’humanisme fichtéen, en orientant I’humain non plus vers sa « destination suprême en tant qu’humain » mais vers son « éveil - sans-destination, sans-vocation - à la responsabilité pour Autrui ».We wish to expose,from Fichte’s last text entitled “The way towards the blessed life”, what should be called the question of humanism. “What is the essence of humanism?” is thus the main question that guided our reading of the text from 1812. We have attempted to point out the Christian roots as weIl as the philosophical-rational origin of this humanism by gathering references to Saint John, and by raisingthe central notion of sacrifice, while constantly alluding to the mobility and the scientific exigency of the act of philosophizing. In order to counterbalance this Christian-philosophic definition of humanism, in seemed necessary to us to call in Levinas, who endeavours to reformulate, or to reinvent, in the face of this philosophical tradition, the question of humanism. This reformulation, this reinvention, manifestly in line with Hebraic tradition, seeks to offer an alternative to the sacrificial logic of the Fichtean humanism by orienting Humans no longer towards their “supreme destination qua Humans”, but towards their “awakening - with no destination, no calling - to the responsibility for the Other”. (shrink)

Nous avons voulu exposé, à partir du dernier texte de Fichte intitulé « L’Initiation à la Vie Bienheureuse », ce qu’il conviendrait d’appeler la question de I’humanisme. « Quel est I’être de I’humanisme? » est ainsi la question directrice qui a accompagnée notre lecture du texte de 1812. Nous avons tenté d’indiquer à la fois la racine chrétienne et I’origine philosophico-rationnelle de cet humanisme, en y relevant d’une part les allusions à Saint Jean et en soulevant la notion centrale (...) du sacrifice, tout en maintenant la référence constante à la mouvance et à l’exigence scientifique du philosopher. En contre-poids à cette définition christiano-philosophique de I’humanisme, il nous a semblé necessaire de faire intervenir Lévinas, qui s’efforce de reformuler, ou de réinventer, face à cette tradition philosophique, la question de I’humanisme. Cette reformulation, cette réinvention, s’inscrivant manifestement dans la tradition hébraïque, tâche d’offrir une alternative à la logique sacrificielle de I’humanisme fichtéen, en orientant I’humain non plus vers sa « destination suprême en tant qu’humain » mais vers son « éveil - sans-destination, sans-vocation - à la responsabilité pour Autrui ».We wish to expose,from Fichte’s last text entitled “The way towards the blessed life”, what should be called the question of humanism. “What is the essence of humanism?” is thus the main question that guided our reading of the text from 1812. We have attempted to point out the Christian roots as weIl as the philosophical-rational origin of this humanism by gathering references to Saint John, and by raisingthe central notion of sacrifice, while constantly alluding to the mobility and the scientific exigency of the act of philosophizing. In order to counterbalance this Christian-philosophic definition of humanism, in seemed necessary to us to call in Levinas, who endeavours to reformulate, or to reinvent, in the face of this philosophical tradition, the question of humanism. This reformulation, this reinvention, manifestly in line with Hebraic tradition, seeks to offer an alternative to the sacrificial logic of the Fichtean humanism by orienting Humans no longer towards their “supreme destination qua Humans”, but towards their “awakening - with no destination, no calling - to the responsibility for the Other”. (shrink)

Il est important de mettre en perspective la manière dont Emmanuel Levinas ausculte le phénomène sonore dans les Carnets de captivité. Il semble en effet que pour lui le son requiert un éclat particulier qui, dans sa manifestation, signifie l’expérience d’une subjectivation hors de soi, se situant au-delà du langage de l’Être. En suivant au plus près les textes et fragments de textes, depuis les Carnets de captivité, en passant par les conférences prononcées au Collège philosophique de Jean Wahl, (...) notamment « Parole et silence », on voit se présenter comme la genèse singulière de ce qui deviendra dans Totalité et Infini (1961) l’au-delà du visage et la phénoménologie de l’eros. (shrink)

Un hommage à l'œuvre d'Emmanuel Levinas avait été organisé à la Sorbonne, peu après la mort du philosophe, certaines communications ont été publiées dans un numéro de la revue Rue Descartes. Celles-ci déclinent, selon un modèle propre à chaque auteur, un moment de ce que Levinas appelle " l'altérité d'autrui ". Deux directions caractéristiques de la pensée de Levinas sont privilégiées, l'une encline à l'exégèse et à l'étude du Talmud, dérangeant la souveraineté de la raison, l'autre, la philosophie, permettant d'accéder (...) à une réflexion partagée sur la vérité. Présentés par Danielle Cohen-Levinas, les textes sont signés par Miguel Abensour, Pierre Bouretz, Catherine Chalier, Simon Critchley, Marc de Launay, MarieLouise Mallet, Jean-Luc Marion, Stéphane Mosès, Silvana Rabinovich, Jacques Rolland, Shmuel Trigano. Le lecteur trouvera également dans la collection Quadrige, Le tempe et l autre, ouvrage regroupant quatre conférences d'Emmanuel Levinas faites au Collège de philosophie. (shrink)

