The work of Giorgio Agamben, one of Italy's most important and original philosophers, has been based on an uncommon erudition in classical traditions of philosophy and rhetoric, the grammarians of late antiquity, Christian theology, and modern philosophy. Recently, Agamben has begun to direct his thinking to the constitution of the social and to some concrete, ethico-political conclusions concerning the state of society today, and the place of the individual within it. In Homo Sacer, Agamben aims to connect the problem of (...) pure possibility, potentiality, and power with the problem of political and social ethics in a context where the latter has lost its previous religious, metaphysical, and cultural grounding. Taking his cue from Foucault's fragmentary analysis of biopolitics, Agamben probes with great breadth, intensity, and acuteness the covert or implicit presence of an idea of biopolitics in the history of traditional political theory. He argues that from the earliest treatises of political theory, notably in Aristotle's notion of man as a political animal, and throughout the history of Western thinking about sovereignty, a notion of sovereignty as power over "life" is implicit. The reason it remains merely implicit has to do, according to Agamben, with the way the sacred, or the idea of sacrality, becomes indissociable from the idea of sovereignty. Drawing upon Carl Schmitt's idea of the sovereign's status as the exception to the rules he safeguards, and on anthropological research that reveals the close interlinking of the sacred and the taboo, Agamben defines the sacred person as one who can be killed and yet not sacrificed—a paradox he sees as operative in the status of the modern individual living in a system that exerts control over the collective "naked life" of all individuals. (shrink)

Despite appearances, Agamben’s engagement with Foucault in Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life is not an extension of Foucault’s analysis of biopolitics but rather a disciplining of Foucault for failing to take Nazism seriously. This moralizing rebuke is the result of methodological divergences between the two thinkers that, I argue, have fundamental political consequences. Re-reading Foucault’s most explicitly political work of the mid-1970s, I show that Foucault’s commitment to genealogy is aligned with his commitment (...) to “insurrection”—not simply archival or historical, but practical and political insurrection—even as his non-moralizing understanding of critique makes space for the resistances he hopes to proliferate. By contrast, Agamben’s resurrection of sovereignty turns on a moralizing Holocaust exceptionalism that anoints both sovereignty and the state with inevitably totalitarian powers. Thus, while both Agamben and Foucault take positions “against” totalitarianism, their very different understandings of this term and method of investigating it unwittingly render Agamben complicit with the totalitarianism he otherwise seeks to reject. (shrink)

This article revisits Arendt’s and Foucault’s converging accounts of modern (bio)politics and the entry of biological life into politics. Agamben’s influential account of these ideas is rejected as a misrepresentation both because it de-historicizes biological/organic life and because it occludes the positivity of that life and thus the discursive appeal and performative force of biopolitics. Through attention to the genealogy of Arendt’s and Foucault’s own ideas we will see that the major point of convergence in their thinking is (...) their insistence upon understanding biological thinking from the inside, in terms of its positivity. Agamben’s assessment of modern politics is closer to Arendt’s than it is to Foucault’s and this marks a fascinating point of disagreement between Arendt and Foucault. Whereas Arendt sees the normalizing force of modern society as being in total opposition to individuality, Foucault posits totalization and individuation as processes of normation, which casts a light upon the relative import they place upon politics and ethics. (shrink)

This article gives an overview of the influence of the work of Michel Foucault on the philosophy of Agamben. Discussed are Foucault’s influence on the Homo Sacer cycle, on (the development) of Agamben’s notion of power (and on his closely related notion of freedom and art of life), as well as on Agamben’s philosophy of language and methodology. While most commentaries focus on Agamben’s interpretation of Foucault’s concept of biopower, his work also contains many interesting references to (...) Foucault on freedom and possibilities—and I think that it is here that Foucault’s influence on Agamben is most deeply felt. This article focuses on the shifts Agamben takes while looking for the Entwicklungsfähigkeit in the work of Foucault. (shrink)

