La question des minorités touche au cœur de la pensée politique de Deleuze, c’est-à-dire au lieu où la catégorie même du « politique » y devient à tous égards problématique : du point de vue du sens que cette catégorie prend dans son œuvre en mouvement, du point de vue des implications politiques effectives que cette œuvre recèlerait (sous formes d’instruments..

J’aborde tout d’abord l’objection relativiste aux droits humains, afin de pouvoir ensuite me concentrer sur d’autres questions soulevées par la question des droits humains et des minorités culturelles. Le but de ma discussion est d’identifier et d’interroger les tensions potentielles entre minorités culturelles et droits humains, afin de montrer en quoi les droits humains peuvent protéger les minorités culturelles et, ultimement, de problématiser la manière dont cette protection peut se déployer. Dans ce but, je commence par clarifier deux notions-clés de (...) ce débat : les minorités culturelles et les droits différenciés selon l’appartenance à un groupe, en en proposant une typologie. J’examine ensuite dans quelle mesure les aspects collectiviste et particulariste des droits différenciés se trouvent ou non en tension respectivement avec les aspects individualiste et universaliste des droits humains. Prenant comme points de référence quelques droits humains particuliers, je me penche enfin sur la situation de certaines minorités culturelles dans les démocraties libérales occidentales pour dégager les conditions délibératives de la réalisation de ces droits humains. Au fil de ces trois sections, une de mes préoccupations est de mettre en lumière les enjeux méthodologiques qui sous-tendent ces différents débats et de montrer la nécessité d’adopter une approche améliorative. I first address the relativist challenge to human rights, so as to be able to focus next on other questions raised by the question of human rights and cultural minorities. The aim of my discussion is to identify and to question the potential tensions between cultural minorities and human rights, in order to show how human rights can protect cultural minorities, and ultimately to problematize the way in which this protection can take place. To that end, I start by clarifying two key notions in this debate : cultural minorities and group-differentiated rights, by proposing a typology. I then examine to what extent the collectivist and the particularist aspects of group-differentiated rights are in tension respectively with the individualist and the universalist aspects of human rights. Taking as reference points a few particular human rights, I turn, finally, to the situation of certain cultural minorities in western liberal democracies to draw out the deliberative conditions of the realization of those human rights. Throughout all three sections, one of my concerns is to shed light on the methodological stakes underlying those different debates and to show that we should adopt an ameliorative approach. (shrink)

En tant que mineures juridiques, les femmes romaines sont normalement exclues des privilèges politiques tel que le droit de vote, tout comme elles sont exemptes des devoirs des citoyens (armée ou charges fiscales). Les femmes bénéficiaient cependant pleinement des privilèges garantis par le droit civil. Et bien que leur prise de parole dans des contextes politiques relève de l’exceptionnel, les lieux d’exercice de la citoyenneté leur étaient accessibles. C’est dans la religion publique que le terme civis Romana apparaît finalement. De (...) cette étude, il résulte que la citoyenne romaine existait bel et bien, et que cette citoyenneté se rapprochait de la civitas sine suffragio. La société romaine reposait avant tout sur des inégalités et une hiérarchie omniprésentes : entre les hommes citoyens de plein droit, entre eux et les citoyens sans suffrage, et entre citoyens et femmes citoyennes. Cependant, tous pouvaient expérimenter une forme de citoyenneté à travers des actes civiques. (shrink)

Rather than referring to “minorities,” “members of minority groups” or “underrepresented minorities,” we should refer to such individuals as “minoritized.” Using “minoritized” makes it clear that being minoritized is about power and equity not numbers, connects racial oppression to the oppression of women, and gives us an easy way to conceive of intersectionality as being a minoritized member of a minoritized group. The term “minoritized” reveals the fact that white males and other dominant groups minoritize members of subordinated groups rather (...) than obscuring this agency, describes microaggressions better than the term ‘microaggressions,’ and helps explain the need for solidarity within minoritized groups. It gives us a powerful way to promote racial justice by appealing to the common experience of being excluded. While using “minoritized” risks creating a false equivalence that sees all instances of being minoritized as equal and discounting unique forms of oppression by subsuming them under a single term, using this term carefully can ensure that its advantages outweigh these risks. (shrink)

