A unique multilevel perspective-structural social psychology-is explicated to help build theoretical bridges between micro and macro levels of analysis in sociology. The perspective portrays actors (human or corporate) as having minimal properties of purposiveness and responsiveness, encounters as interaction episodes between multiple actors, microstructures as local patterns of interaction emerging from and subsequently influencing encounters, and macrostructures as networks of social positions. These levels of analysis are connected via mutually contingent processes. Applying these assumptions, we illustrate the ability of the (...) framework to strengthen the macrosociological import of micro theories of power, status, and justice. We argue that structural social psychology is an important metatheoretical strategy for developing testable connections between individual and collective units of sociological analysis. (shrink)

With the emergence of participative social media, the ways in which stakeholders may interact with companies are changing. Social media and Web 2.0 technologies change gatekeeping mechanisms and the distribution of information. In consequence, organizations must realize that they are structurally embedded in online networks of interconnected and equitable actors. In this paper, we analyze how this change in today’s information and communication technologies may affect Corporate Social Responsibility action. We utilize social network analysis to investigate the CSR blogs of (...) three IT firms: Google, Hewlett-Packard, and Intel. The analysis reveals that their Internet-enabled social networks exhibit patterns of power law distribution and an uneven distribution of structural social capital among the actors involved, especially on the corporate side, which fails to fully engage with the network. We conclude by indicating the research implications of shifting social capital dynamics and by deriving implications for management and practice. (shrink)

Le silence observé par John Rawls à propos des thèses de Friedrich Hayek sur la question de la justice sociale est à la fois remarquable et irritant. À défaut de pouvoir s’appuyer sur des textes où Rawls se démarquerait explicitement de ces thèses, il est cependant possible de tenter de tracer la ligne de clivage essentielle entre les deux auteurs : Hayek demeure convaincu que la question de la justice ne peut se poser qu’à propos des actions individuelles, c’est-à-dire dans (...) le domaine du droit privé ou de ce que l’on a appelé la justice corrective et sa démonstration s’appuie sur l’impossibilité de définir une répartition quelconque des ressources comme juste. Rawls affirme, en revanche, qu’il est impossible de définir une transaction interpersonnelle comme juste de manière isolée, et qu’il faut au contraire pour cela que cette transaction prenne place dans une structure sociale juste. Mais loin de concevoir cette justice contextuelle en termes d’allocation de ressources – position que Hayek lui attribue à tort –, il la conçoit en termes de règles de coopération sur lesquelles les partenaires pourraient raisonnablement s’accorder. Le silence de Rawls pourrait donc s’expliquer par le fait qu’il concevait comme une impasse évidente toute tentative pour déterminer les éléments d’une justice commutative ou corrective indépendamment d’une théorie de la justice distributive et que, à ses yeux, il est tout simplement absurde de s’interroger sur la justice d’une transaction – d’un contrat, d’un échange, d’une appropriation – indépendamment du contexte structurel dans lequel elle prend place. Mais il pourrait s’expliquer aussi par le fait que Hayek prend à partie une conception de la justice distributive en termes d’allocation de biens et non en termes de règles de coopération que Rawls lui-même n’a jamais songé à soutenir et qu’il rejette explicitement. (shrink)