This article focuses on Foucault’s and Agamben’s readings of Augustine’s account of human nature and original sin. Foucault’s analysis of Augustine’s account of sexual acts in paradise, subordinated to will and devoid of lust, highlights the way it constitutes the model for the married couple, whose sexual acts are only acceptable if diverted by the will away from desire and towards the tasks of procreation. While Agamben rejects Augustine’s doctrine of original sin and reclaims paradise as the original (...) homeland of humanity, his reappropriation of paradise remains conditioned by our turn towards our true nature, from which we have been estranged by sin. Agamben’s politics of reclaiming paradise necessarily involves the demand for obedience to this originary model of human nature. It therefore follows to the letter Augustine’s description of paradisiacal sex, in which the will prevails over desire by applying itself to and curtailing itself. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The work of Giorgio Agamben is punctuated by constant references to Michel Foucault’s work, so that the latter appears as an important theoretical framework for the former. However, an effort to bring the two authors together proves to be quite problematic as it is perceived that the Italian philosopher operates certain methodological and conceptual categories fundamental to Foucauldian thought in a radically different way from the French philosopher. Such incompatibility is presented with greater clarity when we propose to (...) explore the theme of the destituent in Agamben’s work, from which ontology, politics and ethics intersect, revealing the differences between the two philosophers. Thus, in order to expose the limits of this approximation, it will first be explored the methodological distinctions between the two authors in their approach of the problem of ‘power’, as well as the way in which the concept is formulated in the work of each of them. Next, the general lines of the agambenian ‘modal ontology’ and the ‘ethics of inoperability’ will be presented in order to conclusively explain the divergence between the ethical solutions proposed by Foucault and Agamben in their later works. (shrink)

This article tackles Giorgio Agamben's critique of Michel Foucault's genealogy of governmentality in two ways: first, by presenting an alternative model of the relations between pastoral and theological economy and, second, by conducting a genealogy of the former as revealed in the state of exception, when canon law is suspended. Following the author's genealogy of oikonomia in the state of exception, he argues that politics and economy are distinct from one another by virtue of the fact that the primary (...) relation of the latter is one of inclusion while that of the former is one of exclusion. Finally, the author traces three of oikonomia's prolific qualities in the operation of governmentality in civil society and of market economy: its inclusiveness; the constant representation of the irreconcilability of law and authority; and its operation by accommodating to the ways of the governed. (shrink)

This article compares Michel Foucault’s way of thinking about sovereignty and law within biopower to the reading given to Foucault’s work and its development by the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben. It is argued that Agamben supports the expulsion thesis in order to generate critical distance for his own re-imagining of biopower. The expulsion thesis is a controversial account of the position of law in Foucault’s work that does not reflect Foucault’s own nuanced views. A post-structuralist account (...) of Foucault and law is then used to show that Agamben’s conception of law is actually much more similar to Foucault’s than Agamben at first claimed. The real thrust of Agamben’s work is found in his connecting political philosophy to ontology. Agamben’s claim that the questioning of law is a fundamental ontological issue calls into question the very concept of subjectivity. This leads Agamben to embark upon a radical reconceptualization of sovereignty in relation to the subject and the law. Despite opening new areas of inquiry in relation to Being and law, Agamben’s attempt to move beyond Foucault’s work is called into question, with particular emphasis upon whether Agamben’s work is truly ontological. (shrink)

In the final volume of his Homo Sacer series, The use of bodies, Agamben claims that for Foucault ethics never escapes the horizon of governmentality and therefore his conception of ethics is ‘strategic.’ In light of this criticism, motivated by Agamben’s Pauline conception of ‘use,’ we reassess the status and function of ethics in Foucault’s late lectures. We investigate how Foucault’s approach to ethics develops from his treatment of liberal governmentality and also how its methodological foundation is (...) developed in an interpretation of truth-telling in Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex. Our interpretation emphasizes the ambiguous status of ethics in Foucault’s late work: on the one hand, Agamben is right that Foucault assigns an irreducible strategic function to ethics thereby connecting it intrinsically to governmentality. On the other hand, Agamben overlooks how Foucault’s interpretation of Sophocles implies a conception of governmentality which emphasizes how ethical practices cannot be captured solely in strategic terms. Foucault’s ‘anarcheological’ approach thus articulates a dimension of ethics that remains, using Agamben’s own terms, ‘ungovernable’ and therefore also genuinely creative. Even so, Foucault’s approach to ethics remains in Agamben’s perspective on the deepest level faced with an antinomy that Agamben seeks to mediate with his Pauline conception of ‘inoperativity.’. (shrink)

