In 1992, the Frankfurt scholar Ingeborg Maus launched a polemical attack against then current narratives of democratic protest, objecting to the languages of ‘resistance’ or ‘civil disobedience’ as defensive, servile and insufficiently transformative. This article explores in how far the language of constituent power can be adopted as an alternative justificatory strategy for civil disobedience in transnational protests. In contrast to current approaches that look at states as agents of international civil disobedience-as-constituent power, I suggest we look at political movements. (...) I focus on the example of the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 which understands itself as a pan-European movement of civil disobedience, at the same time working towards an articulation and exercise of constituent power among the people of Europe. In the final section, I sharpen the criteria for the invocation of constituent power in transnational protest in distinguishing between its articulation, activation and... (shrink)

For Kant, the contents of cosmopolitan law are to be ‘limited’ to non-citizens' subjective rights to hospitality. Although hospitality yields universal and far-reaching communicative rights, its limits may seem overly restrictive at first. I argue that this narrow focus is intended to fend off justifications for colonial occupation that could otherwise draw support from Kant's own doctrine of private law. Kantian hospitality is further limited in that it does not cover all forms of communicative exchange. As can be shown from (...) his endorsement of China's and Japan's protectionist policies, Kant is not averse to limiting cosmopolitan citizens' commercial speech. In conclusion, I discuss rivalling interpretations of Kant's justification of hospitality. I argue that this justification cannot rest exclusively on the innate human right to freedom, but must draw on facts about the world as well. (shrink)

For Kant, the contents of cosmopolitan law are to be ‘limited’ to non-citizens' subjective rights to hospitality. Although hospitality yields universal and far-reaching communicative rights, its limits may seem overly restrictive at first. I argue that this narrow focus is intended to fend off justifications for colonial occupation that could otherwise draw support from Kant's own doctrine of private law. Kantian hospitality is further limited in that it does not cover all forms of communicative exchange. As can be shown from (...) his endorsement of China's and Japan's protectionist policies, Kant is not averse to limiting cosmopolitan citizens' commercial speech. In conclusion, I discuss rivalling interpretations of Kant's justification of hospitality. I argue that this justification cannot rest exclusively on the innate human right to freedom, but must draw on facts about the world as well. (shrink)

In the works of Kant and Rawls, we find an acute sensibility to the pre-eminent importance of freedom of speech. Both authors defend free speech in democratic societies as a private and as a public entitlement, but their conceptions markedly differ when applied to non-liberal and non-democratic societies. The difference is that freedom of speech, for Kant, is a universal claim that can serve as a test of legitimacy of all legal orders, while for Rawls, some legal orders are owed (...) full recognition even if they do not in principle guarantee freedom of speech. I explain Kant’s account of free political speech and argue that the defence of individual rights should be seen as its core feature, both in republican and in autocratic states. I then argue that a much-overlooked shift in Rawls’s development toPolitical Liberalismlikewise ties his account of free speech in democratic societies to issues concerning rights and justice. In a next step, I discuss Rawls’s perspective on some non-democratic regimes in hisLaw of Peoples, regimes that he understands as well-ordered but which do not guarantee freedom of speech. I criticize Rawls’s account from Kant’s perspective and suggest to introduce a ‘module’ from Kant’s pre-republican thought into Rawls’s conception, aiming to secure a core area of rights- and justice-related speech. My claim is that under Kant’s view of autocratic legitimacy, an important extension of speech rights is called for even in non-liberal, non-democratic states, and that a Rawlsian account should and can adopt it. (shrink)

The paper starts out from a debate that occurred in Germany in 2015, where interpreters claimed to be able to divine Immanuel Kant’s views of the contemporary refugee crisis. It does not attempt to give a substantive answer to the title question, i.e. it does not try to specify the conclusive extension of cosmopolitan right. In contrast, it outlines the systematic work that would have to be done in order to be able to answer the title question. I start from (...) cosmopolitan right as natural right and ask what kinds of transformations cosmopolitan right would have to undergo to form a legitimate part of public international law, in parallel to Kant’s move from provisional private law to peremptory public law in his Doctrine of Right. For that purpose, I introduce distinctions between trivial and non-trivial transformation, between strong and weak transformation, and between transformation based on historically blameworthy and historically blameless action. (shrink)