Fluid socio-cultural ecologies that reflect historical events and their actors have led to particular religious groups being promoted or persecuted. This article explores how religiously minoritized youth are identified considering local and global contexts. I apply a phenomenological variant of ecological systems theory (PVEST) to understanding regularities and variations in development through a person-centered, relational, holistic lens that considers the intersection of multiple identities. Relatedly, I outline broad conceptual tools that center on how orientations to in-group vs out-group religious and (...) intersecting identities and related experiences align with a range of research methods to reflect such complexity. I suggest ways to study religious and spiritual influences of religiously minoritized youth that are specific to the faith tradition and particular youth’s circumstances in a holistic manner when these issues are a focal area of study, and when they emerge as relevant to other inquiries. Finally, I consider how understanding religiously minoritized youth, their peers, and mentors can be applied to educational, health care, and community settings to inform equitable practice and policy. (shrink)

The present article is a review of the very exhaustive and comprehensive academic book by Michel Roux, Les Albanais en Yougoslavie. Minorité nationale, territoire et développement, Paris, Editions de la Maison des sciences de l'homme, 1992. Indeed Yougoslavia, partitionned in the decade long war/civil war of the nineties, was composed of six federal republics and two autonomous regions, one of which was Kosova or Kosovo (and the other was Vojvodina). Kosovo was one of the several stumbling stones of that conflict, (...) and the Kosovo Albanians, a minority in Yugoslavia, were the majority in their province where the Serbs, otherwise the majority in the republic of Serbia (where Kosovo was imbedded at the time), were a local minority. (The Albanian national minority has lived in Serbia and Macedonia.). (shrink)

En France, les personnes issues des minorités, principalement d'origine extra-européenne , sont susceptibles de connaître la discrimination, la stigmatisation mais aussi l'exclusion. La télévision, en tant que « lieu de reconnaissance », constitue un enjeu important pour ces populations. Cependant, le petit écran semble marginaliser depuis toujours ces minorités visibles non seulement en leur laissant une place limitée à l'antenne mais aussi en leur renvoyant des images majoritairement caricaturales et dévalorisantes d'elles-mêmes. Une enquête qualitative auprès de 43 individus d'origine africaine (...) et antillaise montre que les minorités sont capables de mettre en place des réactions défensives ou stratégies identitaires afin de réduire le décalage certain entre leur identité sociale - souvent dépréciatrice - et leur identité personnelle , prenant les médias comme ressources pour l'action.In France, persons belonging to minorities, mainly non-European origin , are likely to experience discrimination, stigmatization but also exclusion. Television as a "place of recognition," is an important issue for these people. However, the small screen seems to marginalize always visible minorities by giving them not only a limited role in the antenna but also by returning images mostly caricatures and demeaning to themselves. A qualitative survey of 43 individuals of African and Caribbean origin shows that minorities are able to implement defensive reactions or identity strategies to reduce the gap between some social identity - often dépréciatrice - and their personal identity , taking the media as resources for action. (shrink)

This paper draws on research conducted in Manchester, UK, examining service responses to African, African-Caribbean, Irish, Jewish and South Asian women experiencing domestic violence (Batsleer et al., 2002). Popular discourses of domestic violence, which also feature in services, are underpinned by ‘victim-blaming’ together with an assumption that women only show agency and control when they leave violent relationships, and/or what are constructed as oppressive minority cultures. Contrary to these perceptions, firstly, I note competing notions ascribed to ‘independence’. Secondly, I highlight (...) the strategies of resistance used by minoritized women whether they stay, or leave, abusive relationships, and examine the inter-relationships between gender, class and culture. Thirdly, I outline the level and type of support on offer, including key barriers and dilemmas to accessing sensitive and relevant services that respond to women's positions of minoritization, focusing particularly on refuge or shelter provision as they offer one of the key points of transition for women using domestic violence services. Lastly, I indicate some positive steps that can be taken by helping agencies to respond more appropriately to minoritized women facing domestic violence. (shrink)

This brief essay examines emergent spaces for politics and emergent political actors. The particular concern here is with types of politics that do not run through the formal political system, one with shrinking options for a growing number of US citizens and immigrants. Informal political actors and street-level politics in cities are major instances of this. US cities have a long history of street-level politics. The contents, the purposes, the mobilizers and the enactors of these politics have changed over time. (...) Today’s global cities are a very specific type of place because they bring together both the most globalized sectors of capital and the new transnational professionals, on the one hand, and a growing number of immigrants and native minoritized groups in a single, complex space. (shrink)

Galasso (2024) reiterates the problem of medical research being grounded on data from people with European ancestry and subsequently describes efforts made by the All of Us Research Program in the...

