An elegant English version of La Boetie's _Discourse on Voluntary Servitude_, which is both a key to understanding much of Montaigne and a major piece of early modern political thought. --Timothy Hampton, Professor of French and Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley.

Includes bibliography: p. 7-12 and bibliographical references.

Loin des traites du gouvernement visant a definir les bornes du pouvoir legitime, le Discours de la servitude volontaire presente la tyrannie comme la negation radicale de toute communaute civile. La ou tout est a un, aucune chose publique ne saurait subsister.Or la racine de cette appropriation tyrannique, c'est, en chacun, l'alienation consentie ou la servitude volontaire. De ce fondement enigmatique et revoltant de toute domination, La Boetie tire une serie de paradoxes qui sont autant d'avertissements constamment adresses a la (...) philosophie politique des Modernes. (shrink)

Freedom as a natural right, the importance of consent, defending the idea that government should be in the hands of the most virtuous and reflective citizens, denouncing patronage, the need to link individual and political freedom ? These are some of the characteristics of La Boétie's doctrine that I believe place him within the tradition that Quentin Skinner calls the neo-Roman conception of civil liberty. Of course, La Boétie did not write a positive defence of the rule of (...) law, as Livy did in his History of Rome and as the English republicans do, but the Discourse can easily be read as a legal plea condemning absolute monarchy and any kind of arbitrary regime. (shrink)

The 16th-century French humanist writer Etienne de La Boétie has not often been considered in literature on republican political thought, despite his famous essay, Discours de la Servitude Volontaire, displaying a number of clear republican tropes and themes, being largely concerned with the problem of arbitrary power embodied in the figure of the tyrant. Yet, I argue that the real significance of La Boétie’s text is in his radical concept of voluntary servitude and the way it adds a (...) new dimension to the neo-republican theory of liberty as non-domination. The problem of self-domination or wilful obedience to authority is a form of ideological domination that Pettit’s understanding of arbitrary power relationships between agents does not adequately account for. Furthermore, La Boétie shows that freedom is an ontological condition and is realised not – or not entirely – through the rule of law as the guarantee against arbitrariness, as neo-republicans advocate, but rather through acts of self-emancipation and civil disobedience. Here I understand La Boétie’s thinking in terms of a certain anarcho-republicanism in which the promotion of freedom depends not so much on institutions, as Pettit suggests, but rather on autonomous relations of friendship, love and solidarity between individuals. (shrink)

Le Discours de la servitude volontaire est généralement lu comme un texte dénonçant la structure pyramidale du pouvoir politique en tant que tel. Or nous savons que cet auteur a été un parlementaire très respectueux du droit et plutôt conservateur. Comment concilier ces données apparemment opposées? Une clef possible serait de replacer le Discours dans le contexte d’un débat qui concerne l’émergence du pouvoir absolu à travers la culture curiale mise en place en Italie et en France au tournant du (...) xv e et du xvi e siècle. (shrink)

O presente artigo analisa a evolução de um novo ideal republicano no contexto das guerras de religião do século XVI francês. Para tal, concentra-se em dois textos: o Discurso sobre a servidão voluntária, de La Boétie, cujo essencial se supõe ter sido redigido por volta de 1548, e os Ensaios, de Montaigne, cuja primeira edição data de 1580. Demonstra, com isso, que Montaigne transfere os ideais republicanos de La Boétie a um contexto novo, passando de um ethos republicano (...) herdado do humanismo renascentista para um ethos que se pode anacronicamente qualificar de “liberal”. (shrink)

This article will explore the historical account and political actualisation of Machiavelli and La Boétie in the work of Claude Lefort. In the 1970s, Lefort renewed the interpretation of Machiavelli and La Boétie by underlining their common ‘radical humanism’. The long-overlooked insights into desire and social division of the two Renaissance thinkers underline the subversive potential of humanism against its common ideological and oligarchic uses. But the history of radical humanism cannot be separated from its topicality, as it (...) is one of the germs of the democratic revolution. This radicalism echoes and inspires Lefort's agonistic theory of democracy. After Machiavelli and La Boétie, his work grapples with the continued dependency of the subjects on visible and invisible masters. Indeed, according to Lefort, contemporary societies long for certainty and remain haunted by servitude in the form of ideology (be it bourgeois, totalitarian or invisible). (shrink)

