The primary purpose of this book is to discuss the concept of religious luck as linked to ethical values. The author emphasizes that the quality and interpretation of the luck factor can be studied in a variety of ways, not only in theology but also in social sciences and philosophy. In the first chapter of the book, Axtell defines what he means by problems of religious luck. He believes that the new issue of religious luck is concerned with asymmetric trait (...) attribution in connection with a b... (shrink)

Was Maimonides a radical philosopher who subtly argued for a naturalist world and who saw the obligation to keep the Torah's commandments as a social and moral obligation - or was he a conservative Jewish believer who only tried to formulate philosophical arguments in favour of a revealed religion? This question has been central to the interpretation of Maimonides from the 12th century until modern times. In the four chapters of this book, Shalom Sadik argues for a radical philosophical interpretation (...) of Maimonides. (shrink)

Este artículo examina los diversos niveles de certeza en el pensamiento de Hasdai Crescas, tal como pueden encontrarse en su _Sermón de Pascua_ y su principal obra filosófica, _Or Hashem_. En la primera parte del artículo se analiza la discusión principal de Crescas sobre este tema en el _Sermón._ En la segunda parte, las principales ideas expuestas allí se comparan con la opinión de Crescas en _Or Hashem_. Además, el artículo busca explicar por qué este tema está más desarrollado en (...) el _Sermón_ que en su principal obra filosófico. En última instancia, se concluye que Hasdai Crescas identifica cuatro niveles distintos de certeza: (1) pruebas irrefutables y la experiencia de la profecía; (2) pruebas lógicas razonables y la presencia de milagros que no tienen explicación terrenal; (3) pruebas y milagros menos probables de naturaleza dudosa; y (4) aceptar el significado claro del texto de la Torá y la tradición en general. Es probable que R. Crescas no mencionara este tema en _Or Hashem_ debido al bajo grado de certeza de la tradición, que eligió mantener oculta. (shrink)

_ Source: _Volume 25, Issue 2, pp 196 - 208 The aim of the article is to analyze the concepts of natural law, political law, and divine law in the thought of Rabbi Josef Albo. The article concludes that according to R. Albo, the true divine law has something natural. Humans can understand by themselves that natural law is not developed enough to assure their needs. They can comprehend as well that only divine law can be a good political law, (...) and thus they draw the natural conclusion that they need divine revelation and divine law. (shrink)

_ Source: _Volume 54, Issue 2-3, pp 125 - 145 Maimonides’s _Guide for the Perplexed_ had a significant influence on both Jewish and Christian philosophy, although the vast majority of Jewish and Christian readers in the Middle Ages could not read the original Judeo-Arabic text. Instead, they had access to the text through Hebrew and Latin translations. The article focuses on words derived from the root _sh-h-r_ in the original text of Maimonides, first on the understanding of Maimonides himself, where (...) they take on two meanings; the first sense of these words is an adjective that refers to things well-known to the larger public; the second sense is that in which the opinions held by the public are opposed to the intelligibles. Second, while one of Maimonides’ Hebrew translators, Ibn Tibbon, did understand the original meaning of the words in the _Guide_, the other, Alharizi did not; he missed the distinction between rational understanding and generally admitted opinions. This misunderstanding changed the meaning of three important passages of the _Guide_. Finally the mistranslation of Alharizi influenced the medieval philosophers that either read his translation, such as Rabbi Aaron ben Elijah of Nicomedia, or a Latin translation based upon it, such as Meister Eckhart. (shrink)

One and a half months after Victor Hugo died in 1885, Beşir Fuad published a biography of him, in which Fuad defended Emile Zola’s naturalism and realism against Hugo’s romanticism. This resulted in the most important dispute in nineteenth-century Turkish literary history, the hakikiyyûn and hayâliyyûn debate, with the former represented by Beşir Fuad and the latter represented by Menemenlizâde Mehmet Tahir. This article focuses on the form of this debate rather than its content, and this focus reveals how (...) the tension between classical and post-classical Islamic intellectual history had become deeply embedded in Ottoman Turkish literary history by the late 1800s. This particular event demonstrates two points: that dialectical disputation was viewed negatively as a return to the seemingly primitive practices of an antiquated mentality, as opposed to the relatively enlightened apodictic argumentation ; and that trajectories of Ottoman Turkish literary history can be understood within the context of general Islamic intellectual history. (shrink)