Polazeci od prve krivulje u izradi koncepta 'postajanja-manjinom' Deleza i Gatarija ispitujemo odnos koji postoji izmedju dva pravca problematizacije tog koncepta: analize istorijskih antagonizama cije su drustvene manjine danas 'nad-odredjeno' mesto; identifikacije jednog tipa pozicije unutar kolektivnih nacina iskaza. Time razmatramo, isto tako, i problem onoga sto bi moglo da znaci politicko zauzimanje manjinske pozicije u diskursu. Upravo na taj nacin suocavamo borbe manjina shemi borbe klasa, ispitujemo odredjene veze izmedju procesa 'proleterizacije' i 'minorizacije' te na toj osnovi zasnivamo pitanje (...) novog internacionalizma. (shrink)

Lorsque la vie apparaît comme une oeuvre d'art au plein sens du terme, elle est alors portée par ce geste d'invention de soi, geste de résistance qui déplace les lignes de force, qui vise la récupération du monde à travers une subjectivité révolutionnaire. Une des caractéristiques fondamentales de l'homme est l'altérité et l'étrangeté. Exposé à l'inconnu, il est amené à déployer son existence au-delà d'une origine ou d'un foyer. Il est acculé à puiser en lui des ressources insoupçonnées pour faire (...) face aux turbulences de l'être. Cela confère une liberté de mouvement que donnent à voir des trajectoires d'hommes exceptionnels dotés d'un courage et d'une puissance de pensée pour tracer de nouveaux chemins. Cela ne va pas sans crise de l'intériorité, sans destruction des frontières de la subjectivité faisant de l'homme un étranger sans repos et sans assise. Mais c'est dans l'échappée à la tyrannie du même que la mutation survient avec une conscience ouverte aux réalités les plus étrangères. A ce niveau se situe la lutte perpétuelle dont parle Nietzsche qui vise une transformation radicale de l'individualité. Le regard de l'étranger se situe dans cette ligne de fuite qui bouleverse les modalités du voir, propulsant l'âme vers des horizons stupéfiants à travers une puissance de la pensée où le sujet est désormais porté par l'infini de l'être. (shrink)

The controversy over the meaning and parameters of Franciscan poverty is one of the most widely discussed issues in medieval historiography, both within the Franciscan order as well as outside of it, both during the Middle Ages as well as among contemporary scholars even today. Contemporary scholars—be they professed Franciscans or professional Franciscanists—have generally shown an interest in reconstructing the evolution of the friars' practice of their poverty and the debates about this subject that were raging within the order among (...) the friars themselves as well as between the order and their critics outside of it. These scholarly efforts have followed the trajectory of a more classically historical approach.... (shrink)

Fiester and Yuan discuss important ethical concerns regarding the use of behavior contracts in addressing conflict with patients and families labeled as “difficult” (Fiester and Yuan 2023). We agre...

Name der Zeitschrift: Der Islam Jahrgang: 93 Heft: 1 Seiten: 233-236.

L’ouvrage de M. Pestieau, intéressant et substantiel, s’articule autour de trois thèmes on ne peut plus actuels: la fragmentation des nations, la mondialisation de l’économie et l’impact de ces deux phénomènes sur la souveraineté de l’État et la santé des institutions démocratiques. Concernant le premier thème, l’auteur aborde entre autres les questions du nationalisme, du multiculturalisme et du droit de sécession. Au sujet du second, l’auteur traite des effets de la mondialisation sur l’emploi et la répartition des richesses, de l’aide (...) au développement, de la pertinence des interventions économiques de l’État, de la constitution de grands blocs économiques, etc. Enfin, considérant les défis soulevés par les deux thèmes précédents, l’auteur fait le point sur la démocratisation des institutions et associations internationales, le fédéralisme, le patriotisme constitutionnel et le nationalisme culturel. Sur toutes ces questions, le propos se veut général et universel, mais les cas du Canada et du Québec servent souvent d’exemples. Accompagne cette ambitieuse table des matières, une bibliographie considérable que l’auteur semble tout à fait maîtriser. (shrink)

