We study the model-theoretic aspects of a probability logic suited for talking about measure spaces. This nonclassical logic has a model theory rather different from that of classical predicate logic. In general, not every satisfiable set of sentences has a countable model, but we show that one can always build a model on the unit interval. Also, the probability logic under consideration is not compact. However, using ultraproducts we can prove a compactness theorem for a certain class of weak models.

We give natural examples of factors of the Muchnik lattice which capture intuitionistic propositional logic , arising from the concepts of lowness, 1-genericity, hyperimmune-freeness and computable traceability. This provides a purely computational semantics for IPC.

Skvortsova showed that there is a factor of the Medvedev lattice which captures intuitionistic propositional logic (IPC). However, her factor is unnatural in the sense that it is constructed in an ad hoc manner. We present a more natural example of such a factor. We also show that the theory of every non-trivial factor of the Medvedev lattice is contained in Jankov’s logic, the deductive closure of IPC plus the weak law of the excluded middle $${\neg p \vee \neg \neg (...) p}$$. This answers a question by Sorbi and Terwijn. (shrink)

Kolmogorov introduced an informal calculus of problems in an attempt to provide a classical semantics for intuitionistic logic. This was later formalised by Medvedev and Muchnik as what has come to be called the Medvedev and Muchnik lattices. However, they only formalised this for propositional logic, while Kolmogorov also discussed the universal quantifier. We extend the work of Medvedev to first-order logic, using the notion of a first-order hyperdoctrine from categorical logic, to a structure which we will call the hyperdoctrine (...) of mass problems. We study the intermediate logic that the hyperdoctrine of mass problems gives us, and we study the theories of subintervals of the hyperdoctrine of mass problems in an attempt to obtain an analogue of Skvortsova’s result that there is a factor of the Medvedev lattice characterising intuitionistic propositional logic. Finally, we consider Heyting arithmetic in the hyperdoctrine of mass problems and prove an analogue of Tennenbaum’s theorem on computable models of arithmetic. (shrink)

We introduce a hierarchy of degree structures between the Medvedev and Muchnik lattices which allow varying amounts of nonuniformity. We use these structures to introduce the notion of the uniformity of a Muchnik reduction, which expresses how uniform a reduction is. We study this notion for several well-known reductions from algorithmic randomness. Furthermore, since our new structures are Brouwer algebras, we study their propositional theories. Finally, we study if our new structures are elementarily equivalent to each other.

We study the relative computational power of structures related to the ordered field of reals, specifically using the notion of generic Muchnik reducibility. We show that any expansion of the reals by a continuous function has no more computing power than the reals, answering a question of Igusa, Knight, and Schweber [7]. On the other hand, we show that there is a certain Borel expansion of the reals that is strictly more powerful than the reals and such that any Borel (...) quotient of the reals reduces to it. (shrink)

What sort of entitlements should citizens have in a just society? In this book, Rutger Claassen sets out a theory of what he terms 'navigational agency', whereby citizens should be able to navigate freely between social practices. This shows how individuals can be at the same time free and autonomous in striving for their own goals in life, but also embedded in social practices in which they have to cooperate with others. He argues that for navigational agency, people need (...) three sets of core capabilities: those which allow human empowerment in civil society, a decent level of socio-economic subsistence, and political participation in democratic decision-making procedures. The idea of navigational agency, the book argues, provides an alternative to currently dominant versions of the capability approach to social justice, and strengthens its liberal foundations. (shrink)

