Rudolf Steiner developed a comprehensive view of social life which he viewed as being made up of three inter-dependent realms: spiritual-cultural, political and economic. Out of this grew his philosophy known as 'associative economics', which in contrast to our global financial systems, is collaborative and serves the real needs of consumers.This book, a companion to Gary Lamb's Associative Economics, is a comprehensive collection of Rudolf Steiner's statements on economics, compiled from all of his works currently available in English. (...) It will be an indispensable resource for anyone interested in alternative approaches to our current financial crises. (shrink)

The Theosophical Society, founded in New York in 1875, was, at the turn of the Twentieth Century, a global phenomenon with 100,000 members. New Age philosopher Dr Rudolf Steiner (1861-1925) was appointed as the first Secretary General of the German Section of the Theosophical Society on 19 October 1902. The Theosophical Society offered Rudolf Steiner a platform, a ready-made audience, infrastructure, and the insider experience of the world’s leading New Age spiritual society. The success of the Theosophical Society (...) demonstrated that there was a public appetite to hear about reincarnation, karma, maya, kamaloca, and other Eastern and alternative spiritual ideas. The Theosophical Society provided Rudolf Steiner a capable, multilingual, and determined personal assistant, Marie von Sivers (1867-1948). For Rudolf Steiner the Theosophical Society offered the perfect training ground for what would be, a decade later, his life’s work, the Anthroposophical Society. Rudolf Steiner grew the membership of the German Section of the Theosophical Society from 377 in 1905 to 3,702 in 1913. He earned cash from ticketing of his lectures and his Mystery plays, and from book sales of his personal publishing house, ‘Philosophisch-Theosophischer Verlag’. Another enterprise, the ‘Johannes-Bau-Verein’ (Johannes Building Association) was founded in 1911, independent of the Theosophical Society, to build a theatre in Munich to present Rudolf Steiner's plays. The building application was rejected by the Munich municipal authorities in 1912. The resistance to a build in Munich, provided impetus for the move to build in Dornach, Switzerland. The Anthroposophical Society was founded 28 December 1912 in Cologne, Germany. Most of the members of the German Section of the Theosophical Society members followed Rudolf Steiner into the Anthroposophical Society. The Theosophical Society expelled Rudolf Steiner from the Theosophical Society on 7 March 1913. The foundation stone for the Goetheanum (then still called the ‘Johannesbau’) was laid 20 September 1913. The Theosophical Society had served as the ideal prototype and springboard for founding and growing the Anthroposophical Society. (shrink)

Über die mechanische Auffassung des Lebens -- Atome und Individuen -- Das Leben des Blutes.

Wenn man die besonders in den letzten fiinf Jahrhunderten sehr dynami­ sche, sich noch immer beschleunigende Entwicklung Europas bzw. der westlichen Welt und die kulturkritische Diskussion der Gegenwart verste­ hen will, ist es notwendig, auch die Rolle zu erkennen, die dabei das Ver­ haltnis zum Phanomen Zeit spielt. In vielen Einzelbeobachtungen ist dies gespiirt und nachgewiesen worden, aber bisher fehlt eine zusammenfas­ sende Darstellung, wie sie hier versucht wird. Der Kulturbereich, den man mit dem konstituierenden Vorspiel im Orient in geschichtlicher (...) Folge als Abendland, Europa oder moderne westliche Welt bezeichnet, unterscheidet sich von anderen Kulturen durch ein besonders sensibles, scharf ausgepragtes und in standiger Auseinan­ dersetzung mit Ideen und Realitaten herausgefordertes und gepragtes, sich wandelndes ZeitbewuBtsein. In keiner anderen Kultur hatte und hat Zeit eine vergleichbar wesentliche Bedeutung. Das europaische ZeitbewuBtsein wurde von friihen Lebenserfahrungen im Vorderen Orient, von religiosen Vorstellungen insbesondere des Juden­ turns und Christentums, von zunehmender Zeitgliederung durch Uhren und Kalender, von der Entwicklung der Naturwissenschaften, von den Be­ diirfnissen einer stadtischen und arbeitsteiligen Gesellschaft, von den Ei­ gengesetzlichkeiten der Wirtschaft und von der Entfaltung des Selbstbe­ wuBtseins der Bildungseliten sowie spater immer groBerer Schichten der Gesellschaft geformt und aktiviert. Das jeweilige ZeitbewuBtsein einer Epoche griindet also nicht in sich selbst, sondern ist einerseits Ausdruck iibernommener Tradition, andererseits auch eigener Lebenserfahrungen, religioser Erlebnisse, wissenschaftlicher Welterkundung, des Selbstbe­ wuBtseins innerhalb der Geschichte und der jeweiligen Art, den Sinn des Lebens zu deuten. (shrink)