This article argues that all-affected principle needs to be reconceptualized to account for the differences in the historical and current social position of those who are or who should be making legitimacy claims. Drawing on Butler’s theory of vulnerability, this article advances a new and more robust all-affected principle that affords a stronger claim to legitimacy to those most-deeply affected by both the current decision in question and the historical process and practices shaping the choices available. In particular, this article (...) identifies three sets of exclusions of groups and claims that drive this reformulation: first, cases of historical injustice such as indigenous peoples; second, cases of current processes of minoritization which silence or render some groups and opinions as marginal such as women, ethnic minorities or even people in lower economic classes; and third, cases of state establishment of boundaries and ‘worthy’ citizenship such as refugees making claims for relocation and asylum. (shrink)

Si la loi salique empêche les femmes de régner par elles-mêmes, elle leur confère finalement un pouvoir considérable lors des minorités royales. Incapables d’usurper, les reines mères se voient régulièrement confier le gouvernement en même temps que l’éducation de leur jeune fils à la mort de l’époux. L’amour maternel, inscrit dans le registre des lois naturelles, est un argument régulièrement évoqué, tant pour contrer la naturelle incapacité des femmes à gouverner que les jurisconsultes avancent pour justifier la loi salique, que (...) pour appuyer l’autorité sans pareille des régentes. Mais au-delà d’une rhétorique du pouvoir, le lien filial qui unit mère et fils, lesquels sont aussi reine et roi, permet la reconstitution d’un couple royal qui représente à la fois continuité dynastique et stabilité politique. A ceci près que, dans cette figure du pouvoir reconstituée, le fils procède de la mère quand la reine devait son titre à l’époux. Ainsi, le devoir de maternité imposé à la souveraine permet certes un accroissement de la puissance monarchique, ne serait-ce que par la transmission, au jeune monarque, des héritages maternels et paternels, mais assure aussi à la reine de France une puissance que les bornes imposées par l’institution ne peuvent contenir, en contrôlant, par l’exercice de la régence, la source même de son autorité. (shrink)

Les théories normatives qui justifient les politiques multiculturelles sont souvent dénoncées comme étant relativistes, conservatrices et anti-libérales. De telles politiques menaceraient en effet la cohésion sociale et promouvraient la fragmentation sociale et l’inégalité juridique en plaçant les cultures au-dessus de la politique et les groupes au-dessus des individus. Elles se fonderaient sur un respect inconditionnel du droit à la différence, en mettant l’accent sur les droits des minorités ethniques au détriment de la majorité et en s’attaquant à l’égalité de tous (...) les citoyens devant la loi. Dans ce cadre, le multiculturalisme est souvent présenté comme incompatible aussi bien avec le libéralisme qu’avec le républicanisme. Se voulant une introduction à six théories politiques de la diversité, cet ouvrage présente la relation entre le libéralisme, le républicanisme et le multiculturalisme sous un éclairage différent. Au moyen d’une reconstruction et d’une clarification des théories politiques retenues il montre, d’une part, que le libéralisme et le républicanisme sont tous deux compatibles avec la prise en compte gouvernementale de la diversité culturelle et religieuse, notamment en raison de l’adaptation de leurs principes fondamentaux à la réalité pluriculturelle contemporaine. D’autre part, il montre que les théories politiques examinées sont difficilement concevables à la lumière de certaines critiques formulées par les détracteurs des politiques multiculturelles. (shrink)

Le mouvement skinhead se compose de deux entités : les skinheads racistes-nationalistes et les skinheads antiracistes. S’inspirant des théories psychosociologiques relatives aux représentations sociales et aux minorités actives proposées par Serge Moscovici , il décrit les styles de comportement précis de chaque groupe skin, leurs divergences et leurs ressemblances, et analyse la façon dont la société, aidée par les media, ne retient qu’une seule représentation sociale, celle des skinheads nationalistes. Malgré l’univocité de la représentation, ce qui ressort de 19 entretiens (...) avec les skinheads, c’est l’idée de pluralité identitaire combinée à un ancrage urbain très important.The skinhead movement is divided into two groups : the racist-nationalist skinheads and the antiracist skinheads. Taking into account the social-psychological theories of social representations and active minorities, proposed by Serge Moscovici , it describes the styles of behavior of each skin group, their divergences and resemblances and analyses how society, with the help of the media, has built only one social representation of the nationalist skinheads. In spite of this univocal representation, what is underlined through the nineteen interviews with skinheads is a form of plural identity linked to a strong urban anchoring. (shrink)