O nexo entre biopolítica e soberania é de importância central em Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben, que possuem um entendimento distinto, porém complementar de tais conceitos. A relação entre essas ideias à luz dos 50 anos de publicação de A sociedade punitiva é abordada em alguns de seus pontos de contato, distanciamento e complementaridade. As interações entre poder soberano e vida humana apontam para um olhar crítico necessário sobre como os governos capturaram a vida como recurso administrável mas, também, (...) passível de inclusão e exclusão através do poder soberano, na figura do homo sacer. Palavras-Chave: Foucault. Agamben. Biopolítica. Soberania. Sociedade Punitiva. (shrink)

El concepto de dispositivo en el pensamiento de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze y Giorgio Agamben.

Foucault repère une transformation du pouvoir lorsque la vie entre dans ses préoccupations à partir du XVIIIe siècle. Il appelle « bio-pouvoir » les techniques spécifiques du pouvoir s’exerçant sur les corps individuels et les populations, hétérogènes aux mécanismes juridico-politiques du pouvoir souverain. Agamben, dans Homo sacer, reprend l’hypothèse foucaldienne et la fait fonctionner précisément sur le terrain délaissé par Foucault, celui de la souveraineté. La souveraineté ne porte pas à ses yeux sur des sujets de droits, mais (...) de manière cachée sur une « vie nue », ex-ceptée par le pouvoir qui l’expose à sa violence et à sa décision souveraine. On peut alors interroger le déplacement de l’hypothèse foucaldienne opéré par Agamben et les rapports problématiques entre pouvoir souverain et bio-pouvoir, afin d’évaluer la pertinence et la fécondité de la notion de bio-pouvoir. (shrink)

This deep presence of Foucault’s influence across contemporary theoretical landscapes signals a need for self-reflectiveness that has largely (though not entirely) been missing in contemporary uses of Foucault. While scholarship in a Foucauldian vein is obviously alive and well, scholarship on Foucauldian methodology is not. This paper develops a distinction between two methodological features of Foucault’s work that deserve to be disentangled: I parse the methods (e.g., genealogy, archaeology) and concepts (e.g., discipline, biopower) featured in Foucault’s (...) texts. Following this, I use the terms of this distinction to develop a detailed survey of two quite different contemporary uses of Foucault. My two test cases for comparison are the works of Giorgio Agamben and Ian Hacking, two contemporary theorists who demonstrate a productive engagement with central features of Foucault’s work. (shrink)

Michel Foucault articulated the hypothesis of biopower and biopolitics in the 1970s, and Giorgio Agamben developed this hypothesis in his Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, published in English in 1998. Since these interventions, biopower and biopolitics have become indispensable as a theoretical point of reference in the humanities and social sciences. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue that in the last thirty years the process of biopower and biopolitical regulation has increased, so much so that today every (...) aspect of social relation is subjected to the operations of this power. This chapter considers the position of biopower in the thought of Foucault and Agamben, and how the two conceive of power and resistance to power. It examines how biopower relates to sovereign power in both philosophers’ work, and specifically how Agamben’s development of Foucault’s thought is radical and offers a markedly different direction to scholarship on biopower and its relationship to sovereign power. Despite the relative age of Foucault’s writings, they continue to offer conceptual and theoretical tools for scholars in ways that Agamben’s theories and work do not. I use the example of the coronavirus pandemic to illustrate the shortcomings in Agamben’s thought. Finally, this chapter draws on recent work by Alexander Weheliye and Achille Mbembé to explore the close relationship between sexuality and race, and to show how both gender and race open up new avenues for exploring biopower and its relationship to sovereignty in the twenty-first century. (shrink)

This article interrogates the specter of resistance in the writings of Giorgio Agamben and Michel Foucault, arguing they open up divergent ways of theorizing resistance to power. This article’s focus is on both philosophers’ use and interpretation of the dispositif, or apparatus, which controls and orders subjects, and which is the target for forms of resistance. Whereas for Foucault resistance is a practice existing as a transcendent possibility for any individual, Agamben reads such transcendent forms of resistance as (...) ultimately reinforcing the control of the dispositif, arguing that only a turn to ontology and immanent politics can resistance be meaningful. (shrink)