Bu çalışmada üç aylık bir süreli yayın olan Türk Standartları Enstitüsü Öncü Çocuk Dergisi, tipografik özellikleri bakımından incelenmiştir. Yapılan çalışmada, tipografik öğelerin görsel iletişime olan etkilerini ortaya koymak amaçlanmış ve bu kapsamda söz konusu tasarım problemleri ile çözüm önerileri ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır. İncelenen dergi dahilinde, grafik iletişimin başlıca öğesi olan tipografi ile ilgili olarak okunurluk, yazı hiyerarşisi, font seçimi, bloklama gibi unsurlar üzerine tartışılmıştır. Verilerin nitel olarak değerlendirildiği bu betimsel çalışmada örneklem olarak derginin 2016 yılı sayıları seçilmiştir. Çalışmanın sonuç kısmında (...) derginin tasarımında tespit edilen bulgulara yönelik öneriler getirilmiştir. (shrink)

Māturīdism is an Ottoman identity and this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire. It maintained its formal existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly (...) in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. The new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. However, even in this period, Māturīdism was remarkably reflected in the muqaddimāt-i arba‘a literature which was directly sponsored by Meḥmed II. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. Shiism and its all other variants were bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. Unfortunately such a refutational approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in the refutation texts against Ṣafawids. This brought to the fore at first the Ḥanafite and then the Māturīdite identity. This paper attempts to analyze this changing emphasis on Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the political and intellectual factors that supported and nourished it. -/- SUMMARY It can be argued that the debates around Ash‘arism and Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the resulting meant more than attempts of the members of the two sides to understand each other and that Māturīdism, particularly from the 16th century onwards, was gradually brought fore as the identity of Ottomans. In fact, this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire; it maintained, in form, its existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. In this period, Ottoman scholars still embraced the Māturīdī-Ḥanafī line in their theological views. Ḫiḍir Beg’s al-Qaṣīda al-Nūniyya, and al-Khayālī’s commentary upon it, and the commentary written by Aḥmad b. Oġuz Dānishmand al-Aḳshahrī on al-I‘timād of Abū al-Barakāt al-Nasafī were the most noticeable Māturīdite texts from that time. Besides, al-Khayālī’s supercommentary (ḥāshiya) upon the commentary of al-Taftāzānī written on al-‘Aqā’id of Najm al-Dīn ‘Umar al-Nasafī was also of central importance. However, the new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. But, this should not be taken to mean that Māturīdism lost its ground of existence. That the Ash‘arite works produced in this new paradigm were transferred to and fully integrated in the madrasa curriculum was not because they were Ash‘arite texts but because they were the most original and highest achievements of the philosophical theology. These texts that aimed at combining all fields of knowledge on a single platform, despite the Ash‘arism they included, constituted the peak of the Islamic thought of the time. In the preference of these texts, the fact that the Māturīdī tradition generally stood, in course of time, distant to the philosophy and chose to continue the kalām in the classical line also played a role. Māturīdī theologians Muḥammad b. Ashraf al-Samarqandī, partly, but Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a al-Maḥbūbī, to a greater extent, were notable exceptions to this general Māturīdī tendency. These figures were theologically Māturīdite, but their framework of producing discourse was the combination of philosophy and kalām as with their Ash‘arī counterparts. Therefore, Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a’s criticism of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, and through him, of against the Ash‘arism in the context of muqaddimāt arba‘a was wholeheartedly supported by the Ottoman ulama. Even it was Meḥmed II who sponsored the debates regarding muqaddimāt arba‘a. The works written by such scholars as Muṣliḥ al-Dīn al-Kastallī, al-Ṣamṣūnī, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn al-‘Arabī, Mollā ‘Arab al-Anṭākī, Khaṭībzāde, Sa‘dī Chalabī during his and his son Bāyazid II’s reigns were the supercommentaries written upon the related chapter of al-Talwīḥ, al-Taftāzānī’s commentary on Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a’s al-Tawḍīḥ where the former responded to the criticism of the latter from an Ash‘arī point of view. The Ottoman ulama, in their workswere forced to choose between the two scholars and they mostly supported Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a and Māturīdism. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. The reflex of of identifying oneself through ‘the other’ made, to a certain extent, the theological and philosophical debates regarding faith meaningless, and gradually gave the Ottoman Sunnism a doctrinal and political tone. In such a context, the Ottomans’ paradigm of producing thought in line with the philosophical kalām began to lose its function, and, the focus of scholarhsip shifted; Shiism with its all variants were began to be bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. When the refutation texts composed from the reign of Bāyazid II onward to criticize the Ṣafawids are chronologically analyzed, it is seen that the contents of the texts evolved from criticism of Rāfiḍa to criticism of Sūfism. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in these refutations. So the fatwās issued against Rāfiḍa and Ṣūfīs in malāmatī line in earlier centuries in different contexts for different reasons were employed to criticize the new opponents. This caused two important results: First, such an approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḫalwatīs, Bayrāmīs, Gulshanīs, Baktāshīs and Mawlawīs were the sufi groups influenced by this situation in varying degrees. Second, Sunnism was exposed to the narrowization and centered around the fiqh, particularly Ḥanafī fiqh, in the context of Ḳāḍīzādelīs who were the main adversaries of above mentioned groups. The culture of catechism (‘ilm-i ḥāl) that came to the fore through the efforts of Ḳāḍīzādelīs was a crystallization and was mainly fuelled from this tension. Such a crystallization led the Ṣūfīs, the opponents of Ḳāḍīzādelīs, to a higher level of discourse deemphasizing the Ḥanafī aspect: They underscored the discourse of Ahl al-Sunna and four madhhabs, and mostly turned towards the Shāfiʿī and Ash‘arī traditions to look for support fortheir views. This process during which the emphasis of sharī‘a and tradition began to come to the fore once again paved the way for the zuhd and fiqh-centered religious thought that was maintained from the time of the Seljukids in Anatolia and was influential until Meḥmed II’ reign. Therefore in the Ottomans, particularly starting with the reign of Suleymān I, an intensive emphasis on Abū Ḥanīfa was witnessed. Abū Ḥanīfa was at the very center of the debates revolving around zuhd and fiqh which came about in the same period and in which the sharī‘a sensitivity was a determining factor. Al-Māturīdī, whose name was overshadowed for a long time by the name of Abū Ḥanīfa, but who became prominent in the tradition with Abū al-Mu‘īn al-Nasafī, had to transfer his gains for a period of time to Abū Ḥanīfa. Emphasis on Abū Ḥanīfa looks like a rope that when pulled, all the tradition comes with it. When the topics began to be discussed in a manner that would also include the theological context, the contribution of the works ascribed to Abū Ḥanīfa, namely al-Fiqh al-Akbar, al-Waṣiyya and al-‘Ālim wa al-Muta‘allim to the discussions would be limited. For this reason, the need to refer to al-Māturīdī or to the theological formation bearing his name was inevitable. So, the literature on the points of disagreements between the Ash‘arism and the Māturīdism developed both vertically and horizontally in the 18th century and, corollary to that, the debates of free will as a corolloary to that, once again brought Māturīdism to the fore. (shrink)