Die Forderung einer Philosophie als strenger Wissenschaft, von Husserl zum ersten Mal in dem bekannten Logosaufsatz erhoben, richtet sich nicht, wie meistens gedacht und auch von Dilthey selbst so verstanden ist, gegen den Historizismus von Dilthey, sondern vielmehr gegen dessen Identifizierung von Philosophie mit Weltanschauungsphilosophie und damit mit Weisheitslehre. Husserl hat vom Anfang an bis zum Ende seines Lebens sich der Herausarbeitung dieer Idee gewidmet und die Phänomenologie als Verwirklichung dieser Idee betrachtet. Dementsprechend soll man auch der geläufigen Auffassung zuwider (...) die Phänomenologie vor allem als Wissenschaftslehre auffassen und interpretieren. Die Ablehnung aller Weltanschauungsphilosophie ruft nicht nur das Problem hervor, wie Husserl sich verhält zur Metaphysik, sondern was er unter strenger Wissenschaft versteht. Einerseits ist nach ihm die Trennung und Unterscheidung von Philosophie und Weltanschauung oder Metaphysik in Übereinstimmung mit dem modernen Denken, das gerade erst dadurch zur Herausbildung einer Universitas von strengen positiven Wissenschaften (Mathematik, Naturwissenchaften, aber auch strengen Geisteswissenschaften) gekommen ist, andererseits steht aber seine Auffassung und Ausarbeitung von Philosophie als apodiktischer Wissenschaft im Gegensatz zum modernen Denken. Husserl betrachtet die Phänomenologie als die Realisierung der zuerst von Piaton gestellten Idee von Philosophie als einer endgültigen, einzigen und universalen Wissenschaft, welcher Descartes eine radikale Wendung in die Richtung einer egologischen Apodiktizität gegeben hat. Infolgedessen hat die transzendentale Phänomenologie auch die Aufgabe alle Einzelwissenschaften, sowohl die positiven Tatsachenwissenschaften als die positiven apriorischen, vernunftkritisch zu durchleuchten und dadurch zu Abzweigungen der Philosophie als universaler Wissenchaft zu machen. Wie dieses Verhältnis zwischen positiver Wissenschaft und Phänomenologie als strenger Wissenschaft gedacht werden muss, ist immer ein wichtiges Thema für Husserl gewesen. Die positiven Wissenschaften teilt Husserl ein in Tatsachenwissenschaften und apriorische Wissenschaften (Leibniz' Idee von Wissenschaft der Möglichkeiten kombiniert mit der Idee von invarianten Strukturen). Husserl ist nun der Ansicht, dass eine positive Tatsachenwissenschaft nur eine exakte und strenge Wissenschaft werden kann, wenn sie eine apriorische Wissenschaft neben sich zur Entwicklung bringt oder sich darauf stützen kann, wie es z. B. der Fall gewesen ist mit der empirischfaktischen Naturwissenschaft in Beziehung zu der Mathematik und der reinen Mechanik. Dasselbe Verhältnis soll man sich denken zwischen einer apriorischen (phänomenologischen) Psychologie, einer allgemeinen apriorischen Sprachwissenchaft und Historie und den dazu gehörenden empirischen Tatsachenwissenschaften. Philosophie und Wissenschaft sind für Husserl identisch mit Rationalismus. Dennoch unterscheidet er grundsätzlich zwischen positiver und transzendentaler Rationalität. Durch eine Verbindung von Rationalität und Verständlichmachung (die Methode des Verstehens der Geisteswissenschaften auf das höchste Niveau eines transzendentalen Verständnisses gebracht durch die konstitutive Phänomenologie) hebt die Phänomenologie als absolute Geisteswissenschaft den Gegensatz zwischen Natur-und Geisteswissenschaften auf und entwickelt sich zur sapientia universdis. Im dritten Teil kehrt der Autor zu der Frage zurück, ob Husserl immer die Trennung zwischen wissenschaftlicher Philosophie und Weltanschauung aufrecht erhalten hat auch in den Krisisabhandlungen. Im allgemeinen muss das bejaht werden. Noch in 1924 wird sogar die Frage erhoben, ob Kant, der doch auch Philosophie als strenge Wissenschaft entwickeln wollte, wohl eine echte Philosophie gebracht hat und nicht darin verfehlt hat eben durch die Vermischung von wissenschaftlicher Philosophie mit Weltweisheit, die auch von ausserwissenschaftlichen Quellen schöpft, und durch den Mangel an dem Radikalismus der Apodiktizität. Husserl hat die Idee der Philosophie als strenger Wissenschaft tatsächlich zur Ausführung gebracht als transzendentale Wissenschaft der Subjektivität d. h. als Deskription oder Hermeneutik des Bewusstseinslebens. Es gibt abo bei ihm eine Verbindung zwischen Wissenschaftslehre und Ratio oder Logos einerseits und Vernunft, Subjektivität und Leben andererseits. Der spätere Husserl hat diese Verbindung immer mehr vertieft in die Richtung einer wissenschaftlichen Lebensphilosophie mit Aufrechterhaltung der Idee der Philosophie als apodiktischer Wissenschaft. Er hat nicht nur den Objektivismus der positiven Wissenchaften zu erhellen und aufzuklären versucht von ihrem Ursprung aus der Lebenswelt, die auch ihr bleibender Boden ist, sondern in dem phänomenologischen Idealismus schliesslich als geistiger Weltanschauung die Lösung aller geschichtsphilosophischen und ethischen Probleme gesehen, die besonders durch die Krise der europäischen Kultur hervorgerufen sind. Die Urstiftung der Griechen und besonders vos Platon findet in der transzendentalen Phänomenologie ihre Endstiftung und in einer geschichtsphilosophischen Deutung des Sinnes der Geschichte, die nach Husserl notwendig universal-teleologisch sein muss, hat die Phänomenologie und die Geschichte der Philosophie die Aufgabe als Selbstverwirklichung der Vernunft zu fungieren (Husserliana VI, § 73). Die Philosophie als strenge Wisenschaft schafft die Möglichkeit dem menschlichen Sein und Werden apodiktische Ziele zu geben und sich berufen zu wissen zu einem Leben und Streben in der Apodiktizität d. h. auf Vernunft hin, was den Menschen allein „selig” machen kann. (shrink)