This paper is concerned with the question of how the social and economic structure of cities affects the degree of political competition and how in turn these factors affect the degree of a political stability. It isbased on a comparative empirical study of the outcomes of the communal elections of 1952, 1958 and 1964 in 147 Belgian cities that had a population size of 10.000 or more in 1947.In the first place the following generalizations are made with regard to (...) the election outcomes in these cities during the 1952-1964 period. 1. A general proliferation of lists or parties participating in the elections from 1952 to 1964.2. A trend from one-party-control over the college of the city council toward coalition-control.3. A net increase in the number of catholic lists and a net decrease in the number of socialist and liberal lists participating in the colleges of these townships.4. An increase in the number of cities in which newer, smaller and nontraditional parties or lists participated in the college of the city council.Three measures of politica! competitions are employed :1. The average number of parties or lists, that entered the communal election of 1952, 1958 and 1964.2. The average number of lists that received at least ten per cent of the vote in these three elections, and3. The presence or absence of a coalition on the college of the city council in 1952.The two measures of politica! stability, which are also based on the results of the same elections, are :1. The degree of stability in the lists and parties participating in the college of the city council, and2. The degree of stability in the list or party controlling the college of the city council.In general, measures of structural differentiation, linguistic diversity, industrial diversity, and social heterogeneity are found to be positively related to the degree of competition in local politics. In turn, measures of each of these structural factors and the measures of political competition are found to be negatively related to measures of political stability. Regression analysis supports the interpretation that diversity and heterogeneity in the social structure of cities - specifically, population size, density, and the presence of many persons with high occupational status - contribute to greater politica! competition in local polities, but that it is the degree of political competition that most strongly affects the degree of political stability.The conclusion is drawn that cities with a high degree of social and economic heterogeneity have a greater amount of conflict and cleavage. This results in greater competition in the political arena whichin turn predisposes such cities to have a high degree of instability in the control of their city governments. (shrink)

Social groups—like teams, committees, gender groups, and racial groups—play a central role in our lives and in philosophical inquiry. Here I develop and motivate a structuralist ontology of social groups centered on social structures (i.e., networks of relations that are constitutively dependent on social factors). The view delivers a picture that encompasses a diverse range of social groups, while maintaining important metaphysical and normative distinctions between groups of different kinds. It also meets the constraint that not every arbitrary collection of (...) people is a social group. In addition, the framework provides resources for developing a broader structuralist view in social ontology. (shrink)

Society and social structures play an important role in the formation and evaluation of concepts and practices in clinical ethics. This is evident in the ways the authors in this issue explore a wide range of arguments and concepts in clinical ethics including moral distress and conscience based practice, phenomenological interview techniques and gender dysphoria, continuous deep sedation (CDS) at the end of life, the notion of patient expertise, ethically permissible medical billing practices, the notion of selfhood and patient centered (...) care in dementia patients, and the definition of minimal risk as used in research regulations. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue against the view that the representational structure of the implicit attitudes responsible for implicitly biased behaviour is propositional—as opposed to associationist. The proposal under criticism moves from the claim that implicit biased behaviour can occasionally be modulated by logical and evidential considerations to the view that the structure of the implicit attitudes responsible for such biased behaviour is propositional. I argue, in particular, against the truth of this conditional. Sensitivity to logical and evidential (...) considerations, I contend, proves to be an inadequate criterion for establishing the true representational structure of implicit attitudes. Considerations of a different kind, which emphasize the challenges posed by the structural social injustice that implicit attitudes reflect, offer, I conclude, better support for deciding this issue in favour of an associationist view. (shrink)

