Current understanding of the development of quantity representations is based primarily on performance in the number‐line task. We posit that the data from number‐line tasks reflect the observer's underlying representation of quantity, together with the cognitive strategies and skills required to equate line length and quantity. Here, we specify a unified theory linking the underlying psychological representation of quantity and the associated strategies in four variations of the number‐line task: the production and estimation variations of the bounded and unbounded number‐line (...) tasks. Comparison of performance in the bounded and unbounded number‐line tasks provides a unique and direct way to assess the role of strategy in number‐line completion. Each task produces a distinct pattern of data, yet each pattern is hypothesized to arise, at least in part, from the same underlying psychological representation of quantity. Our model predicts that the estimated biases from each task should be equivalent if the different completion strategies are modeled appropriately and no other influences are at play. We test this equivalence hypothesis in two experiments. The data reveal all variations of the number‐line task produce equivalent biases except for one: the estimation variation of the bounded number‐line task. We discuss the important implications of these findings. (shrink)

In view of the aging and dejuvenation of the working population and the expected shortages in employees’ skills in the future, it is of utmost importance to focus on older workers’ employability in order to prolong their working life until, or even beyond, their official retirement age. The primary aim of the current study was to examine the relationship between elderly workers’ employability (self-)perceptions and their intention to continue working until their official retirement age. In addition, we studied the role (...) of potential antecedents of their perceived employability at three different levels: training and education in current expertise area as well as in an adjacent expertise area (individual level factor), learning value of the job (job level factor), and organizational career management practices (organizational level factor). Data were collected by means of e-questionnaires that were distributed among two groups of Dutch older (45-plus) white collar workers. The samples consisted of 223 employees of an insurance company, and 325 university workers, respectively. Our research model was tested separately in each sample using Structural Equation Modelling; in our analyses, we controlled for the effects of respondents’ (self-)perceived health and (self-)perceived financial situation. Similar results were found for both samples. First, the relationship of perceived employability with the intention to continue working until one’s retirement age was positive, whereas the relationship between a perceived good financial situation with the intention to continue working until one’s retirement age was negative. Secondly, as regards the potential antecedents, results showed that the learning value of the job was positively related to perceived employability. In addition, an employee’s perception of good health is a relevant correlate of perceived employability. So, whereas perceived employability contributes to the intention to continue working until one’s retirement age, a perceived good financial situation is a push factor to retire early. In order to promote the labour participation of older workers, this study indicates that organizations should focus on the learning possibilities that are inherent to one’s job rather than on providing additional training or career management. Further research is needed to test the generalizability of our results to other samples. (shrink)

While positioning and contextualising the short story 'Green Tea' by Joseph Sheridan Le Fanu (1814-73) in relation to existing Le Fanu scholarship, this article seeks to explore further the textual reflexivity for which it is renowned. Drawing on Foucault’s notion of regimes in the audio and the visual, in particular, through an attention to the interrelationship of the scopic, auditory and textual regimes of ‘Green Tea’, and to the manner in which writing is explicitly figured as both the source of (...) disjunction and the site of interpenetration of the regimes, it is suggested, in conclusion, that a specific understanding of allegory (in a semantic register drawing on work by Walter Benjamin and Paul de Man) can provide a fresh perspective on ‘Green Tea’ as an archive of the regimes of language and light of its time. (shrink)

Texte écrit sous la Ve dynastie chinoise, celle des Han (202 av. J.-C.-220 apr. J.-C.), qui présente sous un angle nouveau des connaissances déjà anciennes, montre que tout savoir se place sous le signe du tao et que l'interrogation sur le tao est préalable à tout autre. Les différents savoirs sont donc utilisés dans le cadre de cette démonstration, et non comme une fin en soi.