V práci podává autor přehled názorů na vztah syntaxe a sémantiky v lingvistice anglosaské, polské, sovětské a české, stanoví závěry vyplývající z rozboru uvedených teorií a nastiňuje vlastní koncepci sémantické výstavby věty vruštině, postihující hloubkovou a povrchovou strukturu věty, myšlenkově jazykové obsahy výpovědi, sémantické komponenty věty, syntaktické koreláty sémantických struktur v ruštině a vliv textu na význam věty.

This volume provides a valuable discussion of Husserl's lifelong project of the critique of science which makes no attempt to conflate the pre-World War I ...

"Groundbreaking when first published in 1969, this book is now of even greater relevance to make the reader aware of the need to educate the visual sense, a ...

Given the assertion of a relation between two types, like: “Epidermis has part some Keratinocyte”, we define silent change as any kind of change of the instance-relata of the relation in question that does not change the truth-value of the respective type-level assertion. Such assertions are notoriously difficult to model in OWL 2. To address this problem, we distinguish different modes of type-level relatedness giving rise to this problem and describe a conservative extension to the BFO top-level ontology that allows (...) expressing these modes. (shrink)

Since its publication fifty years ago, this work has established itself as a classic. It casts the visual process in psychological terms and describes the creative way one's eye organizes visual material according to specific psychological premises. In 1974 this book was revised and expanded, and since then it has continued to burnish Rudolf Arnheim's reputation as a groundbreaking theoretician in the fields of art and psychology.

Since its publication fifty years ago, this work has established itself as a classic. It casts the visual process in psychological terms and describes the creative way one's eye organizes visual material according to specific psychological premises. In 1974 this book was revised and expanded, and since then it has continued to burnish Rudolf Arnheim's reputation as a groundbreaking theoretician in the fields of art and psychology.

In this illuminating study of Kant's theory of imagination and its role in interpretation, Rudolf A. Makkreel argues against the commonly held notion that Kant's transcendental philosophy is incompatible with hermeneutics. The charge that Kant's foundational philosophy is inadequate to the task of interpretation can be rebutted, explains Makkreel, if we fully understand the role of imagination in his work. In identifying this role, Makkreel also reevaluates the relationship among Kant's discussions of the feeling of life, common sense, and (...) the purposiveness of history. (shrink)

Moral behaviour, based on social norms, is commonly regarded as a hallmark of humans. Hitherto, humans are perceived to be the only species possessing social norms and to engage in moral behaviour. There is anecdotal evidence suggesting their presence in chimpanzees, but systematic studies are lacking. Here, we examine the evolution of human social norms and their underlying psychological mechanisms. For this, we distinguish between conventions, cultural social norms and universal social norms. We aim at exploring whether chimpanzees possess evolutionary (...) precursors of universal social norms seen in humans. Chimpanzees exhibit important preconditions for their presence and enforcement: tolerant societies, well-developed social-cognitive skills and empathetic competence. Here, we develop a theoretical framework for recognizing different functional levels of social norms and distinguish them from mere statistical behavioural regularities. Quasi social norms are found where animals behave functionally moral without having moral emotions. In proto social norms, moral emotions might be present but cannot be collectivized due to the absence of a uniquely human psychological trait, i.e. shared intentionality. Human social norms, whether they are universal or cultural, involve moral emotions and are collectivized. We will discuss behaviours in chimpanzees that represent potential evolutionary precursors of human universal social norms, with special focus on social interactions involving infants. We argue that chimpanzee infants occupy a special status within their communities and propose that tolerance towards them might represent a proto social norm. Finally, we discuss possible ways to test this theoretical framework. (shrink)