Mill gilt als Klassiker der Meinungsfreiheit und sein Essay On Liberty als eine ihrer bedeutendsten Verteidigungen. Das zweite Kapitel mit dem Titel „Über die Freiheit des Denkens und der Diskussion“ ist eingebettet in den Versuch, die Grenzen legitimer Freiheitseinschränkungen zu bestimmen, die die Individuen sei es von Staats wegen, sei es vonseiten der Gesellschaft, bedrohen. Damit ersetzt Mill einen eigenen älteren Anlauf, der den herausgehobenen Status der Meinungsfreiheit begründen sollten, mit einer neuen Konzeption. Erklärungsbedürftig ist vor allem, ob und wie (...) der Schutz und die Schranken der Meinungsfreiheit mit den Grundbegriffen aus dem ersten Kapitel von On Liberty zusammenhängen, dem Schadensprinzip („harm principle“) und der Unterscheidung zwischen bloß die Person selbst betreffenden („self-regarding“) und sozialen Angelegenheiten. (shrink)

L’utilitarisme de Bentham transforme profondément la doctrine antérieure de la liberté de parole en la mettant au service de la recherche de la vérité et en réfléchissant à la portée du contrôle exercé par le gouvernement. Il préserve la distinction entre les affirmations portant sur des opinions et celles portant sur des faits et accorde aux premières une moindre protection. Comme l’avait fait son père James Mill, John Stuart Mill conserve cette distinction dans ses écrits de jeunesse mais ces analyses (...) souffrent de faiblesses logiques et de naïveté politique. Dans De la liberté, John Stuart Mill cherche à dépasser ces difficultés et propose une nouvelle défense de la liberté d’expression en tant que liberté de délibération. Contrairement à la plupart des interprétations, cet article démontre que cette nouvelle approche ne remet pas en cause la distinction fondamentale entre l’expression des opinions (qui sont protégées de façon absolue) et les affirmations portant sur des faits, qui ne sont protégées que de façon contingente, ce qui laisse ouverte la possibilité de restreindre l’expression d’affirmations fausses portant sur des faits. (shrink)

Die Wege von Rawls und Bentham haben sich mehrfach gekreuzt. Nach einer frühen Werkepoche, in der er sich an der Verteidigung eines utilitaristischen Moralverständnisses versucht, schreibt Rawls in Eine Theorie der Gerechtigkeit gegen eine dominante zeitgenössische Konzeption an, die er als Wiedergänger des ‚klassischen Utilitarismus‘ von Bentham, Edgeworth und Sidgwick identifiziert. Parallel dazu entdeckt die politische Ideengeschichtsschreibung seit den 1980er Jahren einen neuen, liberalen Bentham, der Rawls als Wegbegleiter anempfohlen wird.

This article surveys recent literature on Wittgenstein's "Rule-following considerations" most notably S. Kripke's, C. McGinn's, and G.P. Baker's and P.M.S. Hacker's contributions. I argue that the normativity requirement in rule-following is to be located not in transtemporal but interpersonal sameness of meaning, and that the community-view is false when viewed as a condition on correct rule-following, but true when viewed as providing criteria for the possibility of rule-following.

John Stuart Mill's philosophy contains an important ‘radical’ dimension, deriving from his early exposure to the philosophies of Jeremy Bentham and of his father, James Mill. In this chapter, I argue that the doctrine Mill termed ‘philosophic radicalism’ is best understood as an attempt to initiate political reform by introducing radically democratic institutions, avoiding narrowly ‘sectarian’ assumptions about utility and social theory. Contrasting Mill's understanding of philosophic radicalism with Bentham's early and late democratic theory, I show that philosophic radicalism characterized (...) by its critique of ‘aristocratic’ privilege and the corresponding aim to uproot it, but also by commitments of varying intensity to the extension of the franchise, to public and parliamentary deliberation, and to the ‘omnicompetence’ of democratic legislation. (shrink)

Die Leitideen von Gerechtigkeit und Demokratie, die traditionell für innerstaatliche Ordnungen definiert wurden, müssen heute philosophisch und politisch neu bestimmt werden. Dabei stellt sich die Frage, ob der Staat oder die kosmopolitische Gemeinschaft der angemessene Bezugsrahmen ist. Die Autorinnen und Autoren erörtern, wie Gerechtigkeit und Demokratie unter Bedingungen der Globalisierung grundbegrifflich zusammenhängen und wie Gerechtigkeit und demokratische Legitimität jenseits des Nationalstaats realisiert werden können.