Autour de la grande conference de Jacques Derrida, intitulee Justices, prononcee en 2003 et demeuree inedite en francais a ce jour, cet ouvrage collectif convoque certains des meilleurs specialistes de son oeuvre. Il s'agit moins ici de commemorer ou de dresser un etat des lieux que de penser, a partir de Derrida et avec lui, ce qui vient et de repondre a l'appel, aux appels pluriels qui resonnent dans son travail philosophique. Sont ainsi examines les principaux legs de sa pensee (...) dans les differents domaines (philosophie, politique, science des religions, esthetique, litterature) qu'elle a profondement transformes. Autant de reponses et de responsabilites, autant de provocations a lire et a relire l'oeuvre de Jacques Derrida a sa hauteur, comme elle nous y engage toujours. Avec les textes de: Gil Anidjar, Philip Armstrong, Fernanda Bernardo, Mireille Calle-Gruber, Danielle Cohen-Levinas, Gianfranco Dalmasso, Francoise Dastur, Jacques Derrida, Silvano Facioni, Edoardo Ferrario, Jerome Lebre, Georges Leroux, Michel Lisse, Rene Major, Marie-Louise Mallet, Serge Margel, Joana Maso, Ginette Michaud, J. Hillis Miller, Raoul Moati, Jean-Luc Nancy, Evando Nascimento, Francois Nault, Laura Odello, Jean-Michel Rabate, Marta Segarra, Peter Szendy, Chantal Talagrand, Francesco Vitale et Hent de Vries. (shrink)

Ces études voudraient inviter le public francophone à la découverte de la philosophie de l'école de Marbourg et de son apport au site pratique de la philosophie. La réflexion morale, juridique et politique s'est trouvée fort enrichie par les écrits de Friedrich Albert Lange, Hermann Cohen et Paul Natorp. Ernst Cassirer a poursuivi la réflexion de ses maîtres en théorie de la connaissance, mais aussi dans le site pratique, ici dominé par un socialisme d'inspiration kantienne.

Ethics has been identified as an important factor that potentially affects auditors’ professional skepticism. For example, prior research finds that auditors who are more concerned with professional ethics exhibit greater professional skepticism. Further, the literature suggests that professional skepticism may lead the auditor to more vigilantly resist the client’s position in financial reporting disputes. These reporting disputes are generally resolved through negotiations between the auditor and client to arrive at the final reported amounts. To date, the role that professional skepticism (...) potentially plays in the negotiation process has been relatively unexplored. The literature prior to the enactment of Sarbanes–Oxley (SOX) suggests that auditors are more likely to approve a client position when the matter in dispute is relatively ambiguous and when changing the client’s position will result in the client failing to meet analysts’ expectations. However, changes resulting from SOX have led auditors to be more vigilant and therefore results found in the pre-SOX environment may not hold in the current environment where auditors are held more accountable for their actions. Results from an experiment with experienced audit managers and partners suggest that in the post-SOX climate, auditors’ negotiations do not appear to be substantively influenced by management being able to meet or beat forecasts. Moreover, we find that when auditors exhibit heightened professional skepticism, they are more ethical by being conservative and they stand more resolute than when auditors do not exhibit heightened professional skepticism. Finally, although we do not find a main effect for the influence of earnings forecast, we do find a significant interaction between earnings forecast and heightened professional skepticism. Implications for practice and research are then presented. (shrink)

ABSTRACT:Anomie is a condition in which normative guidelines for governing conduct are absent. Using survey data from a sample of U.S. manufacturing firms, we explore the impact of internal (cultural) and external (environmental) determinants of organizational anomie. We suggest that four internal organizational factors can generate or suppress organizational anomie, including strategic aggressiveness, long-term orientation, competitor orientation, and strategic flexibility. Similarly, we argue that external contextual factors, including competitive intensity and technological turbulence, can influence organizational anomie. We extend anomie and (...) ethics research by considering the impact of these firm cultural and environmental factors according to whether firms are publicly-traded or privately-held. Findings demonstrate that a number of firm cultural and environmental factors can generate or reduce anomie in firms. Moreover, strategic aggressiveness, long-term orientation, and strategic flexibility influence organizational anomie differently depending on whether the firm is publicly-traded or privately-held. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are discussed. (shrink)