In this paper, we propose some transfor mations based on the centroid points between single valued neutrosophic numbers. We introduce these trans formations according to truth, indeterminacy and falsity value of single valued neutrosophic numbers. We propose a new similarity measure based on falsity value between single valued neutrosophic sets. Then we prove some properties on new similarity measure based on falsity value between falsity value between single valued neutrosophic sets. Furthermore, we propose similarity measure based on falsity value between (...) single valued neutrosophic sets based on the centroid points of transformed single valued neutrosophic numbers. We also apply the proposed similarity measure between single valued neutrosophic sets to deal with pattern recognition problems. (shrink)

French scientist Henri Poincaré is one of the leading thinkers in the field of philosophy of science with his determinations on science and scientific activity. Poincare's understanding of science is expressed as conventionalist because he asserts that all sciences, including mathematics, consist of conventions and definitions. In this article, Poincare's views on how scientists should evaluate the data obtained from observation and experiment in their studies and the hypotheses that describe the relationships between these data are discussed. In the article, (...) it is also thought that especially Poincare's claims about the structure of science and the nature of scientific activity are important in terms of understanding some scientific views that emerged in the second half of the twentieth century. (shrink)

The issue of context arises in assorted areas of Artificial Intelligence. Although its importance is realized by various researchers, there is not much work towards a useful formalization. In this paper, we will present a preliminary model (based on Situation Theory) and give examples to show the use of context in various fields, and the advantages gained by the acceptance of our proposal.