C'est ce second volet qui est ici, pour la première fois, présentée dans son intégralité. F. Louzeau analyse les trois dialectiques fondamentales qui articulent les figures concrètes de la liberté dans la société et l'histoire : la dialectique du maître et de l'esclave, qui éclaire la faille du marxisme, définit les éléments du « social » et discerne les contradictions internes des mythes totalitaires son interférence avec la dialectique de l'homme et de la femme, d'où sont issues les trois relations (...) de paternité-maternité-fraternité, qui fondent la structure de toute société humaine et la dialectique paulinienne du païen et du juif, source et principe d'exacte interprétation des deux précédentes. Pages de début Remerciements Préface Introduction Première partie. De la dialectique maître-esclave Chapitre I. Un outil nécessaire et efficace pour comprendre la société et l'histoire Chapitre II. Qu'est-ce qu'une « conception du monde »? Chapitre III. L'origine commune du Communisme et du Nazisme Chapitre IV. La faille existentielle du marxisme Chapitre V. Qu'est-ce que le « social »? Chapitre VI. Contradictions internes du Communisme et du Nazisme Chapitre VII. Acquis et insuffisances de la dialectique du maître et de l'esclave Deuxième partie. De la dialectique homme-femme et de son interférence avec la précédente Chapitre VIII. Comment dépasser la dialectique du maître et de l'esclave? Chapitre IX. Épure de la dialectique de l'homme et de la femme Chapitre X. Objections Chapitre XI. Interférence et dialectique des relations familiales Chapitre XII. Paternité, Maternité, Fraternité Chapitre XIII. De la famille au peuple, du peuple à la Nation Chapitre XIV. Acquis et limites des dialectiques conjugale et familiale Troisième partie. Du bon usage des dialectiques maître-esclave et homme-femme à la lumière du rapport païen-juif Chapitre XV. Société et histoire Chapitre XVI. Fraternité universelle Chapitre XVII. Paradoxe et Mystère du peuple juif Chapitre XVIII. La dialectique du païen et du juif, source et mesure des dialectiques maître-esclave et homme-femme Chapitre XIX. Ontologie historique et dialectique Chapitre XX. Souplesse et exigence d'une perspective systématique Chapitre XXI. De son trésor tirer de l'ancien et du neuf Conclusion Annexe 1. Abréviation des principaux livres, articles et manuscrits de G. Fessard Annexe 2. Bibliographie de Gaston Fessard Annexe 3. Livres, articles et recensions concernant Gaston Fessard Annexe 4. Autres livres et articles Annexe 5. M. Sales, « Gaston Fessard. Un philosophe chrétien engagé dans l'histoire de son temps », in Hegel, le Christianisme et l'Histoire, Paris, puf, 1990, p. 17-21 Annexe 6. Index des noms propres de L'Anthropologie sociale du P. Gaston Fessard Gaston Fessard, Collaboration et Résistance au Pouvoir du Prince-Esclave Genèse et portée du manuscrit Avertissement « Argument » Avant-propos Chapitre I. Défaite Chapitre II. Révolution Chapitre III. Défaite et Révolution Chapitre IV. Devant la « Collaboration » Chapitre V. La politique de la nation vaincue Chapitre VI. Application des principes au concret Conclusion. De la direction de conscience dans la situation actuelle I. Quelques textes de Mein Kampf II. Le cardinal Mercier et les droits du pouvoir occupant III. Jeanne d'Arc et notre temps IV. Pourquoi la France est-elle entrée en guerre en 1939? V. Pourquoi le directeur de conscience doit protester contre mensonge et injustice VI. Les devoirs chrétiens du temps présent Index des noms propres de Collaboration et Résistance au Pouvoir du Prince-Esclave Pages de fin. (shrink)