The article takes into account the exceptionality of Étienne de La Boétie’s Discourse on Voluntary Servitude sur la servitude volontaire within its historical context, when compared to other anti-tyrannical essays published in Sixteenth-Century France. The Discourse can be read as a sort of anachronistic criticism of the modern theory of sovereignty, since it connects the birth of a monar-chical power with the presence in every man of a desire to be identified with “the name of the One”. However, this (...) process of hallucinatory identification with a “master”, to whom the individual sacrifices his own singularity, can be fought by the capacity of human language to build a net of co-operation among men, which overthrows any close and static identity between individuals and power. Thus freedom appears to be not a natural and stable possess, but rather an uninterrupted and risky process of collective emancipation. (shrink)

A superb achievement, one that successfully brings together in accessible form the work of two major writers of Renaissance France. This is now the default version of Montaigne in English. --Timothy Hampton, Professor of French and Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley.

El profesor Antonio Campillo reflexiona sobre la relación entre moral y política en la época de la creación de los Estados Modernos y de la secularización de lo político: «Pretendo ensayar más bien una lectura inmanente y una mutua confrontación de las tres obras mencionadas: La Utopía, el Príncipe y el Discurso de la servidumbre voluntaria. Porque me parece que entre las tres inauguran y delimitan, desde diferentes ángulos, el horizonte del pensamiento político moderno,. Tomadas así, en su mutua relación, (...) quizá sea más fácil entender el vínculo que las liga a la historia efectiva del siglo XVI; quizá podamos utilizarlas como un espejo, o mejor, como unas lentes a través de las cuales adquiere todo su relieve uno de los acontecimientos más importantes de ese siglo: el nacimiento del Estado Moderno». (shrink)

This study undertakes a reading of Etienne de La Boétie’s Discours de la servitude volontaire, endeavoring to bring to light the way it convergences with and diverges from the political thought of Paul Ricœur, around the central concept of the will. On the basis of the twin notions of “denaturation” and of “pathology,” a course unfolds which aims at helping establish the people, in comparison with the institution of the State, through a political process revitalised by friendship. But the (...) two thinkers differ when it comes to the resources of the will. This is reflected in the notion of freedom, conceived as absolute in La Boetie, while Ricœur emphasizes its contingency, which leads him to thematize it in terms of capabilities. (shrink)

Étienne de La Boétie (1530–63) is a central, if enigmatic, figure in modern French political philosophy. While his name is most famous for his friendship with Montaigne, his Discours de la servitude volontaire (Discourse of Voluntary Servitude) is a tour-de-force of humanist political writing, a youthful paean to liberty arguing that subjection to tyrants is the result of popular corruption. This article argues that the text can be read as a reflection on the perils and promise of transparency. Reading (...) La Boétie helps us see two radically different ways in which members of a polity can be known to one another – two models of transparency – and it offers an important, but ultimately unsettling, political ideal based on a classical conception of civic friendship. The article draws out the importance of this ideal for modern anti-corruption efforts. (shrink)

El objetivo de este artículo es el análisis crítico del concepto de “servidumbre voluntaria” y sus implicaciones para la libertad que plantea Étienne de la Boétie y su relación con el deseo natural de libertad. En particular se analizan algunas ideas de la obra Discours de la servitude volontaire (1576) comenzando por una introducción general y las implicaciones de la obra en la historia de las ideas políticas. La parte central radica en el problema que plantea para la sociedad (...) el deseo de servir de los hombres o, en otras palabras: el deseo de esclavitud y rechazo de la libertad. Todo ello va contra la naturaleza humana según La Boétie. Estos problemas son los que se discuten a partir de un planteamiento de teoría política que va contra el “pensamiento único” y que destaca algunos de los errores conceptuales del autor desde la óptica de la “realidad política” y la poca relevancia que tienen los estándares de perfección para una organización político-social factible. (shrink)