,is article addresses the relationship between sovereignty, biopolitics and governmentality in the work of Giorgio Agamben, Judith Butler, and Michel Foucault. By unpacking Foucault’s genealogy of modern governmentality, it responds to a criticism leveled against Foucauldian accounts of power for their alleged abandonment of the traditional model of power in juridico-institutional terms in favor of an understanding of power as purely productive. ,is claim has most signi-cantly been developed by Agamben in “Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life”. (...) I argue that Judith Butler’s analysis of power, in particular in her essay “Inde-nite Detention”, presents a more di.erentiated account of power that registers the signi-cance of practices of sovereignty and resonates with Foucault’s lectures on “Security, Territory, Population”. (shrink)

(2006). A ‘Retro‐version’ of Power: Agamben via Foucault on Sovereignty. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy: Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 445-459.

In his recent books under the main title “Homo sacer”, Agamben focuses on the concept of form-of-life. With this article I provide an account of the meaning of this concept, arguing that its origins can be traced back to Foucaults “Lives of infamous men”.

The present work means to analyze the relation between politics and life throughout Michael Foucault’s and Agamben’s critical-conceptual articulations. That way, we try to explain the following question: to what extent and under which arguments is it possible to reflect upon the politics over the biological human life taking as reference Foucault’s and Agamben’s thesis and even finding a connection between both? We hypothesize that: it is possible to acknowledge the discovery of politics over life back at the (...) Greco-Roman world, linking the bio politics to the Western political structure; while having its spectrum projected in the Age of Antiquity, bio-politics blossomed within the Modern history, since the appearance of medico-social categories and the realizations around the human life potentiality. To inspect the underlying theme of the question, our text is organized in three different moments: first, we go through Foucault’s perception of bio-politics and its connections to the human life; next, we observe how Agamben proposes his thesis and which arguments he makes use of to sustain his statements; and lastly, we present a liaison between both thesis, putting forward how they connected themselves within a research hypothesis. (shrink)

This article reconsiders the relations between Immanuel Kant and Michel Foucault’s essays on the Enlightenment and adds Giorgio Agamben’s essay “What is an Apparatus?” to this constellation. It explores, specifically, the relations between Foucault’s definition of enlightenment and the central notion of Agamben’s philosophy: potentiality. The relation between potentiality and enlightenment is then mobilized in the article in the context of a discussion of technology in Kant, Foucault, and Agamben. What might be the relevance of the relation (...) between Foucault’s enlightenment and Agamben’s potentiality for our understanding of technological developments today? The article engages with this question through a discussion of Foucault’s writings on the care of the self, Agamben’s theory of art, and Bernard Stiegler’s work on technology. It closes with a discussion of an artwork that stages the dramatic relation between all of these texts. (shrink)

In Homo Sacer, Giorgio Agamben criticizes Michel Foucault's distinction between 'productive' bio-power and 'deductive' sovereign power, emphasizing that it is not possible to distinguish between these two. In his view, the production of what he calls 'bare life' is the original, although concealed, activity of sovereign power. In this article, Agamben's conclusions are called into question. (1) The notion of 'bare life', distinguished from the 'form of life', belongs exclusively to the order of sovereignty, being incompatible with the modern (...) bio-political notion of life, that is univocal and immanent to itself. In the era of bio-politics, life is already a bios that is only its own zoe ('form-of-life'). (2) Violence is not hidden in the foundation of bio-politics; the 'hidden' foundation of bio-politics is love (agape) and care (cura), 'care for individual life'. (3) Bio-politics is not absolutised in the Third Reich; the only thing that the Third Reich absolutises is the sovereignty of power (Aryan race) and the nakedness of life (the Jews). (4) St Paul's 'messianic revolution' does not endow us with the means of breaking away from the closure of bio-political rationality; on the contrary, Paul's 'messianic revolution' is a historical precondition for the deployment of modern bio-politics. (5) Instead of homo sacer, who is permitted to kill without committing homicide, the paradigmatic figure of the bio-political society can be seen, for example, in the middle-class Swedish social-democrat. (shrink)

The article articulates a point of convergence between Foucault and Agamben, with a view to reinforcing a common direction in their thought, namely, the possibility of an uncomplicated belonging to the profane, or to the perfect time of human experience. KEY WORDS – Agamben. Foucault. Human experience. Modernity. Political philosophy.