C'est ce second volet qui est ici, pour la première fois, présentée dans son intégralité. F. Louzeau analyse les trois dialectiques fondamentales qui articulent les figures concrètes de la liberté dans la société et l'histoire : la dialectique du maître et de l'esclave, qui éclaire la faille du marxisme, définit les éléments du « social » et discerne les contradictions internes des mythes totalitaires son interférence avec la dialectique de l'homme et de la femme, d'où sont issues les trois relations (...) de paternité-maternité-fraternité, qui fondent la structure de toute société humaine et la dialectique paulinienne du païen et du juif, source et principe d'exacte interprétation des deux précédentes. Pages de début Remerciements Préface Introduction Première partie. De la dialectique maître-esclave Chapitre I. Un outil nécessaire et efficace pour comprendre la société et l'histoire Chapitre II. Qu'est-ce qu'une « conception du monde »? Chapitre III. L'origine commune du Communisme et du Nazisme Chapitre IV. La faille existentielle du marxisme Chapitre V. Qu'est-ce que le « social »? Chapitre VI. Contradictions internes du Communisme et du Nazisme Chapitre VII. Acquis et insuffisances de la dialectique du maître et de l'esclave Deuxième partie. De la dialectique homme-femme et de son interférence avec la précédente Chapitre VIII. Comment dépasser la dialectique du maître et de l'esclave? Chapitre IX. Épure de la dialectique de l'homme et de la femme Chapitre X. Objections Chapitre XI. Interférence et dialectique des relations familiales Chapitre XII. Paternité, Maternité, Fraternité Chapitre XIII. De la famille au peuple, du peuple à la Nation Chapitre XIV. Acquis et limites des dialectiques conjugale et familiale Troisième partie. Du bon usage des dialectiques maître-esclave et homme-femme à la lumière du rapport païen-juif Chapitre XV. Société et histoire Chapitre XVI. Fraternité universelle Chapitre XVII. Paradoxe et Mystère du peuple juif Chapitre XVIII. La dialectique du païen et du juif, source et mesure des dialectiques maître-esclave et homme-femme Chapitre XIX. Ontologie historique et dialectique Chapitre XX. Souplesse et exigence d'une perspective systématique Chapitre XXI. De son trésor tirer de l'ancien et du neuf Conclusion Annexe 1. Abréviation des principaux livres, articles et manuscrits de G. Fessard Annexe 2. Bibliographie de Gaston Fessard Annexe 3. Livres, articles et recensions concernant Gaston Fessard Annexe 4. Autres livres et articles Annexe 5. M. Sales, « Gaston Fessard. Un philosophe chrétien engagé dans l'histoire de son temps », in Hegel, le Christianisme et l'Histoire, Paris, puf, 1990, p. 17-21 Annexe 6. Index des noms propres de L'Anthropologie sociale du P. Gaston Fessard Gaston Fessard, Collaboration et Résistance au Pouvoir du Prince-Esclave Genèse et portée du manuscrit Avertissement « Argument » Avant-propos Chapitre I. Défaite Chapitre II. Révolution Chapitre III. Défaite et Révolution Chapitre IV. Devant la « Collaboration » Chapitre V. La politique de la nation vaincue Chapitre VI. Application des principes au concret Conclusion. De la direction de conscience dans la situation actuelle I. Quelques textes de Mein Kampf II. Le cardinal Mercier et les droits du pouvoir occupant III. Jeanne d'Arc et notre temps IV. Pourquoi la France est-elle entrée en guerre en 1939? V. Pourquoi le directeur de conscience doit protester contre mensonge et injustice VI. Les devoirs chrétiens du temps présent Index des noms propres de Collaboration et Résistance au Pouvoir du Prince-Esclave Pages de fin. (shrink)

Conformity is an often criticized feature of human belief formation. Although generally regarded as a negative influence on reliability, it has not been widely studied. This paper attempts to determine the epistemic effects of conformity by analyzing a mathematical model of this behavior. In addition to investigating the effect of conformity on the reliability of individuals and groups, this paper attempts to determine the optimal structure for conformity. That is, supposing that conformity is inevitable, what is the best way (...) for conformity effects to occur? The paper finds that in some contexts conformity effects are reliability inducing and, more surprisingly even when it is counterproductive, not all methods for reducing its effect are helpful. These conclusions contribute to a larger discussion in social epistemology regarding the effect of social behavior on individual reliability. (shrink)

It is widely believed that bringing parties with differing opinions together to discuss their differences will help both in securing consensus and also in ensuring that this consensus closely approximates the truth. This paper investigates this presumption using two mathematical and computer simulation models. Ultimately, these models show that increased contact can be useful in securing both consensus and truth, but it is not always beneficial in this way. This suggests one should not, without qualification, support policies which increase interpersonal (...) contact if one seeks to improve the epistemic performance of groups. (shrink)