Le mot « héroïne » en grec apparaît assez tardivement dans la littérature comme dans les inscriptions (début du ve s. av. J.-C). Il s’agit de réévaluer l’apport des épopées homériques à la question de la définition d’un héros au féminin. Jusqu’ici, la problématique historique s’était orientée autour de la question de l’attestation chez Homère de cultes héroïques, phénomène particulièrement florissants au viiie s. av. J.-C., souvent associé à la diffusion des poèmes épiques. Une autre approche consistait à chercher dans (...) l’Iliade et l’Odyssée des traces de cultes rendus à des héros morts ou des preuves de l’existence chez Homère de la catégorie religieuse des demi-dieux. Le problème est ici renversé : partant des caractéristiques du héros homérique, l’objectif est de vérifier l’existence d’un héroïsme au féminin et de souligner les liens entre héroïnes et héros dans les épopées. (shrink)

Dans ce pays où, à la façon du Dictionnaire des idées reçues, il convient de tonner contre les méfaits de l’État jacobin, nul ne s’avise de savoir au juste comment celui-ci fonctionne ni ce qu’il fait. J’adopte en quelque sorte la position en miroir de l’idée reçue : je ne suis pas sûr de savoir ce qu’il faut penser de l’État en général, mais je sais empiriquement et en détails ce qu’il fait et comment il fonctionne. Je ne déduis pas (...) de proposition de réforme d’une théorie de l’État mais je tire de mon expérience l’idée d’une nouvelle façon d’agir ; je ne dessine pas la cité idéale mais je cherche ce qui pourrait faire revenir l’action dans l’institution. (shrink)

Le mot « héroïne » en grec apparaît assez tardivement dans la littérature comme dans les inscriptions. Il s’agit de réévaluer l’apport des épopées homériques à la question de la définition d’un héros au féminin. Jusqu’ici, la problématique historique s’était orientée autour de la question de l’attestation chez Homère de cultes héroïques, phénomène particulièrement florissants au viiie s. av. J.-C., souvent associé à la diffusion des poèmes épiques. Une autre approche consistait à chercher dans l’Iliade et l’Odyssée des traces de (...) cultes rendus à des héros morts ou des preuves de l’existence chez Homère de la catégorie religieuse des demi-dieux. Le problème est ici renversé : partant des caractéristiques du héros homérique, l’objectif est de vérifier l’existence d’un héroïsme au féminin et de souligner les liens entre héroïnes et héros dans les épopées. (shrink)

Cet article est né d'une double constatation, la première inspirée par l'étude du corpus d'Héraclite d'Éphèse, auteur ionien du 6ème siècle av. J.-C. dont il nous reste largement plus d'une centaine de Fragments considérés comme littéraux et censément extraits d'une œuvre dont la forme et l'ordonnance sont à ce jour inconnues, la seconde par la lecture des commentaires et interprétations qu'en proposent les spécialistes. C'est en effet en remarquant la variété des approches appliquées par les scientifiques pour parvenir à une (...) compréhension générale du corpus d'une part et les divergences d'interprétation qui en découlent souvent d'autre part que j'en suis venue à m'interroger sur l'importance du choix de la méthodologie au sein d'une activité faisant la part belle à un délicat travail de rapiéçage. Puis, c'est en tentant moi-même de restituer un sens à certains Fragments individuels d'Héraclite et, d'une manière plus globale, de les considérer comme les lambeaux épars d'une même toile déchiquetée que j'ai compris la difficulté de développer un commentaire à partir d'extraits émiettés dont ni l'organisation, ni la forme initiales ne sont déterminées. La prose poétique d'Héraclite ajoutant à ces difficultés engendrées par l'histoire de la transmission des problèmes de définition des termes-clefs d'une part et d'identification des figures littéraires qui jalonnent le corpus d'autre part, j'ai tenté d'illustrer dans cet article quelques questions méthodologiques représentatives de son oeuvre, et ce en prenant ancrage dans les hypothèses de polysémie et de niveau de lecture auxquelles nous confronte la notion de „feu“, récurrente au sein des vestiges de l'œuvre de l'Éphésien. En partant de l'analyse de deux Fragments ignés, à savoir B30 et B66, cet article tend donc à présenter principalement quatre problèmes ou questions méthodologiques que je crois avoir décelés aussi bien au sein des études héraclitéennes que dans mes propres recherches: (1) les méthodes d'interprétation choisies pour aborder des séquences parfois sibyllines et, par conséquent, difficiles à traduire ainsi que les principes qui les motivent, (2) le traitement de la polysémie et de l'oscillation entre sens littéral et sens littéraire d'une notion-clef que l'œuvre ne définit jamais explicitement, (3) la fiabilité de sources anciennes quant à l'interprétation des Fragments, (4) la difficulté d'établir des définitions stables et les postulats d'équivalence entre des termes-clefs se substituant aux ambiguités du texte. C'est en montrant, sur le terrain des Fragments même, comment se posent à nous ces questions méthodologiques que j'aborde les thèmes de la polysémie et des niveaux de lecture du terme „feu“ dans le corpus d'Héraclite pour illustrer, par quelques exemples, comment des choix méthodologiques peuvent conditionner l'ensemble d'une interprétation, selon les options que le chercheur décidera d'adopter ou non. (shrink)