Studies in the Eighteenth Century Background of Hume's Empiricism was first published in 1930. Minnesota Archive Editions uses digital technology to make long-unavailable books once again accessible, and are published unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions. A scholarly review of the influence of contemporary science and thought on the various phases of Hume's philosophy. The chapter headings are as follows: I. Introduction. II. Interpretations of Newtonian Science in the Eighteenth Century. III. Reverberations of the New Science in (...) Philosophy. IV. Hume's Empiricism in Relation to Contemporary Science and Philosophy. V. Empiricism in Morals. VI. Empiricism in Politics. VII. Hume's Historical Writing. Bibliography. (shrink)

Studies in the Eighteenth Century Background of Hume's Empiricism was first published in 1930. Minnesota Archive Editions uses digital technology to make long-unavailable books once again accessible, and are published unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions. A scholarly review of the influence of contemporary science and thought on the various phases of Hume's philosophy. The chapter headings are as follows: I. Introduction. II. Interpretations of Newtonian Science in the Eighteenth Century. III. Reverberations of the New Science in (...) Philosophy. IV. Hume's Empiricism in Relation to Contemporary Science and Philosophy. V. Empiricism in Morals. VI. Empiricism in Politics. VII. Hume's Historical Writing. Bibliography. (shrink)

Authors like Iris Young and Philip Pettit have come up with proposals for theorizing ‘structural injustice’ and social relations marred by ‘domination’. These authors provide conceptual tools for f...

Authors critical of corporate power focus almost exclusively on one solution: bringing it under democratic control. However important this is, there are at least two other options, which are rarely discussed: reducing powerful firms’ size and influence, or accepting corporate power as a necessary evil. This article provides a comparative perspective for evaluating all three options. It argues that the trade-offs we face in responding to corporate power have a trilemmatic structure. The pure strategies of accepting powerful firms, breaking them (...) up, or rendering them more accountable are each incompatible with one of three important values: power balance, economies of scale, and minimizing agency costs, respectively. While the latter two concepts are purely economic and efficiency-based, the value of power balance can be grounded in a variety of reasons. Different normative interpretations of power balance are discussed, along with their implications for policy choices within the trilemma. (shrink)

ABSTRACT:Demands have been growing upon firms to take actions in the interests of workers, the environment, local communities, and others. Firms sometimes have felt they could best discharge such responsibilities by cooperating with other firms. This, however, is suspect from the point of view of a purely economic interpretation of competition law, since interfirm agreements may raise prices and thus lower welfare for consumers. Should competition law remain focused on competition enhancing economic welfare, or be reformed to allow for acts (...) of cooperation that are socially beneficial? To answer this question, the article provides a philosophical reevaluation of the deep-seated view that firms are merely private actors. It argues that demands of political legitimacy should also be addressed at firms cooperating together, and that standard views of democratic accountability should be broadened, introducing a model of delegated, sequential decision making which allows regulatory agencies and parliaments to control interfirm agreements. (shrink)

A capability approach prescribes paternalist government actions to the extent that it requires the promotion of specific functionings, instead of the corresponding capabilities. Capability theorists have argued that their theories do not have much of these paternalist implications, since promoting capabilities will be the rule, promoting functionings the exception. This paper critically surveys that claim. From a close investigation of Nussbaum's statements about these exceptions, it derives a framework of five categories of functionings promotion that are more or less unavoidable (...) in a capability theory. It argues that some of these categories may have an expansionary dynamic; they may give rise to widespread functionings promotion, which would defeat the capabilitarian promise that paternalist interventions will be exceptions to the rule of a focus on capabilities. Finally, the paper discusses three further theoretical issues that will be decisive in holding this paternalist tendency in check: how high one sets threshold levels of capability protection, how lengthy one's list of basic capabilities is, and how one deals with individual responsibility for choices resulting in a loss of one's capabilities. (shrink)