Emotion, Social Theory, and Social Structure takes sociology in a new direction. It examines key aspects of social structure by using a fresh understanding of emotions categories. Through that synthesis emerge new perspectives on rationality, class structure, social action, conformity, basic rights, and social change. As well as giving an innovative view of social processes, J. M. Barbalet's study also reveals unappreciated aspects of emotions by considering fear, resentment, vengefulness, shame, and confidence in the context of social (...) structure. While much has been written on the social consequences of excessive or pathological emotions, this book demonstrates the centrality of emotions to routine operations of social interaction. Dr Barbalet also re-evaluates the nature of social theory, for once the importance of emotions to social processes becomes clear, the intellectual constitution of sociology, and therefore its history, must be rethought. (shrink)

This article gives a survey of the position of migrant workers in the Belgian labor market and social security system. Total employment of migrants has increased from 114,000 in 1954 to 224,900 in 1970.In contrast to overall employment in the Belgian economy, it went on climbing till 1978, up to a 245,900 level. Beyond this year, forecasts point at a slight decrease. Since WWII, the gravity point of the sectoral division of migrant workers has shifted from minig and industry, to (...) industry and tertiary activities. The share of industry in the employment of migrants bas remained relatively stable, in contrast to the tertiary sector, that witnessed a considerable expansion. However, the latter has not contributed substantially to the quality level of the average guest worker's job.On the whole, there is a strong correspondence between the unstable position of migrants in the labor market and their demographic characteristics on one side, their participation in the social security system on the other side. Their young family structure is reflected in a high share in family allowances and a limited appeal to pension funds. Statistical analysis at the aggregate level does not point at discriminatory practices vis-à-vis migrants and their families in social security ; but at thedisaggregate level and through the inspection of laws, regulations and international conventions, it appears that non-EEC nationals, with an unstable professional career, do not have the same rights as Belgians or EEC-citizens having a confortable position in the labor market and the social security system. In order to guarantee the rights of the farmer, the author suggests to establish a citizenship entitling to full social security rights after five years of regular residence in Belgium. (shrink)

Many theories of kind representation suggest that people posit internal, essence-like factors that underlie kind membership and explain properties of category members. Across three studies (N = 281), we document the characteristics of an alternative form of construal according to which the properties of social kinds are seen as products of structural factors: stable, external constraints that obtain due to the kind’s social position. Internalist and structural construals are similar in that both support formal explanations (i.e., “category member has property (...) P due to category membership C”), generic claims (“Cs have P”), and the generalization of category properties to individual category members when kind membership and social position are confounded. Our findings thus challenge these phenomena as signatures of internalist thinking. However, once category membership and structural position are unconfounded, different patterns of generalization emerge across internalist and structural construals, as do different judgments concerning category definitions and the dispensability of properties for category membership. We discuss the broader implications of these findings for accounts of formal explanation, generic language, and kind representation. (shrink)

A philosophically useful account of social structure must accommodate the fact that social structures play an important role in structural explanation. But what is a structural explanation? How do structural explanations function in the social sciences? This paper offers a way of thinking about structural explanation and sketches an account of social structure that connects social structures with structural explanation.

It has long been taken for granted that clinical research involving human subjects is ethical only if it holds out the prospect of producing socially valuable knowledge. Recently, this social value requirement has come under scrutiny, with prominent ethicists arguing that the social value requirement cannot be substantiated as an ethical limit on clinical research, and others attempting to offer new support. In this paper, I argue that both criticisms and existing defenses of the social value requirement are predicated on (...) what I call the “transactional model of stakeholder obligations”. I go on to problematize this framework, and to introduce an alternative framework for conceptualizing ethical obligations within clinical research. In defending this framework, which I call the “basic structure model of stakeholder obligations”, I also demonstrate how it provides a stronger grounding for the social value requirement that is not vulnerable to critiques grounded in the transactional model. (shrink)