Cet article est né d'une double constatation, la première inspirée par l'étude du corpus d'Héraclite d'Éphèse, auteur ionien du 6ème siècle av. J.-C. dont il nous reste largement plus d'une centaine de Fragments considérés comme littéraux et censément extraits d'une œuvre dont la forme et l'ordonnance sont à ce jour inconnues, la seconde par la lecture des commentaires et interprétations qu'en proposent les spécialistes. C'est en effet en remarquant la variété des approches appliquées par les scientifiques pour parvenir à une (...) compréhension générale du corpus d'une part et les divergences d'interprétation qui en découlent souvent d'autre part que j'en suis venue à m'interroger sur l'importance du choix de la méthodologie au sein d'une activité faisant la part belle à un délicat travail de rapiéçage. Puis, c'est en tentant moi-même de restituer un sens à certains Fragments individuels d'Héraclite et, d'une manière plus globale, de les considérer comme les lambeaux épars d'une même toile déchiquetée que j'ai compris la difficulté de développer un commentaire à partir d'extraits émiettés dont ni l'organisation, ni la forme initiales ne sont déterminées. La prose poétique d'Héraclite ajoutant à ces difficultés engendrées par l'histoire de la transmission des problèmes de définition des termes-clefs d'une part et d'identification des figures littéraires qui jalonnent le corpus d'autre part, j'ai tenté d'illustrer dans cet article quelques questions méthodologiques représentatives de son oeuvre, et ce en prenant ancrage dans les hypothèses de polysémie et de niveau de lecture auxquelles nous confronte la notion de „feu“, récurrente au sein des vestiges de l'œuvre de l'Éphésien. En partant de l'analyse de deux Fragments ignés, à savoir B30 et B66, cet article tend donc à présenter principalement quatre problèmes ou questions méthodologiques que je crois avoir décelés aussi bien au sein des études héraclitéennes que dans mes propres recherches: (1) les méthodes d'interprétation choisies pour aborder des séquences parfois sibyllines et, par conséquent, difficiles à traduire ainsi que les principes qui les motivent, (2) le traitement de la polysémie et de l'oscillation entre sens littéral et sens littéraire d'une notion-clef que l'œuvre ne définit jamais explicitement, (3) la fiabilité de sources anciennes quant à l'interprétation des Fragments, (4) la difficulté d'établir des définitions stables et les postulats d'équivalence entre des termes-clefs se substituant aux ambiguités du texte. C'est en montrant, sur le terrain des Fragments même, comment se posent à nous ces questions méthodologiques que j'aborde les thèmes de la polysémie et des niveaux de lecture du terme „feu“ dans le corpus d'Héraclite pour illustrer, par quelques exemples, comment des choix méthodologiques peuvent conditionner l'ensemble d'une interprétation, selon les options que le chercheur décidera d'adopter ou non. (shrink)

L'hypothèse que l'on proposera ici est que le dispositif du «médecin de la civilisation» monté par Deleuze en 1962 dans sa lecture de Nietzsche, loin de pouvoir être généralisé comme tel (comme si la suite de l'oeuvre n'en était que l'application différée ou même la continuation par d'autres moyens), n'y est effectivement agissant qu'à force de décaler l'énonciation deleuzienne par rapport à l'instance de la philosophie clinique qu'il définit. Et que pour cette raison, la figure du philosophe médecin de la (...) civilisation permet d'autant mieux de problématiser certaines difficultés que rencontre la tâche d'une symptomatologie des modes collectifs d'existence. À prendre cette tâche au sérieux, j'avancerai enfin que le déplacement du dispositif nietzschéen de part et d'autre de la rencontre avec Guattari et de L'Anti-OEdipe, trouve un point de résolution, ou en tout cas de cohérence et d'équilibre, dans la détermination d'une pratique analytique sui generis, celle-là même que Guattari nommera «schizo-analyse», et plus spécifiquement dans le concept d'agencement qui, de L'Anti-OEdipe à Mille plateaux, en supportera de plus en plus clairement les coordonnées propres. (shrink)