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the political views of the philosophers of Montaigne circle. The ideas put forward by Charron and La Boétie were important not only for the period of religious wars of the 16th century, but also for various aspects of the genesis of modern philosophy. If autocracy is unacceptable in principle for La Boétie, then Charron is a supporter of a monarchical state structure, although he condemns tyrannical rule. La Boétie (...) justifies his position with references to the need to protect political free­dom. Autocracy, he believes, is inseparable from arbitrariness, illegal and gross violation of the interests of the country’s residents. People can refuse freedom only voluntarily, from force of habit of obeying tyrannical power, once established by deception or violence. He considers it possible to end religious strife by a revival of the Church and a moral re­newal. La Boétie’s political ideal is a republic. Charron, by contrast, considers the king a true sovereign. But rulers often have both shortcomings and vices, sometimes giving rise to tyranny, expressed in disregard for the laws and traditions of the country. Charron, like La Boétie, sees the reason for the religious wars in the damage of morals. He also sees a compromise as the best solution; to withdraw compatriots from the state of civil con­frontation is possible peacefully. For Charron, as for La Boétie, social inequality, class hi­erarchy seems to be an invariable condition of social existence. For both, violence is an unacceptable form of implementing social improvements. Both see religion as an im­portant pillar of social life. In the coordinate system of the two thinkers of the Montaigne circle, religious considerations are not taken beyond the general contours of their political reflections. It is noteworthy that for the philosophical landscape of the late Renaissance, the problem of religious confrontation turns out to be closely associated with the question of the best form of social structure. Discussions about it continue in our time. (shrink)

One of the key concepts in XVIII century political thought was despotism. Also Diderot utilised this complex idea. According to him, who followed Hobbes and Montesquieu, despotism was the result of the love of power, which was able to bring forth the passion of fear in the society. In this sense, Machiavelli belonged to this line of reflection: like that of Hobbes, his system was intended to show the danger of despotism and to learn the true foundation of natural law. (...) But rethinking this paradox Diderot was led to elaborate a new theory of despotism, no longer based on the mechanism of power. His interpretation of Machiavelli – and Hobbes – had opened up a new perspective, which did not move from the enigma of power – Machiavelli's and Hobbes’ chief concern – but from the nature of subjection. Along this path Diderot came across de la Boëtie's Discours de la servitude volontaire, which explained the origin of despotism in a different way. Despotism was not the result of the passion of fear, but of that of interest. The discussion of these two different ideas of despotism led Diderot to a new perspective from which he answered the problem of liberty in an original way. (shrink)

The attempt to recuperate the efficacy of utopia from critics of its blueprint variants has seen the emergence of critical utopias.1 According to critics, the problem with "traditional" blueprint models lay in their production of "a closed, static, authoritarian society that negates temporality and does violence to plurality and individual singularity."2 Critical utopias sought to internalize such critiques in order to rescue utopia, resulting in a heightened attention to the problems of the dialectic of emancipation, plurality, and temporality. Consequently, critical (...) utopias contain a self-reflexive approach that aims to foreclose any authoritarian regression via an internalization of the preliminary and... (shrink)

I investigate the contemporary problem of obedience through an exploration of Michel Foucault and Étienne de La Boétie, showing how the former drew on the latter’s concept of voluntary servitude as a way of thinking through the paradoxical relationship between power, freedom and subjectivity. My argument is that Foucault’s theory of government as the ‘conduct of conduct’ may be understood as a reflection on the question of voluntary servitude. My aim here is twofold. First, it is to show that (...) obedience is an ethical and political problem just as relevant today as it was in La Boétie’s time. Secondly, it is to suggest that voluntary servitude should be interpreted in an emancipatory way, as a problematic that reveals the ontological primacy of freedom and the fragility and instability of power. ‘Voluntary inservitude’ is something that can be expressed in acts of civil disobedience, and alternate modes of ethical conduct and association. (shrink)