Özet Dini bilginin temel kaynağı olan Kur’an ve Sünnet’in Peygamberimizden bize haber yoluyla intikal ettiği hususu izahtan vârestedir. Rasûlullâh demek, Allah’tan aldığı bilgiyi insanlara ileten elçi, haberci demektir. Bu nedenle Peygamberlerden bize ulaşan dini bilgiye de haber ya da haber-i resûl denilmiştir. Rasûlullâh’tan teşrî’ ile ilgili gelen her haber, duyanlar ve tevâtür yoluyla ulaşılanlar için bila şek vela ihtilâf, kesinkes doğru ve bağlayıcıdır. Ancak bazı haberlerin Rasûlullâh’a nisbeti kesin olmadığı için ya da nisbeti kesin olsa da delâleti kesin olmadığı için (...) o haberlerin ifade ettiği bilgi de kesin değil, zannîdir. Kimi güdümlü veya meselenin mâhiyetinden bihaber bazı kişilerin; dinde zanla amel edilmez gibi temelsiz iddialarını bir tarafa bırakacak olursak, zannî bilgi, kesin bilgi mucibince bağlayıcıdır. Zannî bilginin, birden çok ihtimal barındırıp ictihad alanı olması bu durumu değiştirmez. Nitekim furû-i fıkhın çoğu zannî bilgi ifade eden haber-i vâhid ve ictihada mebnidir. İctihad, İslam hukukunun çok geniş bir alanını kapsamaktadır. Âmil durumda olduğu kıyas başta olmak üzere mesâlih-i mürsele, istihsan, sedd-i zerayi, sahâbe kavlinin delil değeri, istıshab, istıslah ve örfü de göz önüne aldığımızda karşımıza devasa bir alan çıkmaktadır. Bu kadar büyük bir alanı kapsayan ve böylesine ehemmiyetli bir konunun her türlü ilgi, alaka ve araştırmayı hak ettiğini düşünüyoruz. Sınırlı naslarla, sınırsız ihtiyaç ve sorunlara çözüm bulabilmenin yegâne yolu ictihattır. Aynı zamanda ictihat, İslam’ın kıyamete kadar her çağda ve her toplumda yaşanabilmesinin de temelidir. Dolayısıyla Zannî bilgiyi ve ictihadı reddetmek, İslam hukukunu sosyal yaşamdan çekmek demektir. Bu çalışmada, zannî bilginin tanımına, kapsamına, delil değerine, ictihadın tanımına, zanniyâtlarda ictihad edebilmenin delillerine, ictihad edebilme ehliyetine, zannî bilginin ve ictihadın reddi durumunda ortaya çıkacak sonuçlara yer verilmiştir. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Philosophy of Enlightenment and Political Conservatism This study aims at giving an explanatory understanding of conservativism in regard to the philosophy of politics, and at discussing its place and future within our historical period. This study asserts that conservative philosophy of politics came about as a reaction against continental enlightenment, and became a political stance within French Revolution. This artical mainly considers the formation of conservative theory, and the relation between conservativism and the philosophy of enlightenment. Moreover, reactions to (...) the philosophy of enlightenment arisen by religious, romantic and conservative thinkers have also been mentioned. Within the history of western thought, political conservativism emphasizes a serious tradition of thought, assumed to bear a rich philosophical heredity. Moreover, among modern philosophies of politics, it also stresses a highly comprehensive doctrine, and a philosophy of politics which has completely marked our historical period. Keywords: Conservativism, Philosophy of Enlightenment, Edmund Burke, French Revolution. (shrink)