Corporations wield power in today’s economies, and political theories of the corporation argue about the legitimacy conditions of corporate power. This paper argues in favour of a double-fiduciary theory for corporations. Based on a concession theory of markets, it sees all markets as authorized by states (in the name of society), for the purpose of creating economic value, or wealth. Hence corporations, as much as non-incorporated firms, have a fiduciary duty to the state/society to create wealth, in the competitive structure (...) of the market. However, their pursuit of wealth often creates unbalanced relations of power between corporations and their stakeholders, which can at some point be classified as instances of domination. Therefore, corporations need to be subjected to a second fiduciary duty, i.e. not to dominate others in the economy. This duty is also, in the final instance, owed to the state/society. In an era when everyone can incorporate their business, states/societies can be interpreted as having, through corporate law, mandated shareholders as ‘proximate beneficiaries’, to incentivize corporations to create wealth. Now states/societies need to think about how to prevent corporations from dominating others. New mechanisms of accountability towards stakeholders and/or citizens as proximate beneficiaries are needed. Only in this way can corporations be effectively held to account for both of the fiduciary duties which characterize their normative status. (shrink)

How can advocates of global democracy grapple with the empirical conditions that constitute world politics? I argue that flexibility mechanisms - commonly used to advance international cooperation - should be employed to make the institutional design project of global democracy more tractable. I highlight three specific reasons underpinning this claim. First, flexibility provisions make bargaining over different institutional designs more manageable. Second, heightened flexibility takes seriously potential concerns about path-dependent institutional development. Finally, deliberately shortening the time horizons of agents by (...) employing flexibility provisions has cognitive benefits as it forces designers to focus specifically on issues of feasibility as well as desirability. I discuss a range of flexibility mechanisms and highlight the utility of sunset provisions and escape clauses. From this analysis, I build an argument for the usage of small-scale democratic experiments through which citizens have a say in global policy making. (shrink)

SummaryIn this paper Russell's discovery of external relations and his refutation of the doctrine of internal relations is traced to Hume's view on “philosophical” relations. Next the concepts of internal and external relation are applied to the analysis of knowledge. The most widely received analysis, the Justified True Belief‐conception, is investigated for its resources in answering the question whether knowledge is an internal or an external relation between a person and a believed proposition. There are difficulties in each answer which (...) can be partially resolved by analysing knowledge in terms of betting. (shrink)

The capability approach is one of the main contenders in the field of theorizing social justice. Each citizen is entitled to a set of basic capabilities. But which are these? Martha Nussbaum formulated a set of ten central capabilities. Amartya Sen argued they should be selected in a process of public reasoning. Critics object that the Nussbaum-approach is too perfectionist and the Sen-approach is too proceduralist. This paper presents a third alternative: a substantive but non-perfectionist capability theory of justice. It (...) presents a two-level concept of individual agency as connected to social practices. It then argues basic capabilities are those necessary to for the agency necessary to navigate freely and autonomously between different social practices. (shrink)

The article discusses a fundamental problem that has to be faced if the general capability approach is to be developed in the direction of a theory of justice: the selection and justification of a list of capabilities. The democratic solution to this problem (defended by Amartya Sen) is to leave the selection of capabilities to a process of democratic deliberation, while the philosophical solution (defended by Martha Nussbaum) is to establish this list of capabilities as a matter of philosophical theory. (...) The article investigates the debate between these two different positions and argues in favour of the philosophical solution. First, it distinguishes political from epistemological reasons for (not) making capability lists. Second, it shows that the democratic position must incorporate at least some philosophical theorising in general and a theory of democracy in particular. Third, the article argues that the democratic position presupposes that the philosophical position will bypass the democratic process while actually it does not. The philosophical position is actually more respectful of democracy than the democratic position. Fourth, while philosophers may exercise caution and connect their capability lists to actual democratic debates and other empirical sources, this kind of epistemological virtue ironically may heighten the chance of receiving reproaches on the political level. (shrink)

Although numerous studies have been devoted to it, the history of wall painting in Late Antiquity is still very imperfectly known. This holds true especially where the chronology and stylistic development of late antique wall painting is concerned. Therefore, any serious study that seeks to advance our knowledge in this particular area is more than welcome, especially when it considers the most important corpus of wall paintings at our disposal, namely the painted cubicula and arcosolia that have survived in the (...) catacombs of Rome. The book under review here is such a study. It is a detailed a carefully-researched work that represents the revised version of a doctoral dissertation written at the University of Munich under the guidance of J.G. Deckers, himself a well known authority in the study of late antique art and archaeology. (shrink)