The death of Montaigne is described in some important documents such as the correspondence between Pierre de Brach, Justus Lipsius and Marie de Gournay, as well as in another letter written by Pasquier. What these «lettres du deuil» do is to reconstruct the philosophical meaning of death, using an entire universe of symbols to represent it. Previously, Montaigne had himself been the only person to witness La Boétie's death, of which he had deconstructed the abstract, merely speculative image in (...) order to emphasize its human dimension. (shrink)

Il est arrivé que l’on compare Machiavel à La Boétie pour grossièrement les opposer, selon l’idée fausse que le premier serait du côté du prince, et le second du côté du peuple. Nous proposons, ici, une étude comparative de leurs pensées qui se concentre sur leur manière de lire les Anciens et de se situer vis-à-vis de la culture humaniste de leur époque, pour mieux saisir adéquatement leurs différences et leurs similitudes.

Quiconque considère la résurgence du cynisme à la Renaissance pénètre un domaine vaste, mais laissé en friche par les philosophes et délaissé des littéraires. Quelques exemples suffisent à en évaluer l'étendue : reconnaître Diogène dans le Christ et faire - subrepticement - du premier des Adages un adage diogénique ; s'assimiler à Diogène roulant son tonneau pour illustrer la fabrique du Tiers Livre ; attaquer saint Augustin pour son incapacité à comprendre l'impudeur des cyniques ; souhaiter comme idéal pour l'homme (...) de n'être "serf de personne". Voilà quatre positions où l'on aura reconnu Erasme, Rabelais, Montaigne ainsi que La Boétie et qui attestent que, si le cynisme est bien une philosophie de la Renaissance, il a aussi été un formidable moyen de penser et de parler à neuf. Alors que le bien-dire envahit l'espace public, le dire vrai des cyniques, incisif, est apte à façonner des formes littéraires inédites et à procurer de nouveaux moyens critiques. Contre ceux qui pensent conforter la morale avec des discours bien-pensants, Diogène n'affirmait-il pas, crânement, que l'exercice de la vertu n'est pas pour les pisse-froid, qu'on peut être obscène et vertueux, violent et pédagogue, tout en restant "joyeux entre mille"? (shrink)

En este trabajo se relacionan los conceptos de servidumbre voluntaria y evaluación, considerando que el punto de encuentro entre ellos es la idea del necesario consentimiento del sujeto. La servidumbre voluntaria, así formulada por Étienne de La Boétie a mediados del siglo XVI, planteaba la primera paradoja: el poder que ejerce el amo no reside en su fuerza, sino en la legitimidad que le otorga el consentimiento del siervo. Durante el siglo XVII, en lo que respecta al pensamiento, fue (...) el Santo Oficio quien ocupó el lugar del amo, y su arma fue la censura, estableciendo ya un procedimiento que había que admitir si se quería publicar. Un siglo más tarde, la idea de emancipación se convirtió en un ideal de la época, actualizando la proposición de La Boétie, ya que la emancipación ilustrada fue una llamada, un imperativo que no consideraba una realidad exterior en tanto que causa, sino que ponía el acento en el consentimiento del sujeto y en su voluntad de no ser libre. Para concluir, en el artículo se aborda la cuestión de la evaluación en tanto que una modalidad actual de la servidumbre voluntaria: la búsqueda metódica, incesante, del consentimiento del otro. (shrink)