Tarihi süreçte Avusturya gibi Kutsal Roma Germen İmparatorluğu ve Alman Konfederasyonu bünyesinde yer alan Prusya, Bismarck önderliğinde 1871’de Alman İmparatorluğu’nu ilan etmiştir. Alman siyasi birliğinin de sağlandığı bu aşamaya ise kolay gelinmemiştir. Bu aşamaya nasıl gelindiğine dair sorudan yola çıkan bu çalışmada, Alman siyasi birliğinin sağlanmasında Prusya’nın, Zollverein’ın ve Bismarck’ın rolü araştırılmıştır. Prusya perspektifinden 18 ve 19. yüzyıl Avrupa tarihindeki temel kritik dönemeçlere temas eden araştırma aynı zamanda siyasi birlik sürecinin nasıl işlediğine ve bunun nasıl başarıldığına cevap aramaktadır. Güç dengesi (...) ve güvenlik toplulukları yaklaşımlarının katkılarıyla yürütülen araştırma, tarihsel kurumsalcılıktan da izler taşımaktadır. Güç dengesi yaklaşımı, 18. ve 19. yüzyıllardaki Avrupa ve Alman coğrafyasındaki güç ilişkilerini göstermeye yönelik alt zemin oluşturmada, güvenlik toplulukları yaklaşımı ise fonksiyonelden genel amalgama (birliğe) dönüşümü açıklamada tercih edilmiştir. Yapılan araştırma neticesinde, Alman siyasi birliğinin sağlanmasında, Prusya’nın, Zollverein’ın ve Bismarck’ın oldukça önemli rol oynadıkları görülmüştür. Siyasi birliği sağlama yönünde Prusya bir taraftan Avrupa güç dengesi koşullarında Fransa ile diğer taraftan da Alman devletleri arasında Avusturya ile uzun süre mücadele etmek durumunda kalmıştır. Hatta Bismarck liderliğinde izlenen strateji doğrultusunda bu devletlerle savaşılmış ve galip gelinmiştir. Bunların yanı sıra Alman siyasi birliğin sağlanması yönünde atılan stratejik bir bütünleşme hamlesi de Zollverein adı verilen Alman Gümrük Birliği’nin inşası olmuştur. (shrink)

18. yüzyıl Aydınlanma felsefesinin Romantik filozofu Jean Jacques Rousseau pek çok çalışmaya konu olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Rousseau’nun özellikle başta “Bilimler ve Sanatlar Üstüne Söylev” adlı çalışması esas alınarak onun bilim ve sanatlara bakışı ele alınmıştır. Rousseau, söz konusu eserinde ele aldığı bilim ve sanat hakkındaki düşünceleri nedeniyle çok kez eleştirilmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı Rousseau’nun bilim ve sanata karşı olduğu yönündeki bir eleştiriyi tartışmaya açmaktır. Çalışma, Rousseau’ya yöneltilen eleştirilere karşı suçlamalara nasıl tepki verdiğini bizzat onun eserlerinden yola çıkarak ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. (...) Rousseau’nun derdi uygarlık neticesinde inşa edilen toplumda, insanların değerlerinin nasıl yitip gittiğini göstermektir. Nitekim Rousseau, özgür ve eşit doğan insanların böylesi bir toplumda “her yerde zincire vurulduğunu” ifade eder. O, bu durumun sorumluları olarak gördüğü sahte aydınları ve bilginleri eleştirmektedir. Zira Rousseau, bu kişilerin bilim ve sanat adı altında yaptıkları çalışmaları insanlara tuzak olduğu için eleştirmektedir. Çünkü ona göre, uygarlık durumu, insanı gerçek doğasından ve doğal olan yanından uzaklaştırmakta ve değersizleşmektedir. (shrink)

The primary aim of this study is to clarify the authorship trends, collaboration patterns, and impact factors in business ethics literature by looking at articles published between 1960 and 2015 in four leading business ethics journals: Business and Society, Business Ethics: A European Review, Business Ethics Quarterly, and the Journal of Business Ethics. This study showed the growth type of business ethics literature, authorship trends, collaboration patterns, authors' productivity evolved by subperiods and journals, and authors' dominance factor by subperiods and (...) journals. After providing an evaluation of the results of the study, the authors discuss the study's limitations and suggestions for future research. (shrink)

This paper examines al-Fārābī's logical thought within its Arabico-Islamic historical background and attempts to conceptualize what this background contributes to his logic. After a brief exposition of al-Fārābī's main problems and goals, I shall attempt to reformulate the formal structure of Arabic linguistics (AL) in terms of the ontological and formal characteristics that Arabic logic is built upon. Having discussed the competence of al-Fārābī in the history of AL, I will further propose three interrelated theses about al-Fārābī's logic, in terms (...) of which I will attempt to redefine it: the logico-linguistic conception, the project of logicization, and nuclear logic. The final question that will arise is how Aristotle's logic could be built upon AL, which has a nature contrary to logic. The present paper also contributes to examining our traditional research habits in Arabic studies. (shrink)