La demanda mapuche nos obliga a pensar en un “sujeto incardinado” que sostiene ciertas reivindicaciones propiamente modernas en su reclamo por reconocimiento de la diferencia, al mismo tiempo que desafía la noción de ciudadanía universal y sostiene una demanda anclada territorialmente y basada en un discurso emancipatorio de derechos. En efecto, nos reenfoca en la constitución de una identidad colectiva que es efecto –por una parte– de una exclusión y de un reconocimiento erróneo y –por otra parte– de un entorno (...) global que hace más visibles los fragmentos no anudados, como su contracara. Finalmente, nos enfrentan a la demanda universal de derecho a la vida significativa. Se propone pensar la identidad desde una perspectiva des-esencializada que enfatice –por una parte- el rol del lenguaje en la estructuración de las relaciones sociales y –por otra- la relevancia de lo no-narrativizado del campo social. (shrink)

Black, Indigenous and otherwise minoritized communities of color are amongst the most vulnerable to the adverse consequences of environmental crises and the solutions proposed to remedy them. The participation and subsequent erasure of non-White youth activists and organizers within environmental sustainability struggles, and their subsequent erasure in global media coverage on climate activism has complicated any neat hierarchy of single concerns facing humanity. How is it that White and Western climate activists come to be the faces of the global youth (...) climate movement? This essay examines the salience of race to the education and framing of environmental and sustainability efforts. It suggests that the separation of environmental concerns from the socio-political (and thus racial) contexts that produce them not only further marginalizes the contributions of non-White activists and the communities that they represent, but also engenders a violently White, and thus narrow, vision of a global, Green future. (shrink)

Background Over the last decade, the return of results (ROR) in precision medicine research (PMR) has become increasingly routine. Calls for individual rights to research results have extended the “duty to report” from clinically useful genetic information to traits and ancestry results. ROR has thus been reframed as inherently beneficial to research participants, without a needed focus on who benefits and how. This paper addresses this gap, particularly in the context of PMR aimed at increasing participant diversity, by providing investigator (...) and researcher perspectives on and questions about the assumed value of ROR in PMR.Methods Semi-structured interviews with a purposive sample of investigators and researchers across federally funded PMR studies in three national consortia, as well as observations of study activities, focused on how PM researchers conceptualize diversity and implement inclusive practices across research stages, including navigating ROR.Results Interviewees (1) validated the value of ROR as a benefit of PMR, while others (2) questioned the benefit of clinically actionable results to individuals in the absence of sufficient resources for translating findings into health care for diverse and disadvantaged populations; (3) expressed uncertainties in applying the presumed value of ROR as a benefit for non-clinical results; and (4) and debated when the promise of the value of ROR may undermine trust in PMR, and divert efforts to return value beyond ROR.Conclusions Conceptualizations of diversity and inclusion among PM researchers and investigators raise unique ethical questions where unexamined assumptions of the value of ROR inform study recruitment efforts to enroll minoritized and under-represented populations. A lack of consideration for resources and infrastructure necessary to translate ROR into actionable information may hinder trustworthy community-research relationships. Thus, we argue for a more intentional interrogation of ROR practices as an offer of benefit and for whom. (shrink)

Great critical theorists from Marx and Engels to Adorno and Horkheimer not only came from the margins but also stayed faithful to the plight of the marginalized. They refused to compromise about the struggle for equality and tried to universalize its emancipatory essence. From Marx to Benjamin, critical philosophers who showed fidelity to the cause were denied a career in European universities and made impoverished, stateless, and homeless. Marginalization and critical theory are inseparable; yet, today, Marxism is institutionalized, and the (...) Frankfurt School's Critical Theory is gentrified. Critical Theory from the Margins, however, revives the Critical Theory that endorses criticism, aiming to negate dominant regimes of truth. It is unapologetic in its fidelity to the universalist struggles of the minoritized. In that spirit, Saladdin Ahmed shows that capitalism imposes a totalitarian social mode of existence and neoliberalism perpetuates fascism as a class of ideology across nationalist and religious movements. This book, then, is both a theorization and an argument in favor of the application of the episteme of the silenced as the essence of the critical education necessary for achieving universal emancipation. (shrink)