Articles by Castelli, Dempf, de Corte, del Noce, Garin, Gigon, Gouhier, Guéroult, Husserl, Lombardi, Valori, and Wagner on a variety of topics pertinent to the philosophy of history, such as myth and history, legitimacy of the philosophy of history, and historic intention. Of special interest is a commentary and French translation by M. Valori of two unpublished manuscripts of Husserl. In these manuscripts one can see how Husserl views the place of phenomenological study in the history of philosophy since (...) Descartes.--J. E. B. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 63.4 (2002) 697-716 [Access article in PDF] "La Mère Humanité":Femininity in the Romantic Socialism of Pierre Leroux and the Abbé A.-L. Constant Naomi J. Andrews Humanity, my mother, since you have led me, by so many paths, to conceive this design, support me, inspire me, affirm me. —Pierre Leroux, "Invocation to my Muse." 1It was during the July Monarchy in France, in the (...) era immediately preceding the Revolution of 1848, that the ideology we call socialism became more than an abstraction held by isolated intellectuals and conspirators. 2 A series of individuals, loose-knit associations, and more formal écoles were active during the 1830s and 1840s, developing a varied agenda of social reform, economic cooperation, or association, mystical Christianity, and women's liberation. Roughly lumped under the pejorative rubric of utopian socialism, and perhaps more accurately called romantic socialism, this movement was ultimately unsuccessful in achieving its diverse goals, but contributed significantly to the political discourse of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 3Socialism at this stage of its development overlapped in many ways with republicanism, both being, to quote one historian of the latter, "an amalgam of responses to the Enlightenment, the 1789 Revoluation and above all economic [End Page 697] change." 4 Many early socialists were also republicans, and socialist ideas influenced the ideology articulated by republicans such as Alexandre Ledru-Rollin and Auguste Blanqui. Louis Blanc, perhaps the best-known socialist of the decade surrounding the 1848 revolution, was and is known as a Jacobin socialist. 5From a certain perspective republicanism and socialism shared common origins and assumptions during the July Monarchy. Most socialists had come out of the political milieu of republicanism, whether through the carbonarist movement, opposition political clubs such as Droits de l'Homme and Les Amis du Peuple, or through the influential journalism trade of the Bourbon Restoration and early July Monarchy. Pierre Leroux, for one, had been a co-founder of the widely read journal le Globe, a bastion of liberalism, which he later turned over to the Saint-Simonians upon his conversion to their "church." 6 Although diverse in many ways, the left of this era did share certain core tenets, chief among them opposition to the Orleanist monarchy and, to varying degrees the belief in more democratic rule of the French nation.To say this, however, might erroneously imply a unity that was certainly not a feature of socialism during this period. In fact socialism, despite its near mystical devotion to ideas of unity, was anything but singular during its pre-Marxian phase. The spectrum of socialist thinkers and groups ranged widely. Standing closest to the republicans in their beliefs about politics and the revolutionary tradition were Jacobin socialists, most usually associated with Louis Blanc. Blanc and others articulated a social philosophy that sought "to unite two distinct ideologies: Jacobin democracy and co-operative socialism." 7 Thus Jacobin socialism combined republican political priorities and commitment to national political processes in general and to a centralized state in particular with attention to economic change, to reforming the distribution process along more equitable lines and to putting the situation of working people at the center of political change. In this goal Jacobin socialism reflected, as did other strains of socialism, the economic instability of the era and the emergence of an organized working class movement which followed the aborted revolution of 1830. 8At the other end of the spectrum one might put the Saint-Simonians and the Fourierist École Sociétaire. 9 Vehemently anti-republican, these groups shared [End Page 698] very little with the Jacobin socialists, other than a certain concern with the emerging working class, one of the few consistent features of early socialism. Unlike Jacobin socialists, these groups focused their theories of community at a very low level, having a strongly utopian component to their thinking. As a result, they tended to see national politics as irrelevant to the situation of ordinary people and even as a... (shrink)