The notion of dharma is one of the most important concepts of Hinduism. This paper deals with the semantics diversity of the term of dharma, which is a Sanskrit word derived from the root of dhṛ that means to support, hold, maintain. In addition, the concept of purushārtha, consisting of the words purusha and artha, is examined by focusing on the different usages of that term. It is criticized why purusarthas are defined as trivarga or çaturvarga and the historical and (...) philosophical significance of the purusarthas is discussed. Besides, the connection of purushārthas with varna and ashramas has been investigated as well as it is mentioned which purushārtha orders should be observed by caste members and which purushārtha should be considered by individuals in the ashrama system.Purushārtha is a key concept in Hinduism and refers to the three/ four proper goals or aims of a human life. The word purushārtha literally means purpose of human being or object of human pursuit. All four purushārthas are important, but in cases of conflict, dharma is considered more important than artha or kama in Hindu philosophy. Moksha is considered the ultimate ideal of human life. It is also criticized that purushārthas are defined as trivarga or çaturvarga; its historical and philosophical significance was discussed. In addition, the connection of purushārthas with varna (brahman, kshatriya, vaisya, sudra) and ashramas (brahmacharya, grihastha, vanaprastha, sanyasa) has been investigated. In the caste system, the knowledge of which purushārtha element that caste members should observe has been mentioned. It was emphasized which purushārtha should highlight in the stages. (shrink)

Isma‘īl b. ‘Ali, who is referred to as Abū Sa‘d as-Sammān, was born in Ray, Iran, between 981 and 983 and he devoted most of his life to educational travels, especially for hadith and he returned to his city of birth towards the end of his life and died there in 1053. Isma‘īl b. ‘Ali is well-known with the name of as- Sammān, meaning butter trader, because of he was grew up in a family of butter traders. The movables and (...) real estates in his inheretence show that he belongs to a wealthy family. As-Sammān, who seems to be in the twelfth generation of Muʻtazilite tradition, approve the thoughts of Abū Hāshim al-Jubbā’ī (ö. 321/933) and Abu'l-Ḥusayn al-Baṣrī (ö. 436/1044) and he was accepted as the leader of the Muʻtazila in his own period. He had education from scholars such as Abū Tāhir al-Muḫallis, Ibn Abū Nasr at-Tamīmī and Abkasī (ö. 405/1014-15) in the discipline of hadith. As-Sammān, was an authoritative figure both in the fiqh of Hanafi and disagreements between thoughts of Hanafism and Shafi'ism as well as in the fiqh of Zaydism. In addition, he educated himself in the topic of Qur’anic recitation, scholars of narrators, genealogy, law of inheritence and arithmetic. Among the works of as-Sammān, who are stated as many, only one record seem to be extant until today: “Kitāb al-Muvāfaqa bayn ahl al-bayt wa's-sahāba wa mā ravāhu kullu farīqin fī haqq al-āḫar”, which was written to point out the fondness and respect between the first three caliphs and ‘Ali. Thus, it is not possible for us to have a detailed knowledge about his thoughts in kalam and fiqh. However, Ibn al-‘Adīm (ö. 660/1262) gives us some ideas about thoughts of al-Sammān through his will narrates in his “Bughyat aṭ-Ṭalab fī tārīḫi Ḥalab”. As-Sammān states that his thoughts of kalam and fiqh are formed on the school of Ahl al-‘adl wa't-tawḥīd, in particular parallel with Muʻtazila-Zaydiyya and he designed his will, which he gave about two years before his death, according to the Muʻtazilite theological paradigm. In this context, according to as-Sammān, Allah is one and eternal. Attributes of Allah such as Power, Knowledge, Life, Hearing, Sight and Wealth are by virtue of His essence. Allah does not resemble anything, nor a body or an accident. All actions of Allah are good, and He never do evil. Allah does not wish for a sin nor have any consent to sin. Allah does not test people with what they cannot afford. Allah does not oppress people nor punish anyone with no justice. Allah is faithful to his promise that he will reward people who are good and will punish people who do evil. Voluntarily actions are created by people themselves. Revelation regarding the doomsday and the hereafter are true. Also, worships performed by the living on behalf of the dead such as hajj, ‘umrah, charity, reciting the the Qur'an and visiting the graves of them are useful for the dead. Repentance which is the forgiveness of sins is the decisiveness of not to commit it again with regret. As-Sammān has been criticized because of his Muʻtazilite thoughts, but his credibility, his intellectual effort and his abilities have been appreciated even by his opponents. The combative and dynamic nature of his life was reflected in his will are analysed in this work and it is concluded that he expressed his thoughts on belief and deeds in his will as a true Mu‘tazilite manifesto. (shrink)