Social problems such as racism, sexism, and inequality are often cited as structural rather than individual in nature. What does it mean to invoke a social structural explanation, and how do such explanations relate to individualistic ones? This article explores recent philosophical debates concerning the nature and usages of social structural explanation. I distinguish between two central kinds of social structural explanation: those that are autonomous from psychology, and those that are not. This distinction will help clarify the explanatory power (...) that each type of SSE has, points of convergence with methodological traditions such as critical theory and rational choice theory, and the difficulties that each type of SSE faces. (shrink)

This paper replies to Porpora, King, and Varela's responses to my earlier paper “For Emergence”, focussing on the relationship between the concepts of social structure and social relations. It recognises the importance of identifying the mechanisms responsible whenever we make claims for the emergence of causal powers, and discusses the mechanism underlying one case of social structure: normative institutions. It also shows how critical realism reconciles the claims that both social structures and human individuals have emergent causal powers (...) that combine to produce actual social events. (shrink)

Advocates anthropology as a science focused on social structure.

This article explores the question of how to understand social media following the Habermasian theory of the structural transformation of the public sphere. We argue for a return to political-economic fundamentals as the basis for analysing the public sphere and seek to establish a characteristic connection between digital-behavioural control and singularised audiences in the context of proprietary markets. In the digital constellation, it is less a matter of immobilising the citizen as a consumer but rather of their political activation – (...) albeit in conditions under which commercial interests have primacy: privatisation without privatism. (shrink)

The concept of social structure is ill defined in the literature despite the perennial problem and ongoing discussion about the relationship between agency and structure. In this paper I will provide an outline of what the term social structure means, but my main focus will be on emphasizing the value of the concept for nursing research and demonstrate how its erasure in some research negatively effects on our understanding of the nurses' role in clinical practice. For example, (...) qualitative research in nursing has largely focused on agency through such theories as phenomenology, hermeneutics, and symbolic interactionism. The result is that social structure may be erased or seen as epiphenomena of agency. My purpose is to provide a theoretical discussion of social structure and how such a discussion can help us to understand how nurses live and experience clinical practice. While not denying the importance of agency, I will argue that the thinned out approach to social structure places limits on our understanding of the constraints nurses experience in their working lives. The result is that nurses' attitudes and clinical failings are individualized, resulting in ever more calls for improved education, when a more thorough examination of structural issues may elucidate more fundamental problems. (shrink)

As the literature on Critical Realism in the social sciences is growing, it is about time to analyse whether a new, acceptable standard for social scientific explanations is being introduced. In order to do so, I will discuss the work of Christopher Lloyd, who analysed contributions of social scientists that rely on (what he called) a structurist ontology and a structurist methodology, and advocated a third option in the methodological debate between individualism and holism. I will suggest modifications to three (...) points of Lloyd's analysis, without abandoning Lloyd's intuitions completely. Firstly, the intuitions of the structurist ontology can be made explicit in a different way, without loosing the individual-society dualism. Secondly, opting for a structurist ontology does not necessarily imply opting for a structurist methodology. Ontology and methodology are related, but not as strongly as Lloyd supposes. Thirdly, the idea of a complete explanation, present in the structurist methodology, confuses causation and explanation while denying the pragmatics of explanation. A broader spectrum of explanatory forms can be defended. Criticizing Lloyd on these three points will lead me to the defence of an explanatory pluralism, which I relate to a minimal ontology. The intention of this reconceptualisation of structurism (and related Critical Realist applications) is to broaden possible perspectives on the explanatory praxis of the social scientist, and to question the reunification of the social sciences. It will also stipulate which form of interdisciplinarity is preferable for the social sciences. (shrink)

Kinship terminologies are basic cognitive semantic systems that all human societies use for organizing kin relations. Diversity in kinship systems and their categories is substantial, but constrained. Rácz, Passmore, and Jordan explore hypotheses about such constraints from learning theories and social pressures, testing the impact of a community‐size driven learning bottleneck against the social coordination demands of different kinds of marriage and resource systems.