This is the first English translation of the work of Eugenio Garin, one of the foremost modern historians of the Italian Renaissance. The present text, translated so intelligently, is based on the revised Italian edition of 1958.. Garin treats the growth of Italian humanism from Petrarch in the fourteenth century to its point of radical transformation with Tommaso Campanella at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The commentary on Giordano Bruno is especially clear, concise, and penetrating. For (...) class='Hi'>Garin, the elements of Renaissance humanism are multiple. It sought its own rhetoric and shrank from the dry syllogistic reasoning of scholastic philosophy. It used philology as an essential tool and basis of a revolutionary historiography. As well, Renaissance humanism was engage in civic life. In seeing Renaissance humanism as the link with the modern world, Garin opposes those historians of science who posit medieval science and philosophy as the vital bridge. Garin minimizes the importance of Aristotelianism and finds Renaissance humanism severely hostile to scholasticism. Nevertheless, the book is a rich mine of facts, summarization, and syntheses of texts; the very index of the book, restricted to Italian Renaissance figures, occupies five pages of double columns. In addition, Peter Munz has written an introduction which is a full-blown critique—P. J. M. (shrink)

When young children attempt to locate numbers along a number line, they show logarithmic (or other compressive) placement. For example, the distance between “5” and “10” is larger than the distance between “75” and “80.” This has often been explained by assuming that children have a logarithmically scaled mental representation of number (e.g., Berteletti, Lucangeli, Piazza, Dehaene, & Zorzi, 2010; Siegler & Opfer, 2003). However, several investigators have questioned this argument (e.g., Barth & Paladino, 2011; Cantlon, Cordes, Libertus, & Brannon, (...) 2009; Cohen & Blanc-Goldhammer, 2011). We show here that children prefer linear number lines over logarithmic lines when they do not have to deal with the meanings of individual numerals (i.e., number symbols, such as “5” or “80”). In Experiments 1 and 2, when 5- and 6- year-olds choose between number lines in a forced-choice task, they prefer linear to logarithmic and exponential displays. However, this preference does not persist when Experiment 3 presents the same lines without reference to numbers, and children simply choose which line they like best. In Experiments 4 and 5, children position beads on a number line to indicate how the integers 1 100 are arranged. The bead placement of 4- and 5-year-olds is better fit by a linear than by a logarithmic model. We argue that previous results from the number line task may depend on strategies specific to the task. (shrink)

Qui connaît aujourd'hui le philosophe français Emmanuel Mounier et sa révolution personnaliste? Les pages de cet ouvrage lui rendent hommage et donnent le goût de découvrir son extraordinaire aventure en faveur de l'homme. Visionnaire et engagé, sa brève et intense existence (1905-1950) fut consacrée à remettre la Personne au centre de la pensée et de l'agir dans une crise historique sans précédent. L'écriture vive et sensible d'Emannuel Pic et l'étonnante recherche graphique de Fred Bourguignon accompagnent le fondateur de la revue (...) Esprit dans la contemplation et la traversée d'un surprenant mur blanc. "J'ai souhaité à travers ce bref récit rendre aimable Emmanuel Mounier à une nouvelle génération d'hommes et de femmes confrontés à des questions anthropologiques inédites. Pour y parvenir, je n'ai pas voulu faire une nouvelle étude biographique car d'autres l'ont fait de merveilleuses manières avant moi (Domenach, Lurol). Il s'agit davantage d'un récit où défilent les moments clés de la vie du philosophe personnaliste et la progression de sa pensée sur la personne. Ainsi progressivement émerge sa vision de la personne en relation à travers les multiples visages qui l'ont poussé à se libérer et à s'engager contre tout ce qui peut réduire et contraindre la sublime vocation des êtres humains à expérimenter de vraies communions. (shrink)

Authors of chapters: J. Blanc, D. Blitman, F. Couturier, P. Fasula, R. Lamarche-Perrin, D. Ross, R. Sandoz, S. Troubé .