We provide experimental evidence that subjects blame others based on events they are not responsible for. In our experiment an agent chooses between a lottery and a safe asset; payment from the chosen option goes to a principal who then decides how much to allocate between the agent and a third party. We observe widespread blame: regardless of their choice, agents are blamed by principals for the outcome of the lottery, an event they are not responsible for. We provide an (...) explanation of this apparently irrational behavior with a delegated-expertise principal-agent model, the subjects’ salient perturbation of the environment. (shrink)

Begining from the Paleolithic Period cultures, the Danube has hosted a society and a state. The Danube river, which is the source of life for the states living in the Danube basin, has become more strategic with the growth and spread of the states and has become the key to existence in these lands. The Danube, which was used only for drinking water and agricultural irrigation in the Middle Ages, has become the main tool of trade in time. It has (...) been replaced by modern boats, starting with the transportation made by backing up from the shore with horse-drawn carriages over the Danube. The process of sharing dominance in the waterway has been the main target in the management of the Danube. It is possible to evaluate the process of managing the navigation in the Danube in four periods. The first period is the period of bilateral agreements between 1792 and before; the second term, the commission period, which started with the Paris Peace Conference of 1856 and continued between the 1920s and the First World War, which was planned for a short time but whose mandate was extended several times; the third period, efforts to internationalize the Danube from 1920 to the Second World War; the fourth period is the internationalization process of the Danube. However, there is no legal document in which the Danube states, which have agreed for the management of navigation for centuries, have made an agreement on the prevention, control and disposal of ship-borne pollution. (shrink)

One of the important aspects of the classical kalām is that the philosophical topics related to physics and cosmology, namely daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām, have an important place in it. The reason for the involvement of the kalām scholars (mutakallimūn) in these kinds of issues is commonly regarded as an effort to defend Islamic beliefs against other religions and thought systems. However, when their studies are examined closely, the complexity of their concepts and theories, as well as the fact that (...) they discussed these matters not only with opposing groups but also among themselves, show that kalām had a much deeper and integrated relationship with science and philosophy in the classical period. Their engagement with philosophical and scientific matters, such body (jism), substance/atom (jawhar), accident (ʿaraḍ), motion, space, time, and causality dates back to the mid-8th century and displays great diversity. Although the mutakallimūn probably were the first ones to deal with physics-related issues in Islamic thought, it cannot be said that they are given the importance they deserve in modern studies pertaining to the history of science and philosophy in Islamic thought. The fact that, in kalām works, physics-related questions were generally discussed along with theological matters has caused the scholarship of mutakallimūn to be regarded as an adjunct of apologetic discipline and has thereby led to a limited description of kalām’s relationship with science and philosophy in the classical period. This set of circumstances hinders a proper understanding of how science and philosophy emerged and evolved in Islamic thought. In the present article, I will attempt to present the place and role of physical topics, namely daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām, in classical kalām, between the 9th and 11th centuries. Firstly, I will show how the classical mutakallimūn divided kalām into two parts, namely ‘major’ (jalīl) matters, which are based on revelation, and ‘subtle’ (daqīq) or ‘obscure’ (laṭīf) matters, which mainly depend on reason. Matters surrounding jalīl al-kalām indicate the theological problems on which the mutakallimūn had a general agreement, such as God’s oneness, revelation, prophethood, and eschatology. Questions discussed under the category of daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām mostly correspond to philosophical and scientific issues concerning epistemology, physics, and cosmology. Secondly, I will examine to what extent the mutakallimūn dealt with physical sciences and what kind of topics were primarily discussed in the field of daqīq or laṭīf al-kalām. The upshot of this will be that the claim that the mutakallimūn were interested in physics and cosmology merely for apologetic purposes is unsound; rather, in the 9th and 10th centuries, many Muslim theologians also concerned themselves with issues such as motion, void, body, and causality as truth seekers. That being the case, the mutakallimūn should be taken into consideration in studies related to the emergence and rise of science and philosophy in Islamic thought. (shrink)