The renowned philosopher John Searle reveals the fundamental nature of social reality. What kinds of things are money, property, governments, nations, marriages, cocktail parties, and football games? Searle explains the key role played by language in the creation, constitution, and maintenance of social reality. We make statements about social facts that are completely objective, for example: Barack Obama is President of the United States, the piece of paper in my hand is a twenty-dollar bill, I got married in London, etc. (...) And yet these facts only exist because we think they exist. How is it possible that we can have factual objective knowledge of a reality that is created by subjective opinions? This is part of a much larger question: How can we give an account of ourselves, with our peculiar human traits DS mind, reason, freedom, society - in a world that we know independently consists of mindless, meaningless particles? How can we account for our social and mental existence in a realm of brute physical facts? In answering this question, Searle avoids postulating different realms of being, a mental and a physical, or worse yet, a mental, a physical, and a social. There is just one reality: Searle shows how the human reality fits into that one reality. Mind, language, and civilization are natural products of the basic facts of the physical world described by physics, chemistry and biology. Searle explains how language creates and maintains the elaborate structures of human social institutions. These institutions serve to create and distribute power relations that are pervasive and often invisible. These power relations motivate human actions in a way that provides the glue that holds human civilization together. Searle shows how this account illuminates human rationality, free will, political power, and human rights. Our social world is a world created and maintained by language. (shrink)

This symposium of the Journal of Bioethical Inquiry illustrates structural competency: how clinical practitioners can intervene on social and institutional determinants of health. It will require training clinicians to see and act on structural barriers to health, to adapt imaginative structural approaches from fields outside of medicine, and to collaborate with disciplines and institutions outside of medicine. Case studies of effective work on all of these levels are presented in this volume. The contributors exemplify structural competency from many angles, from (...) the implications of epigenetics for environmental intervention in personalized medicine to the ways clinicians can act on fundamental causes of disease, address abuses of power in clinical training, racially desegregate cities to reduce health disparities, address the systemic causes of torture by police, and implement harm-reduction programs for addiction in the face of punitive drug laws. Together, these contributors demonstrate the unique roles that clinicians can play in breaking systemic barriers to health and the benefit to the U.S. healthcare system of adopting innovations from outside of the United States and outside of clinical medicine. (shrink)

Imagine first the case of J (who might be anybody, jemand). J used to inhabit a social order, or rather an area within a social order, where socially approved roles were unusually well-defined. Responsibilities were allocated to each such role and each sphere of role-structured activity was clearly demarcated. These allocations and demarcations were embodied in and partly constituted by the expectations that others had learned to have of those who occupied each such role. For those who occupied those roles (...) to disappoint those expectations by failing to discharge their assigned responsibilities was to invite severe disapproval and other sanctions. To refuse to find one's place within the hierarchies of approved roles, or to have been refused a place, because judged unfit for any such role, was to be classified as socially deviant and irresponsible. The key moral concepts that education had inculcated into J were concepts of duty and responsibility. His fundamental moral beliefs were that each of us owes it to others to perform her or his assigned duties and to discharge her or his assigned responsibilities. A good human being performs those duties, discharges those responsibilities, and does not trespass into areas that are not her or his concern. A philosopher who comes across the likes of J will understand his attitudes as cultural parodies, in part of Plato (conceiving of justice as requiring ‘that each do her or his own work and not meddle with many things’ Republic 433a) and in part of Kant (doing one's duty just because it is one's duty and not for the sake of any further end), authors who had influenced J's school teachers. A sociologist will entertain the suspicion that in certain types of social order it may be only in the form of parodies that some types of concept can continue to find expression. But for the moment let us put this thought on one side and return to J. (shrink)