This piece considers especially the concept of potentiality in Agamben, and how it is indebted to and present in Foucault’s thought. It draws on Aristotle to highlight important aspects of potentiality and to consider Agamben’s interpretation of it. The paper thus indicates some of the important ontological and methodological aspects of the relations between Foucault and Agamben.

O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar a relação entre biopolítica e nazismo à luz da obra de Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben. Para Foucault, o nazismo utilizou-se do racismo de Estado para proteger uma raça e legitimar a morte daqueles que representavam uma espécie de perigo biológico. Seguindo a mesma via, Agamben nos convida a refletir sobre os campos de concentração não como um fato histórico superado, mas como uma estrutura de poder que vem sendo cada vez (...) mais utilizada nas democracias contemporâneas, marcada pela vigência do estado de exceção e produção da vida nua.Palavras-chave: Foucault.Agamben.Biopolítica. Campo. AbstractThis article aims to present the relationship between biopolitics and Nazism in the light of the work of Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben. According to Foucault, Nazism used state racism to protect a race and legitimize the death of those who represented a kind of biological danger. Following the same path, Agamben invites us to reflect on the concentration camps not as an outdated historical fact, but as a power structure which has been increasingly used in contemporary democracies, marked by the validity of the state of exception and production of bare life.Keywords: Foucault. Agamben. Biopolitics. Field. ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1386-955X. (shrink)

Desde la perspectiva de la crítica al antijuridicismo foucaultiano expuesta por Giorgio Agamben en Homo sacer, en el presente trabajo abordamos la cuestión del derecho y su relación con la vida en la genealogía de la racionalidad política moderna, desarrollada en los cursos de Michel Foucault en el Collège de France de los años 1978-1979. Nuestro objetivo es mostrar las modalidades que adopta esta relación a través de los conceptos de integración marginalista y de utilitarismo político, de golpe de (...) Estado permanente y de heterogeneidad de las formas jurídicas. A partir de estas nociones, nos proponemos, además, una confrontación con la lectura realizada por Agamben. (shrink)

Rodrigo Castro Orellana La première partie de l’article analyse certains des aspects fondamentaux du débat sur la théologie politique, principalement à partir des recherches de Carl Schmitt. Ensuite, il étudie la mise à jour de cette controverse par Giorgio Agamben en identifiant ses principaux enjeux théoriques et politiques. Enfin, dans la troisième section, l’article étudie le contraste entre le concept de pouvoir pastoral de Michel Foucault et la version spécifique de la sécularisation proposée par le paradigme théologico-historique.

Michel Senellart Cet article propose une réponse à la critique adressée par G. Agamben, dans Le Règne et la Gloire (2008), à la généalogie foucaldienne de la gouvernementalité. En cherchant dans la pensée chrétienne des premiers siècles la matrice d’une conception nouvelle du pouvoir comme gouvernement des hommes — « économie » ou conduite des âmes —, Foucault aurait méconnu la signification proprement théologique, au sein du dispositif trinitaire, du mot oikonomia. Nous voudrions montrer, à partir d’une relecture du (...) 2e Discours (362) de Grégoire de Nazianze (329-390), dont Foucault tire le concept d’une « économie des âmes », que cette idée ne présuppose nullement la référence au schéma trinitaire et renvoie bien davantage au modèle du « patronage » romain, couplé à la figure sacerdotale du bon berger. Cette analyse conduira, en outre, à rappeler le lien de la « direction des âmes » avec le paradigme médical. (shrink)

This article gives a critical account of Agamben's contention that the camp is the paradigm of 'bio-politics' in the west. It analyses the deficiencies of this paradigm by means of comparison with other approaches to juridical topics and political theory (e.g., the treatments of the topics of force and state power in liberalism and Foucault). First, I ask about the features Agamben ascribes to the camp space and in what respects they support his contention that the camp has general (...) significance. Second, I question the reasons he gives for his view that the camp situation discloses the general tendencies of legal codes and practices in the West. In particular, I ask whether, as Agamben contends, his approach allows tendencies in the West that would otherwise be obscure to be identifiable, or whether his approach is too speculative to be useful as political theory. (shrink)

Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer. Puterea suverană şi viaţa nudă (Homo Sacer. Sovereign power and the naked life) Ed. Idea Design&Print, Cluj- Napoca, 2006.