The 19th century constitutes the most unsteady period of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of military, political and scientific senses. Although not as much as in previous centuries, respected scholars and mystics continued to be upbrought in this century. Muhammed Tevfîk Bosnevî Efendi (1866) is one of the leading scholar mystics who upbrought in the Ottoman science and wisdom climate in the aforementioned period. After he was promoted to the caliphate post in eleven sects carrying out active guidance activities (...) in Istanbul, he consented to become a devout disciple of the famous Halwati-Shabani Sheikh of the time, Kuşadalı İbrahim Efendi, and received his ijazah by completing the entire course of mystical training under his supervision. Upon the death of his sheikh, he took the position of guidance and assumed the duty of guidance for twenty years. He also adopted the understanding of ignoring the cult rituals such as the crown, cardigan, and fleece, which were the most distinctive qualities of his sheikh, and disregarded such images throughout his life. He has a deep knowledge of Islamic sciences such as fiqh, tafsir, hadith and kalam, as can be understood from the works that were written by his students in the lesson circles called Council [Majlis]. In this study, which examines the work named "Tefsîru ve'd-Duhâ li'l-Hammâmî", his hermeneutics method is discussed. At the end of the study, it is understood that he explained the Qur'an in the light of the Qur'an, hadith-i sharifs, and the words of the Companions. It is also clear that in order to consolidate the subjects, he included legends from the life of our Prophet Muhammed, Companions and Saints (Awliya). Although he interprets words, it is observed that his main priority is not words but their meaning, he focuses on verses’ messages and aimed to deliver them to the addressee. It has been determined that he preferred the explanations of the past scholars rather than interpreting the verses personally, and he referred to both the first period hermeneutics works written in Arabic and the ones written by the Ottoman scholars. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to analyze the opinion of a Jewish Averroist Rabbi Josef Ibn Caspi on the relation between prophetical and philosophical truth. In the beginning of the article, we will see that in some of his writings, R. Caspi claims the prophet’s knowledge to be superior to that of the philosopher. However, in the second part of the article, we will analyze his commentary on Maimonides Guide of the Perplexed. In this commentary R. Caspi also mentions (...) the opposite opinion: that the knowledge of the prophet is only his knowledge as a philosopher and that even true prophets’ can have a few false prophecies just as good philosophers may have a few wrong opinions. He thus equates the knowledge of a prophet to that of a philosopher. In the conclusion of the article we try to determine how one can distinguish between the texts that explain the true opinion of R. Caspi and the text that our author wrote only for political and pedagogical reasons. (shrink)

Covid-19 salgını, din felsefesinin önemli problemlerinden birisi olan kö-tülük problemini ve çeşitlerini tekrar gündeme getirmiştir. Kötülük problemi, tarihi kökeni çok eskilere dayanmakla birlikte, tartışma platformlarında gün-celliğini korumaya devam eden bir sorun olarak varlığını sürdürmektedir. Ateistlerin, Teistleri en çok eleştirdiği konuların başında kötülük problemi gelmekle birlikte, onların da bu konuda tatmin edici bir cevapları bulunma-maktadır. Filozofların farklı olmakla birlikte bu probleme dair mutlaka bir görüşü vardır. Kimine göre iyiliğin bilinmesi için gerekli, kimine göre de belli oranda var olması bu alemin estetiği (...) için zorunludur. Kimine göre de cevabı bulunması gereken temel bir problemdir. İşte bu sorular bağlamında Covid-19 ve kötülük probleminin çeşitlerini tekrar irdeliyeceğiz. Cevaplar ne olursa olsun, bir kitle tarafından bunun cevabı aranmaya devam edilecektir. Kötülük problemini canlı tutan bir diğer temel argüman ‘Tanrı sorunu’ dur. Bu argüman bağlamında Tanrı’nın olmadığını veya Tanrı’nın anlamsızlığını ifade eden eleştirilerin bulunduğunu ifade edebiliriz. Bu açıdan dinleri eleştirenler olduğu gibi dinin anlamlı olduğunu da savunanlar az değildir. Covid-19 tartışmaları ekseninde Tanrı ve Dinler tekrar eleştiri konusu yapılmaktadır. Kötülük problemi felsefeciler tarafından üç çeşit olarak sınıflandırılmakla birlikte, başka tasnifler de vardır. Bunlar: Doğal, Ahlaki ve Metafizik kötülüklerdir. Başka bir sınıflandırmaya göre ise Varoluşsal, Mantıksal ve Delilci kötülük şeklinde adlandırılmıştır. (shrink)