How do thought and language manage to be 'about' aspects of the world? J. Robert G. Williams investigates how representation arises out of a fundamentally non-representational world, showing the explanatory relations between the representational properties of language, of thought, and of perception and intention.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Adventures of Telemachus [1699] by François de Salignac de la Mothe-FénelonJean–Michel RacaultFrançois de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon. The Adventures of Telemachus [1699]. Translated with an introduction and notes by A. J. B. Cremer. London, Anastasis Books, 2022, 419 pp. Hardbound £24.50. Paperback £15. ISBN: 9781739798314.Fénelon’s 1699 novel The Adventures of Telemachus—or more precisely, the epic poem in prose—was one of the major bestsellers in many European countries (...) for nearly two centuries. The book inspired paintings, operas, fashions, and even wallpaper motifs. It gave birth to a literary subgenre, the “archeological novel,” such as Terrasson’s Sethos (1731) or Bernardin de Saint-Pierre’s L’Arcadie (1788), in which the action is located in an antique setting. Still part of French schools’ syllabi a century ago, this book mainly owes its survival today to highly specialized academic research, stimulated from time to time when an “Agrégation” program generates new publications, papers, and conferences, as happened in 2009–10. The situation is similar in English-speaking countries, if perhaps just a bit worse: new editions are scarce and generally based more or less on revised versions of eighteenth-century translations, such as those editions by John Hawkesworth’s (1768) or Tobias Smollett’s (1776).The publication by A. J. B. Cremer of an entirely new translation, featuring a close rendering of the French text into modern English and preserving the original’s formal dignity without resorting to a pastiche of the classical language, is therefore a landmark in the history of Fénelon’s reception, and in the valuation of Telemachus particularly. This edition, while intended for the general reader, includes most of what is expected of a scholarly edition. In a comparatively short introduction, the editor recalls the essential facts about the author’s background (as a descendent of high nobility) and about his ecclesiastic career, which was compromised by both his involvement in mystical spirituality (the quarrel over Quietism) and his critical attitude toward the absolutism of Louis XIV’s régime. [End Page 140]In fact, Fénelon’s appointment as Archbishop of Cambrai (1695) was a kind of exile. In 1689, however, he was appointed tutor to Louis XIV’s seven-year-old grandson, the young Duke of Burgundy, second in the line of succession to the throne after his father (though both died prematurely). Fénelon wrote for this boy The Adventures of Telemachus as an educative fiction in the tradition of the “mirrors of Princes.” Of course, such a book was not intended for publication, and when it appeared in 1699—strangely enough, in a fully legal manner and with a printing privilege—it was against Fénelon’s will and in a very faulty form, which was corrected in later editions. An editor today therefore faces solving some highly complex textual problems, and choosing between the manuscript traditions. Cremer’s translation is based upon Jacques Le Brun’s authoritative text, published in Fénelon’s Œuvres, tome II (Paris: Gallimard, “Pléiade,” 1997).1After surveying the critical reception of Telemachus, particularly in England, starting at the text’s first publication and reaching the present time, the introduction discreetly hints at an apparent trend, among some interpretations, toward Christian allegory. If the figure of Mentor obviously “represents Fénelon” in his tutorial role, Cremer notes, this character, also an incarnation of Minerva, embodies humanity and divinity simultaneously, and thus may be seen as a “Christ-figure,” with Telemachus as his disciple and Ulysses, with his pursuit of a never-ending quest, as the symbolic form of the Divine. These observations are not entirely new; they have been formulated before by various critics. The editor himself concurs with a well-known article by André Blanc that describes Fénelon’s neo-platonician turn of mind: for Fénelon there is no contradiction between Christian revelation and the pagan fables of classical mythology, which he considers prefigurations or allegories of Christianity.This interpretation is abundantly and convincingly confirmed in the editor’s annotations. While as expected the commentaries point frequently to Greco-Latin mythology or classical literary sources... (shrink)