On connaît la question posée au xvi e siècle par É. de La Boétie : « Comment est-il possible que le plus grand nombre obéisse à un seul homme » (le tyran)? Face à cela, en principe, il y a une solution simple : « Soyez résolus à ne servir plus et vous voilà libres ». Pourtant, inexplicablement, certains montrent « une opiniâtre volonté de servir » ; telle est la servitude volontaire. Mais en démocratie il n’y a plus (...) de « tyran ». Il n’y a plus, en principe, de négation arbitraire de la liberté. Si bien que la seule négation de celle-ci ne peut venir que de soi-même : dans une démocratie idéale (où ne pèserait aucun arbitraire) il n’y aurait de servitude que volontaire. Le présent texte propose une réflexion sur cette spécificité de la servitude volontaire aujourd’hui. Une telle réflexion fait apparaître la fragilité de l’individu souverain. (shrink)

En este trabajo se relacionan los conceptos de servidumbre voluntaria y evaluación, considerando que el punto de encuentro entre ellos es la idea del necesario consentimiento del sujeto. La servidumbre voluntaria, así formulada por Étienne de La Boétie a mediados del siglo XVI, planteaba la primera paradoja: el poder que ejerce el amo no reside en su fuerza, sino en la legitimidad que le otorga el consentimiento del siervo. Durante el siglo XVII, en lo que respecta al pensamiento, fue (...) el Santo Oficio quien ocupó el lugar del amo, y su arma fue la censura, estableciendo ya un procedimiento que había que admitir si se quería publicar. Un siglo más tarde, la idea de emancipación se convirtió en un ideal de la época, actualizando la proposición de La Boétie, ya que la emancipación ilustrada fue una llamada, un imperativo que no consideraba una realidad exterior en tanto que causa, sino que ponía el acento en el consentimiento del sujeto y en su voluntad de no ser libre. Para concluir, en el artículo se aborda la cuestión de la evaluación en tanto que una modalidad actual de la servidumbre voluntaria: la búsqueda metódica, incesante, del consentimiento del otro. (shrink)

Summary: This book studies the life of Étienne de La Boétie and his role in the parliament of Bordeaux in the years 1556-1563, those of his friendship with Montaigne. He has already written the Discourse on Voluntary Servitude, the contents, distribution and successive editions of which until now constitute the investigation of this book.--Classiques Garnier.

Les Cahiers La Boétie accueillent des travaux interdisciplinaires explorant tous les aspects et les enjeux de l'oeuvre de La Boétie.

Existe-t-il une hypothèse de la servitude volontaire chez Spinoza? En partant des tensions qui naissent de l’apparente contradiction entre une telle hypothèse et l’anthropologie spinoziste, le présent article montre qu’il existe bien chez l’auteur du Traité théologico-politique des conditions politiques qui conduisent à l’inversion du conatus, au point de pousser les hommes à combattre « pour leur servitude comme s’il s’agissait de leur salut ». Spinoza tempère l’hypothèse laboétienne : un individu ou un peuple ne saurait de lui-même désirer la (...) servitude, mais peut y être conduit sous l’effet de l’adoption d’une certaine politique ou institution. Il ne s’agit pas seulement de la crainte favorisée par le régime monarchique. La fondation de la République des Hébreux, après la sortie d’Égypte du peuple juif, pose également la question de la servitude volontaire. La pensée spinoziste, ce faisant, témoigne d’un rationalisme politique inquiet, dont on peut s’inspirer aujourd’hui pour réfléchir sur les « causes extérieures cachées » qui peuvent fragiliser, voire contredire, le désir de liberté. (shrink)

Le colloque de Sarlat dont ce livre est issu a pris pour angle de lecture du Discours de la servitude volontaire de La Boétie la question - essentielle au moment des guerres de religion - de l'amitié et de la compagnie (que l'on nommerait aujourd'hui plus volontiers le «lien social»). Lu par des spécialistes du droit, de la morale, de la philosophie ou de la littérature de la Renaissance et confronté aux productions du temps, le célèbre texte devient plus (...) complexe et plus original encore. (shrink)

Por que o nome do um encanta? Não será porque, mesmo ao preço do mais cruel sofrimento, os homens têm nele a ilusão de guardarem sua própria nomeação e, ao mesmo tempo, permanecerem associados? La Boétie parece ensinar, assim, que os homens perdem a liberdade, mas não o desejo de se tornarem livres.