Rawls hat wiederholt betont, dass seine Konzeption der Gerechtigkeit nicht auf das Verhältnis zu nicht-menschlichen Tieren und der übrigen Natur anwendbar ist, ja daran scheitern mag. Gerechtigkeit als Fairness handle nicht von den Verhältnissen zwischen Menschen und Tieren, sei es, weil sie sie begrifflich nicht abdeckt, sei es, weil sie „nicht die richtige Konzeption“ für die Einrichtung gerechter Verhältnisse zwischen Menschen, Tieren und der übrigen Natur sein mag (Rawls 1998, 88). Im Widerspruch dazu sollen hier stärker als in der bisherigen (...) Diskussion die unterschiedlichen Gesichtspunkte von konstruktivistischer Gerechtigkeitstheorie I.), Moraltheorie II.), demokratischer Legitimitätskonzeption III.) und der Idee eines fairen Systems sozialer Kooperation IV.) unterschieden und die normativen Argumente, auf die sich die jeweiligen Teil-Konzeptionen stützen, desaggregiert werden. Dabei zeigt sich, dass das Darstellungsmittel des Urzustands nicht für Gerechtigkeit für Tiere sorgen kann, dass aber Rawls’ Konzeptionen politischer Unterwerfung und sozialer Kooperation prinzipielle Schlussfolgerungen für das Mensch-Tier-Verhältnis zu ziehen erlauben. (shrink)

Cognitivist theories of democratic decision-making come in two flavours, which I label transparently and intransparently epistemic. Lafont’s deliberative theory of democracy has strengths in accoun...

im deutschsprachigen Raum hält sich hartnäckig das Gerücht, Jeremy Bentham sei ein "rein englisches Phänomen" (Marx). In seinen Schriften zwischen 1788 und 1795 zeigt sich der Begründer des Utilitarismus dagegen als genuiner Denker der europäischen Aufklärung, der in die kontinentalen Debatten über Menschenrechte und Volkssouveränität, allgemeines Wahlrecht, die Legitimität des Kolonialismus interveniert und sich auch zu Fragen der politischen Ökonomie äußert. Seit der Einberufung der Generalstände versucht Bentham, als Verfassungsberater auf die Entwicklungen in Frankreich Einfluss zu nehmen, teils in konstruktiver (...) Absicht, teils als unversöhnlicher Kritiker. Im Zentrum dieser Auswahl-Ausgabe von Schriften Benthams, die ausschließlich erstmals auf deutsch vorliegende Beiträge versammelt, steht seine unter dem Titel "Unsinn auf Stelzen" verfasste scharfe Kritik der Menschen- und Bürgerrechtserklärungen der Französischen Revolution. Daneben erörtert Bentham Fragen politischer Gleichheit und der Verfassungsorganisation. In einer leidenschaftlichen Abrechnung spricht er sich gegen den französischen Kolonialismus aus. Eine Schrift zur Reform des Erbrechts zeigt Bentham als konstruktiven Kritiker des Naturrechts. Die Texte folgen der kritischen Ausgabe der Collected Works, die auf der Grundlage der erhaltenen Manuskripte bei Oxford University Press erscheint. (shrink)

This reissue of his collection of early essays, Logico-Linguistic Papers, is published with a brand new introduction by Professor Strawson but, apart from minor ...

A complete system of classical Aristotelian logic intended for honors high school and college.