»Pessimismus« - Das Schlagwort Pessimismus verleitet dazu, auf weitere Definitionsversuche zu verzichten. Ausgehend vom wissenschaftlichen Diskurs über Pessimismus entwickelt Jan-Paul Klünder deshalb ein idealtypisches Kategoriensetting dieses diffusen und vielschichtigen Begriffs, um die Werke von Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault und Giorgio Agamben nicht nur zu vergleichen, sondern ebenso mit der Kontingenz ihrer jeweiligen Wirklichkeitskonstruktion zu konfrontieren. Dabei zeigt sich ein widersprüchliches Verhältnis von Optimismus und Pessimismus in allen drei Theorien, wodurch deutlich wird, wie sich pessimistische Momente in den Gesamtzusammenhang dieser (...) Weltbeschreibungen fügen. (shrink)

RESUMO O presente ensaio apresenta uma análise crítica das atuais democracias que se esvaziaram do poder deliberativo do demos para se tornarem, cada vez mais, democracias espetaculares. Inicialmente, seguindo os estudos de Foucault, analisam-se as implicações da governamentalidade sobre a democracia, principalmente a partir da emergência da opinião pública como técnica da razão de Estado. Posteriormente, relacionam-se os estudos de Foucault com as teses de Agamben a respeito da burocracia e a hierarquia, a fim de compreendermos como estas (...) pesquisas desembocam no conceito de democracias espetaculares defendido por Agamben. ABSTRACT This essay presents a critical analysis of the current democracies that have emptied themselves of the deliberative power of the demos to become, more and more, spectacular democracies. Initially, following Foucault's studies, we analyze the implications of governmentality on democracy, especially from the emergence of public opinion as a technique of reason of state. Later, Foucault's studies are related to Agamben's theses on bureaucracy and hierarchy, in order to understand how these researches lead to the concept of spectacular democracies defended by Agamben. (shrink)

O artigo articula um ponto de convergência entre Foucault e Agamben, de forma a sublinhar uma confluência em seus pensamentos, a saber, a possibilidade de um pertencer nãocomplicado ao profano, ou ao tempo perfeito da experiência humana. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Agamben. Experiência humana. Filosofia política. Foucault. Modernidade.

Esta ponencia pretende hacer explícita la particular relación que Michel Foucault y Giorgio Agamben postulan entre la vida y el poder como una relación de imbricación por la cual el poder siempre ha dado forma a la vida, en el sentido de lo viviente, apresándola bajo modalizaciones específicas y, por esta vía, propone asimismo una hermenéutica de las formas contemporáneas del sujeto a partir de la relación señalada. A tal fin, se revisará la forma particular en que la vida (...) en tanto zōē o simple vida biológica o animal, se ha imbricado con el poder en Occidente y en particular en la modernidad, para producir determinadas formas humanas en las que la vida en términos de bios o vida calificada por la cultura y la polis, ha quedado, en forma contraria a las declaraciones de principios explícitos de la arquitectura metafísicopolítica, neutralizada. Para ello, se examinarán en especial, los desarrollos de Michel Foucault y de Giorgio Agamben en torno del biopoder y la biopolítica, la nuda vida y las figuras del homo sacer y el estado de excepción y el paradigma de la teología económica. (shrink)

Este artigo propõe-se a expor as reflexões de dois filósofos contemporâneos, quais sejam, Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben, de modo a promover um paralelo,ou mesmo uma analogia, entre duas noções que permeiam as obras dos respectivos autores. Estas noções consistem no que Foucault chamou de Racismo de Estado, e no que Agamben nomeou de Tanatopolítica. O contexto, e tambémo objeto, no qual se efetiva este intento é, em uma palavra, a política totalitária do Estado nazista.Ambos os autores compreendem (...) os fenômenos totalitários a partir do ponto de vista da biopolítica, entretanto, ao tratar do Estado Nacional-socialista, Foucault identifica nele um paradoxo, sem, contudo desenvolver com maior profundidade a imbricação que ali se deu. Agamben, por sua vez, concebe semelhante paradoxo como pertencendo a uma forma de fazer política que já traz, desde a sua origem, os fundamentos que permitiram a emergência do fenômeno da forma como surgiu e que fora identificada pelos ditos autores, ou seja, trazendo em si tanto elementos antigos, como a glória e os ideais de sangue, quanto modernos, como a eugenia. A pesquisa bibliográfica que aqui se desenvolveu deu-se na leitura de, basicamente, três obras dos supraditos autores, quais sejam, Em defesa da sociedade, História da sexualidade I – A vontade de saber, de um lado, e Homo sacer – O poder soberano e a vida nua I, de outro. (shrink)