Building trust between academic medical centers and certain communities they depend on in the research process is hard, particularly when those communities consist of minoritized or historically marginalized populations. Some believe that engagement activities like the creation of advisory boards, town halls, or a research workforce that looks more like community members will establish or reestablish trust between academic medical centers and racialized communities. However, without systematic approaches to dismantle racism, those well‐intended actions become public performativity, and trust building will (...) fail. In this essay, we draw upon foundational ethical principles of trust, distrust, and trust building; apply the concept of bounded justice to performative trust acts; and center the works of Black and Indigenous feminist bioethicists to revisit some of the wisdom and valuable lessons they have contributed. Rebuilding trust is hard to do because people and institutions are often not honest about how hard it is and there is no simple box‐checking task that can disentangle our society's injustices, but there are steps to take in this direction. Individuals and institutions can recognize valuable relevant work that has already been written, partake in critical reflection, and then apply insights gained to take both small and sustainable steps toward transformational change and deeper trust. (shrink)

Geographies of Exclusion identifies forms of social and spatial exclusion and subsequently examines the fate of knowledge of space and society which has been produced by members of excluded groups. Evaluating writing on urban society by women and black writers, David Sibley asks why such work is neglected by the academic establishment, suggesting that both the practices which result in the exclusion of minorities and those which result in the exclusion of knowledge have important implications for theory and method in (...) human geography. Drawing on a range of ideas from social anthropology, feminist theory, sociology, human geography and psychoanalysis, this book presents a fresh approach to geographical theory, highlighting the tendency of powerful groups to "purify" space and to view minorites as defiled and polluting, and exploring the nature of "difference" and the production of knowledge. (shrink)

Abstract:The examination of racist, normalized ideology within American education is not new. Theoretical and practical conceptions of social justice in education have attempted to attend to educational inequality. Oftentimes, these attempts have reinstated the status quo because they were framed within the same Eurocentric paradigm. To address this, Django Paris proposed culturally sustaining pedagogy as a means of empowering minoritized students by sustaining the cultural competence of their communities and dismantling coloniality within educational practices. He, Michael Domínguez, and others argue (...) that epistemic expansion is imperative for equitizing educational spaces and closing the ontological distance between teachers and students. Drawing from their work as well as scholarship from the fields of educational policy, urban education, Afrocentrism, and Indigenous studies, this paper seeks to expand the discussion about culturally relevant and responsive music education to account for students’ musical epistemologies and the ways in which “epistemic travel” might inform normalized musical practices. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to investigate the concept of minority up to the temporary stabilization of its meaning in Polish concluded in the adoption of the March constitution of 1921. The history of the concept of national minority bore an imprint on the accommodation to the new political, territorial, and discursive circumstances after transition from empire to nation-state. The idea itself was well anchored in the liberal tradition, but the nationalist right also took it on board to protect (...) the cultural hegemony of the Poles in the areas where they were a minority. Tackling the nexus of the emerging nation-state and the ensuing logic of minoritization sheds light on tiered visions of citizenship essential for understanding the 1921 debate. For this purpose, I use various available sub-corpora of texts—political leaflets, press, and parliamentary debates from the period 1788–1922. (shrink)

En prenant appui sur l’histoire de la plus importante organisation mondiale d’écrivains, PEN International, et sur plusieurs trajectoires et mobilisations d’écrivains ou collectifs indiens contemporains (le Indian Cultural Forum, Karthika Naïr, Perumal Murugan), cet article s’interroge sur certaines modalités de l’activisme en littérature, entendu à la fois comme activisme à travers la littérature, et comme activisme au service de celle-ci. En Inde, particulièrement, l’écrivain(e) partage une communauté de vulnérabilité avec toutes les autres voix et minorités menacées ou liquidées. L’activisme, c’est (...) s’assurer que ce qui est mineur, minoré ou oublié continue d’être vu, entendu, reconnu ; c’est continuer à raconter d’ autres histoires, à creuser leur multiplicité et leur équivocité ; c’est enregistrer les mots, les noms et les réalités apparemment superflues des mondes vulnérables qui nous entourent. (shrink)