Social network structure has been argued to shape the structure of languages, as well as affect the spread of innovations and the formation of conventions in the community. Specifically, theoretical and computational models of language change predict that sparsely connected communities develop more systematic languages, while tightly knit communities can maintain high levels of linguistic complexity and variability. However, the role of social network structure in the cultural evolution of languages has never been tested experimentally. Here, we (...) present results from a behavioral group communication study, in which we examined the formation of new languages created in the lab by micro‐societies that varied in their network structure. We contrasted three types of social networks: fully connected, small‐world, and scale‐free. We examined the artificial languages created by these different networks with respect to their linguistic structure, communicative success, stability, and convergence. Results did not reveal any effect of network structure for any measure, with all languages becoming similarly more systematic, more accurate, more stable, and more shared over time. At the same time, small‐world networks showed the greatest variation in their convergence, stabilization, and emerging structure patterns, indicating that network structure can influence the community's susceptibility to random linguistic changes (i.e., drift). (shrink)

Revisiting the structure/agency debate, the article puts forward the broad position shared by Giddens’structuration theory and Bhaskar's transformational model. It defends Giddens’concept of structure as‘rules and resources’against charges of idealism, arguing that its strength is its focus on the interface of structure and agency. But both Giddens and Bhaskar emphasise social reproduction as an unintended consequence of social action. Taking issue with postmodern pessimism, the article goes on to consider the conditions of possibility, and requisite forms of (...) knowledgeability, for deliberate social transformation. (shrink)

The government recognizes that social factors cause racial inequalities in access to resources and opportunities that result in racial health disparities. However, this recognition fails to acknowledge the root cause of these racial inequalities: structural racism. As a result, racial health disparities persist.

L'âge technique, annoncé par Heidegger, n'est rien d'autre que la mise en place d'un règne absolu de la Raison. Ce règne planétaire, dont la forme aboutie est celle d'une domination des mathématiques, est la mise en oeuvre d'un idéalisme selon lequel la réalité empirique, qu'elle soit naturelle ou sociale, a pour vocation d'être entièrement produite et contrôlée par la pensée rationnelle.

Social scientists appeal to various “structures” in their explanations including public policies, economic systems, and social hierarchies. Significant debate surrounds the explanatory relevance of these factors for various outcomes such as health, behavioral, and economic patterns. This paper provides a causal account of social structural explanation that is motivated by Haslanger (2016). This account suggests that social structure can be explanatory in virtue of operating as a causal constraint, which is a causal factor with unique characteristics. A novel causal (...) framework is provided for understanding these explanations–this framework addresses puzzles regarding the mysterious causal influence of social structure, how to understand its relation to individual choice, and what makes it the main explanatory (and causally responsible) factor for various outcomes. (shrink)

Although scholarship in the social construction of technology has contributed much to illuminating technological development, most work using this theoretical approach is committed to an agency-centered approach. SCOT scholars have made only limited contributions to illustrating the influence of social structures. In this article, the authors argue for the importance of structural concepts to understanding technological development. They summarize the SCOT conceptual framework defined by Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker and survey some of the methodological and explanatory difficulties that arise (...) with their approach. Then the authors present concepts from organizational sociology and political economy that illuminate structural influences in shaping phenomena of interest to SCOT scholars. These structural concepts can be applied to the study of the design, development, and transformation of technology. The authors conclude that the limited amount of scholarship on structural factors in the social shaping of technological development presents numerous opportunities for research. (shrink)

The concept of social structure, present in social ontology since the 19th century, hasbeen used in various, not always clearly specified, meanings. The present use of the concepthas been decisively influenced by the elaborations in the hands of the so-called “newstructuralists” of the 1970s: Pierre Bourdieu, Roy Bhaskar and Anthony Giddens. To understandthe contemporary developments, it is necessary to be acquainted with its formative influences.In the paper, we compare the approaches of Bhaskar and Giddens, especially in the context oftheir (...) mutual compatibility and the challenges facing anyone wanting to develop their ownconcept of social structure based on the elaborations of the concept by Bhaskar and Giddens.The most fundamental issues appear to be especially the mode of existence of social structures,the heterogeneous character of different kinds of social structures, and the transition from theontology of the natural world to that of the social world by Bhaskar. (shrink)