The 2008 global financial crisis raises ethical as much as financial questions. Moral outrage centered on the imbalance between banks profiting from excessive risk-taking in good times and taxpayers suffering the costs in bad times. The paper analyzes this imbalance in terms of ethical theory. It first develops a rights-based framework to answer questions about the moral obligations of states and banks towards each other. It then criticizes standard economic thinking, which de-moralizes the phenomenon of moral hazard. Moral hazard between (...) states and banks arises in a context that cannot be interpreted as normal economic contracting, but should rather be characterized as governed by an implicit social contract giving rise to moral obligations. (shrink)

The capability approach is one of the main contenders in the field of theorizing social justice. Each citizen is entitled to a set of basic capabilities. But which are these? Martha Nussbaum formulated a set of ten central capabilities. Amartya Sen argued they should be selected in a process of public reasoning. Critics object that the Nussbaum‐approach is too perfectionist and the Sen‐approach is too proceduralist. This paper presents a third alternative: a substantive but non‐perfectionist capability theory of justice. It (...) presents a two‐level concept of individual agency as connected to social practices. It then argues basic capabilities are those necessary to for the agency necessary to navigate freely and autonomously between different social practices. (shrink)

Political theory today has expanded its scope to debate business corporations, conceiving of them as political actors, not (just) private actors in the market place. This article shows the continuing relevance of Thomas Hobbes’s work for this debate. Hobbes is commonly treated as a defender of the so-called concession theory, which traces the legitimacy of corporations to their being chartered by sovereign state authorities for public purposes. This theory is widely judged to be anachronistic for contemporary business corporations, because these (...) can now be freely formed, on the basis of private initiative. However, a close reading of the crucial passages in Hobbes’s work reveals a more subtle view, which rejects this private/public dualism. Hobbes’s reflections on the companies of merchants of his day provide room for business corporations’ pursuit of private purposes, while keeping them embedded in a public framework of authority. Moreover, by criticizing the monopoly status of these companies, he opens up a way to integrate market failure arguments from modern economics into concession theory. The “neo-Hobbesian concession theory” emerging from this analysis shows how concession theory can accommodate private initiative and economic analysis, and thus be a relevant position in the debate about the modern business corporation. (shrink)

In this paper we argue that liberal-egalitarian theorists of justice should take power, especially economic power, seriously and make it explicit. We argue that many theories of justice have left power implicit, relying on what we call the “primacy of politics” model as a background assumption. However, this model does not suffice to capture the power relations of today’s globalized world, in which the power of nation states has been reduced and material inequality has sky-rocketed. We suggest replacing it by (...) a “political economy” model that emphasizes the possibility of self-reinforcing cycles. Doing so has direct implications for how to theorize justice, not only on the non-ideal, but also on the ideal level. (shrink)

Business corporations are important, often powerful actors within the economy. They are able to exercise power over other actors, such as employees, consumers and nation-states. This contribution discusses how corporate power is constituted (ontological question), for what purpose it should be exercised, (normative question) and how it should be controlled (governance question). It focuses on the competing anwers to these questions that have been proposed by three political theories of the corporation. Concession theories emphasize the state's role in chartering corporations, (...) and hence require corporations to act in the public interest. Contractualist theories present corporations as tools for contract partners (most often shareholders), with corporate purpose focused on the benefits to these partners. Real entity theories focus on the corporation as an autonomous, separate entity with a purpose to be determined by the group seeking incorporation. (shrink)

This paper proposes a theory of institutional pluralism to deal with the question whether and to what extent limits should be placed on the market. It reconceives the pluralist position as it was presented by Michael Walzer and others in several respects. First, it argues that the options on the institutional menu should not be principles of distribution but rather economic mechanisms or ‘modes of provision’. This marks a shift from a distributive to a provisional logic. Second, it argues that (...) we should drop the assumption that any good should only be placed in one sphere, i.e. distributed according to one distributive principle. This marks a shift to ‘complex pluralism’: for at least some goods it is appropriate that they are provided through the market and through one or more non-market alternatives simultaneously. Finally, it argues that the often used conventionalist justification should be traded for a capability approach to the moral evaluation of markets and non-market alternatives. Any institutional option on our menu has value to the extent that it enhances the morally relevant capabilities of the producers and/or consumers of the good that is to be provided. This approach will be illustrated with two examples of goods for which it yields complex pluralist conclusions: the provision of care and the provision of media content. (shrink)

This contribution offers an introduction to the Special Issue 'Rethinking the European Social Market Economy'. It places the Special Issue against the background of the debate on free markets versus social protection in the European Union and the inclusion of the notion of 'social market economy' in the Treaty on European Union. It sketches the meaning and development of the social market economy concept, and introduces the key questions underlying this Special Issue and the contributions included in it.