Pretendemos dar uma breve contribuição para a compreensão do conceito de biopolítica na obra do filósofo italiano Giorgio Agamben, mais precisamente em seu trabalho de 1995, inaugurador da série Homo Sacer, cujo título leva o mesmo nome: Homo Sacer: O Poder Soberano e a Vida Nua. Valendo-se do pensamento de Michel Foucault e Hannah Arendt de um lado, e Walter Benjamin e Carl Schmitt de outro, Agamben faz recuar o conceito de biopolítica às fundações da política ocidental. Importa, para (...) o filósofo, mostrar como estrutura, lógica e topologia de funcionamento a biopolítica anima as relações políticas desde seu fundamento e que a modernidade foi capaz de revelar, transformando radicalmente os espaços políticos contemporâneos. (shrink)

While Agamben acknowledges the Arendtian and Foucaultian thesis of the modernity of biopower, he will claim that sovereignty and biopolitics are equally ancient and essentially intertwined in the originary gesture of all politics; sovereignty is the power to decide the state of exception whereby bare life or zoe is exposed "underneath" political life or bios. Agamben then finds in the concentration camp the modern biopolitical paradigm, in which the state of exception has become the rule and we have all become (...) [potentially] bearers of exposed bare life in that we are all subject to what I will call a "de-politicizing predication": to use the current American jargon, being named an "enemy combatant.". (shrink)

»Pessimismus« - Das Schlagwort Pessimismus verleitet dazu, auf weitere Definitionsversuche zu verzichten. Ausgehend vom wissenschaftlichen Diskurs über Pessimismus entwickelt Jan-Paul Klünder deshalb ein idealtypisches Kategoriensetting dieses diffusen und vielschichtigen Begriffs, um die Werke von Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault und Giorgio Agamben nicht nur zu vergleichen, sondern ebenso mit der Kontingenz ihrer jeweiligen Wirklichkeitskonstruktion zu konfrontieren. Dabei zeigt sich ein widersprüchliches Verhältnis von Optimismus und Pessimismus in allen drei Theorien, wodurch deutlich wird, wie sich pessimistische Momente in den Gesamtzusammenhang dieser (...) Weltbeschreibungen fügen. (shrink)

The Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, in his Homo Sacer-cycle, has developed a new paradigm for thinking the Shoah. Departing from Michel Foucault’s biopolitical thought, he argues that modern political power is made possible by the helix-structure of sovereign power and homo sacer. Sovereign power is situated at the threshold of the prevailing juridico-political order and can, in a state of exception, violently suspend or establish the law. In this decision, homo sacer is legally excluded from the law. When the (...) state of exception is made general, the law of sovereignty governs all life and everyone becomes homo sacer. This happened concretely in the Shoah. In the concentration camps, the Muselmann is produced. During the Shoah by Bullet, as happened in Lithuania, the generalised sovereign biopolitics turns into radical thanatopolitics. (shrink)

The forceful impact of Michel Foucault’s work in the humanities and social sciences is apparent from the sheer abundance of its uses, appropriations, and refigurations. This article calls for greater self-conscious reflexivity about the relationship between our uses of Foucault and the opportunities afforded by his work. We argue for a clearer distinction between analytics and concepts in Foucault-inspired work. In so doing we draw on key moments of methodological self-reflection in Foucault’s Collège de France lectures (...) and elsewhere. This distinction helps identify different ways that Foucault might be put to productive use today as well as what can go wrong therein, a concern we develop with reference to Giorgio Agamben’s post-Foucaultian contributions to political theory. We are eager to open up a possibility that has been infrequently explored despite Foucault’s contemporary influence—-the idea that critique in and through Foucault is empirical critique. This idea can help facilitate a gain in reflexivity in the broader landscapes of contemporary theory, inquiry, and critique. (shrink)