'Peut-être que putain tu as juste un peu besoin de te calmer/calm the fuck down. Je m'appelle Jenny et j'offre des services de coaching stoïcien avec juste un tantinet de grossièreté/dash of profanity/et des résultats', lance sur son site promotionnel avec sa photo souriante en noir-et-blanc une jeune 'coach' à lunettes. 'En tant que coach, annonce un autre du même âge qui pose avec un livre à la main doctus cum libro, j'apporte l'expertise d'un praticien stoïcien professionnel ainsi que (...) la connaissance de la façon dont le cerveau apprend de nouvelles informations. Avec huit ans de pratique stoïcienne quotidienne, je suis le témoignage vivant de son succès. C'est ma passion d'armer les gens avec les techniques mentales pour vivre une vie pleine et calme/full and calm life!' Le néo-stoïcisme est en vogue auprès de la jeunesse, élixir d'endurance pour époque tourmentée. Ce nouveau courant est-il fidèle au geste cynique initial qui inspira jadis Zénon, Cléanthe, et Chrysippe? Fournit-il des réponses adaptées à la dictature écologique qui vient, au culte de la guerre, aux fantasmes du transhumanisme? Il donne en tout cas ici l'occasion d'un retour sur 2300 ans d'histoire d'une philosophie de la liberté humaine, en des temps où celle-ci est de plus en plus déniée"--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Diacritics 30.3 (2000) 28-39 [Access article in PDF] Chateaubriand and the Politics of (Im)mortality Marie-hélène Huet In the twenty-sixth book of his Mémoires d'outre-tombe, Chateaubriand recounts his 1821 arrival at the French embassy in Berlin. He cites a flattering portrait of him written by the Baroness of Hohenhausen and published in the morning press on March 22: "M. de Chateaubriand is of a somewhat short, yet slender, stature. His (...) oval face has an expression of reverence and melancholy. He has black hair and black eyes that glow with the fire of his mind." 1 At this point, Chateaubriand flatly adds: "Mais j'ai les cheveux blancs; j'ai plus d'un siècle, en outre, je suis mort" ("But I have white hair; I am more than a century old, besides, I am dead") [2:39]. 2 Of course, those startling words, "en outre, je suis mort" do not refer to the year 1821, nor to the time Chateaubriand is writing this account. Rather, they refer to the time we, readers, turn to this specific page of the Mémoires: as you are reading this, Chateaubriand reminds us, I am dead. The words wrest us away from the event he is relating, his arrival in Berlin, to remind us in the most direct terms that our reading of these words necessarily entails the death of their author. Moreover, the French en outre brings us back to the very title of the Mémoires d'outre-tombe: outre-tombe, from beyond the grave.In 1836, Chateaubriand signed a contract with a society of shareholders: in exchange for an immediate payment of 156,000 francs and a life annuity, he sold "the literary ownership of his Mémoires as they existed and as they would exist at his death." 3 Commenting on this transaction, Maurice Levaillant notes: "With this agreement, Chateaubriand bought material security at the price of a concession that he never got over: instead of appearing after a period he had first prescribed as fifty years after his death, his Mémoires would suddenly appear, so to speak, live from his grave" [xv]. As Chateaubriand put it in his avant-propos, the publication would take place "as soon as my bell tolls!" [1:1].The contract for the Mémoires is described as a painful necessity: "No one can know how much I have suffered from having been required to mortgage my grave" [1:1]. The formula "mortgage my grave" is suggestive in that it metonymically shifts the object of economic exchange from the work being sold, that is, the Mémoires, to the grave, which Chateaubriand always associated with literary creation. Indeed, the association between memoirs and tomb that provides the title of the work is echoed and amplified by a constant relation within the text between the grave and the act of writing. [End Page 28]In the avant-propos, a few lines after lamenting the mortgaging of his grave, Chateaubriand also reports that he has secured an islet in the bay of Saint-Malo, the Grand-Bé, to serve as his burial site. 4 Proposing an arrangement rigorously parallel to the desired legal agreement for the Mémoires, he adds that, should he die outside of France: "I wish that my body not be brought back to my homeland until fifty years after an initial burial" [1:3]. A half-century of silent mourning seemed to be the ideal length of time for the public to wait before discovering, and possibly disturbing, both his mortal remains and his immortal work.Not that this intimate relationship between death and writing resulted from the specific circumstances of the Mémoires. Twenty years earlier, in the second preface to the Essai sur les Révolutions, Chateaubriand had already described himself as "a writer who believed he had reached the end of his life, and who, in the destitution of exile, had nowhere to write, but upon his own gravestone" [7]. The tomb stands for death, just as it stands for Chateaubriand's creative works. In an essay... (shrink)