In the first century, Jews were expelled from Rome on various occasions. Ancient literary sources offer contradictory information on these expulsions. As a result, scholars have offered different reconstructions of what really happened. In contrast to earlier scholarship on the subject, this article seeks to place the expulsions of Jews from first-century Rome into the larger framework of Roman policy toward both Jews and other non-Roman peoples. It is argued that the decision to banish Jews from Rome resulted from pragmatic (...) and not from specifically anti-Jewish considerations: Roman magistrates just wanted to maintain law and order. It is then suggested that the reasons underlying the decision to expel Jews from Rome were essentially the same as those triggering expulsions of other groups such as Isis worshipers, devotees of Bacchus, or astrologers. Such evidence serves to illustrate the two main theses of this article. First, it is argued that in late Republican and early Imperial times, Rome never developed a systematic "Jewish policy." During this period, Rome rather responded to situations when confronted with disputes over Jewish rights. This conclusion then serves to bolster the second thesis of this paper, namely that in the first century, Rome never pursued a consistent policy of tolerance toward its Jewish subjects. (shrink)

Heath’s paper on privatization defends a broadly welfarist-economic approach in thinking about the legitimacy of privatizations. This approach is ‘instrumentalist’ (in contrast to deontological approaches). In this response, I accept the value of an instrumentalist approach to privatization, but argue against Heath’s welfarist version of it, and argue in favor an alternative. First, the ends we seek when thinking about socially vital goods (our theory of public interests) should go beyond Pareto-efficiency. Second, as to the means we employ to realize (...) these ends, we need a view of markets which takes into account not just their competitiveness, but also the distribution of power. This means we need to differentiate market types. Third, we need to differentiate ownership types beyond the standard shareholder-owned company. Alternative ownership structures may be able to realize public interests more easily and hence make privatization less problematic. On these three issues, the picture Heath sketches leaves out too many of the variables that, in the end, may be decisive in whether or not a privatization is acceptable. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThe normative ideals and feasibility of deliberative democracy have come under attack from several directions, as exemplified by a recent book version of a special issue of this journal. Critics have pointed out that the complexity of the modern world, voter ignorance, partisanship, apathy, and the esoteric nature of political communications make it unlikely that deliberation will be successful at creating good outcomes, and that it may in fact be counterproductive since it can polarize opinions. However, these criticisms were aimed (...) at “micro” theories of deliberative democracy. The new “systemic” turn in deliberative democracy avoids these problems by positing a system-wide division of labor in a nation-state: experts and ordinary citizens “check” each other's opinions; partisanship and even ignorance can spur deliberation among citizens; and citizens may remain apathetic about some issues but deliberate about others. So long as the overall level of systemic deliberation increases, instead of decreases, the ideal of deliberation is still relevant in a society as complex as ours. (shrink)

Veelbelovend debuut van een talentvolle jonge filosoof - in de traditie van Hans Achterhuis -/- Waarom leven wij in een wereld die voor eeuwig gevuld lijkt te zijn met tekorten? Welke mechanismen creëren dat voortdurende gevoel niet genoeg te hebben? Waar komt ons oneindig verlangen naar méér vandaan - ondanks alle welvaart en overvloed? -/- Deze vragen vormen de basis van een filosofische zoektocht naar de oorsprong van schaarste. Rutger Claassen bespreekt de belangrijkste denkers uit filosofie en economie die (...) zich met dit probleem hebben beziggehouden. Hij laat zien hoe schaarste een rol speelt in actuele debatten over globalisering, de consumptiemaatschappij, natuur en milieu, de waarde van arbeid en het debat over normen en waarden. -/- In Het eeuwig tekort stelt Claassen de vraag hoe wij 'voorbij de schaarste' kunnen komen en ons kunnen losmaken van onze drang tot ongebreidelde bevrediging van behoeften. Volgens hem moeten we de uitweg zoeken in een filosofie die ervan uitgaat dat de bevrediging van menselijke behoeften slechts één vorm is van menselijke activiteit temidden van een veelheid aan waardevolle levensvervullingen. -/- . (shrink)