Ohne Rücksicht auf disziplinäre Schranken bringt dieses Buch verschiedene nicht-reduktionistische Lerntheorien miteinander ins Gespräch. In einem offenen Diskurs, der die Konzepte zueinander in Beziehung setzt, werden die unterschiedlichen Perspektiven kritisch abgewogen und hinsichtlich ihrer Stärken und Schwächen diskutiert.

Delo se loteva vprašanja aktualnosti pojma subjekta v filozofiji in politiki skozi analizo tistih avtorjev, ki so ga domnevno najbolj radikalno pokopali: pokaže, da vznik radikalno novega in problematika subjekta zavzema osrednje mesto v Deleuzovi filozofiji, kakor tudi v Lyotardovi pozni misli posvečeni praznini, v Foucaultovi obravnavi biopolitike in biooblasti, v delu Negrija in Hardta o Imperiju, ter nazadnje v Badioujevi predelavi temeljnih filozofskih kategorij biti, resnice in subjekta, na osnovi katerih je dandanes znova možna renesansa filozofije. Ta ima po (...) Badiouju štiri razsežnosti, ki se v delu Vznik subjekta nenehno prepletajo: »V osnovi želja filozofije implicira razsežnost upora: ni filozofije brez nezadovoljstva mišljenja v njegovem soočenju s svetom, kakršen je. Pa vendar želja filozofije vključuje tudi logiko: to je, prepričanje v moč argumenta in uma.«. (shrink)

The relationship of part to whole is one of the most fundamental there is; this is the first and only full-length study of this concept. This book shows that mereology, the formal theory of part and whole, is essential to ontology. Peter Simons surveys and criticizes previous theories, especially the standard extensional view, and proposes a more adequate account which encompasses both temporal and modal considerations in detail. 'Parts could easily be the standard book on mereology for the next (...) twenty or thirty years.' Timothy Williamson, Grazer Philosophische Studien. (shrink)

In this short but meaty book, Peter Unger questions the objective answers that have been given to central problems in philosophy. As Unger hypothesizes, many of these problems are unanswerable, including the problems of knowledge and scepticism, the problems of free will, and problems of causation and explanation. In each case, he argues, we arrive at one answer only relative to an assumption about the meaning of key terms, terms like "know" and like "cause," even while we arrive at (...) an opposite answer relative to quite different assumptions, but equally arbitrary assumptions, about what the key terms mean. (shrink)

Narrative thinking -- Narrative thinking about one's past -- Grief : a case study -- Narrative thinking about one's future -- Self-forgiveness : a case study -- The narrative sense of self -- Narrative, truth, life, and fiction.

While Hermann Levin Goldschmidt didn’t read Yiddish anarchists, there seems to have been a convergent evolution in their thinking. Goldschmidt’s looking up to Jewish lore as a source of liberating creativity is commonly encountered in Yiddish anarchist texts. His view of action as a constant response to internal and external challenges in the struggle for an open future is developed by Isaac Nachman Steinberg on the basis of nineteenth-century vitalism. Goldschmidt’s theory of anarchist individualism as willed self-limiting solidarity has a (...) compelling parallel in Hillel Solotaroff’s view of history. His use of impressionism and photography to eternalize the immediacy of human actuality is akin to Rudolf Rocker’s championing of decadent literature. In both cases, the goal of anarchism is not a dictatorship of the former downtrodden, but a continuous and contradictory evolution of freedom in ever-changing contexts. (shrink)

This text provides a unique and compelling account of Wittgenstein's impact upon twentieth century analytic philosophy, from its inception at the turn of the ...

Metz holds that we can use African communal ethics to constitute global economic practices such as appropriation, production, distribution and consumption in such a way that promotes harmonious relations. In this article, I will show that Metz’s reformist approach to constituting the global economic practices is problematic as it fails to deal with the fundamental problem that pertains to a racialised world order that is structurally configured by coloniality of being. I will show that reformist approaches such as Metz’s use (...) of African communal ethics to constitute global economic practices in a way that promotes harmonious relations are undesirable attempts that are opposed and curtailed by a structural racialised logic/ontology of the world that governs and supervises the evolution of the world economic structures and practices in a way which undermines harmonious relations and in a way which causes economic marginalisation and impoverishment of historically disadvantaged indigenous Africans. (shrink)