Un relief mélien en terre cuite a été trouvé lors de la fouille d'un cimetière d'époque classique à Trézène. Mesurant 0,218 x 0,185 m, il est bien conservé et garde des traces d'engobe blanc et de polychromie. Il représente Héraklès, Déjanire et le centaure Nessos, à l'instant où la femme est sauvée du rapt dont elle était menacée, sur le bord du fleuve Euhénos en Étolie, selon une version du mythe transmise par un fragment de poème lyrique attribué avec (...) beaucoup de vraisemblance à Bacchylide. Cette œuvre en terre cuite, petite mais néanmoins ambitieuse, allie la difficile réalisation d'une composition à trois personnages conforme aux habitudes des 2e et 3e quarts du Ve siècle av. J.-C, à un rendu iconographique des figures qui renvoie à une esthétique plus ancienne : celle de la fin de l'archaïsme et de la lre moitié du Ve s. av. J.-C. (shrink)

L’étude des fortifications crétoises d’époque classique et hellénistique est rendue difficile par l’absence généralisée de fouille stratigraphique. Pour leur datation, il est nécessaire de se fonder sur le type d’appareil, dont il est pourtant bien connu que sa valeur chronologique n’est que toute relative, voire discutable. Néanmoins, à l’échelle de la Crète, des identités régionales apparaissent, en terme d’appareil. On peut ainsi observer que l’appareil rectangulaire est cantonné à la partie occidentale de la Crète, spécialement entre le mont Ida et (...) les monts Blancs, tandis que l’extrémité orientale de l’île semble avoir eu une prédilection pour les murs non appareillés. La cité d’Aptera, en Crète occidentale, constitue un cas exceptionnel et une énigme, puisque son enceinte, datée dans son ensemble du milieu du ive siècle av. J.‑C., présente deux types d’appareil.Nous présentons ici les différentes explications de l’usage en Crète des différents types d’appareil, qui peuvent être de nature historique aussi bien que géographique. Pour ce dernier point, l’apport des nouvelles technologies, au travers de l’élaboration d’un SIG, pourrait être décisif. (shrink)

'Johann Sommerville's is an impeccable textbook. Simply written, it provides exposition of Hobbes' arguments in the context of English and continental thought'. P. Springborg, University of Sydney, Political Studies, Vol. XL1, No 2 6/93 Thomas Hobbes was probably the greatest of British political theorists. Too often commentators have failed to grasp his meaning because they have ignored the historical context in which he wrote. Drawing on much recent scholarship and on many little-known seventeenth century sources, this book presents a lucid (...) and jargon-free examination of Hobbes' arguments, setting them against a background of the ideas of his contemporaries and of the political events of his lifetime. By viewing Hobbes in his context, the book both clarifies his theories and illuminates European thinking at a critical stage in the development of modern political ideas. (shrink)

In this provocative work, J. L. Schellenberg addresses those who, influenced by science, take a negative view of religion, thinking of it as outmoded if not decadent. He promotes the view that transcendently oriented religion is developmentally immature, showing the consilience of scientific thinking about deep time with his view. From this unique perspective, he responds to a number of influential cultural factors commonly thought to spell ill for religion, showing the changes – changes favorable to religion – that are (...) now called for in how we understand them and their proper impact. Finally, he provides a defense for a new and attractive religious humanism that benefits from, rather than being hindered by, religious immaturity. In Schellenberg's view, religion can and should become a human project as monumental as science. (shrink)

The full range of Bentham's engagement with Blackstone's view of law is beyond the scope of a single article. Yet it is important to recognize at the outset, even in a more restricted enquiry into the matter, that the engagement, begun when Bentham, not quite sixteen years of age, started to attend Blackstone's Oxford lectures, was indeed a lifelong affair. Whatever Bentham had in mind when, at the age of eighty, in 1828, he began to write a work entitled ‘A (...) familar view of Blackstone: or say Blackstone familiarized’, the manuscripts at least suffice to prove that ‘Our Author’ was still in the forefront of his mind at that octogenarian but still indefatigably active stage of his career. Every aspect of Bentham's multifarious intellectual activity over the intervening decades had been touched in some measure by his response to Blackstone's ideas. It still seems true to say what was said a dozen years ago: It would be an exaggeration to say that Bentham elaborated his own conception of law by way of a constant and conscious dialectic with the views of Blackstone. But it would be an exaggeration for which the evidence would afford some excuse. (shrink)

J. Christopher Maloney argues that free will is compatible with necessary laws of science and immutable history. For free will emerges from an akratic will that asymptotically approaches the ability to choose to act otherwise than it willfully does.