This article focuses on two aspects of contemporary political philosophy. The first one is political philosophy as a philosophy strategy. The second one is political philosophy as an activity that considers the politicity of philosophy and what is political. Our basic claim is the impossibility of separating these two meanings of political philosophy. Rather than maintaining the distinction between the empirical and the speculative in terms of political philosophy, the basic attitude is to look at what is happening within the (...) polis, whether the police remain without polites or whether the polis allow the political community to recognize it. The discovery of the politicity of philosophy is undoubtedly not something new, however, it has become a more evident focus of philosophy after World War II. Many different trends in contemporary philosophy have brought new ideas within this perspective: from Carl Schmitt to Leo Strauss, from Frankfurt School thinkers to many important figures of contemporary French philosophy, such as Claude Lefort and Cornelius Castoriadis; they all have developed critical, contemporary and radical philosophical thoughts. It can be easily claimed that this movement in political philosophy comes with a conjuncture in which the crisis has become more evident in the context of political praxis and concept. In the first phase, the fading of ideologies forced the return from 'theory' to philosophy. Secondly, the hopelessness and failures created by the actual communisms forced them to consider different praxis. Thirdly, structural crises and transformations in the world political order have also prepared the crisis of liberal political philosophies seeking answers to the existing crisis with their own concepts. It was no coincidence that after the pursuit of pure philosophy in the Belle Époque period, it was recollected as philosophy's politics. A singular, constituent praxis, and an orientation that desires emancipation, is the sole possibility of the idea of the universal. In this context, political philosophy is not only an abstraction practice on political things, but on the contrary, an activity on the establishment or disruption of the logic of political things. The togetherness of the necessity of understanding political things and research faithful to the idea of truth; reveals the vitality of plurality of political organizations against violence. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to indicate the dimensions of Walter Benjamin’s conception of "technique". It is argued that the only way to understand his problematic technique is by considering the concepts of experience and political action. The present article emphasizes the philosopher’s transitivity of technical understanding through a wide range of reflections including Benjamin’s thoughts on Scheerbarts to "second technique" (zweite Technik), from his idea of collective corpus (Leib) to his understanding of experience (Erfahrung), and from the canonic (...) feature of architecture in modern time to revolutionary action. We focused on the common issues in the texts of Benjamin entitled "Experience and Poverty", "Capitalism as Religion" and "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproducibility". At the same time, we stress why the technical question and technicality are central issues in order to understand other Benjamin texts. We use the thematic continuity and differentiation thesis as a method instead of disengagement in his writings. Our essential thesis in this article is that according to Benjamin, a true political organization is an action which puts an end to the domination of the first technique over the second technique. In other words, Benjamin's conception of technique implies on the one hand a radical criticism of the existing order and on the other hand a political moment where all the phantasmagorias of the masses dissolve. In this context, the phantasmagorias, made visible through urban space, are at the same time possibilities for a revolutionary action in order to actualize the hidden forces of humanity. (shrink)

Online information intermediaries such as Facebook and Google are slowly replacing traditional media channels thereby partly becoming the gatekeepers of our society. To deal with the growing amount of information on the social web and the burden it brings on the average user, these gatekeepers recently started to introduce personalization features, algorithms that filter information per individual. In this paper we show that these online services that filter information are not merely algorithms. Humans not only affect the design of the (...) algorithms, but they also can manually influence the filtering process even when the algorithm is operational. We further analyze filtering processes in detail, show how personalization connects to other filtering techniques, and show that both human and technical biases are present in today’s emergent gatekeepers. We use the existing literature on gatekeeping and search engine bias and provide a model of algorithmic gatekeeping. (shrink)

It has been argued that the Internet and social media increase the number of available viewpoints, perspectives, ideas and opinions available, leading to a very diverse pool of information. However, critics have argued that algorithms used by search engines, social networking platforms and other large online intermediaries actually decrease information diversity by forming so-called “filter bubbles”. This may form a serious threat to our democracies. In response to this threat others have developed algorithms and digital tools to combat filter bubbles. (...) This paper first provides examples of different software designs that try to break filter bubbles. Secondly, we show how norms required by two democracy models dominate the tools that are developed to fight the filter bubbles, while norms of other models are completely missing in the tools. The paper in conclusion argues that democracy itself is a contested concept and points to a variety of norms. Designers of diversity enhancing tools must thus be exposed to diverse conceptions of democracy. (shrink)

This article aims to analyze the views of two pioneering Ḥanafī scholars, Abū Manṣūr al- Māturīdī and Abū Zayd al-Dabūsī, on the meaning of death and life in terms of their general doctrine of religion. In the first part, the general framework of Māturīdī and Dabūsī’s evidentialist conception of religion are drawn. In the second part, Māturīdī's views on the meaning of death and life and are explored. In the third part, the views of Abū Zayd al-Dabūsī on the meaning (...) of death and life, who establishes a striking connection between the divine order and existence, divine prohibition and non-existence, are examined, and a general evaluation is offered in the last section. Al-Māturīdī proposed a very original and systematic example of doing philosophy of religion, which still promising for the modern problems of the field, by opening the phenomenon of religion itself to discussion, and analyzing the nature and elements of religion. Māturīdī aims to place the problems on a universal and theoretical basis and to present a holistic, metaphysical understanding while discussing specific and particular issues in religion. Just as there are main notes in classical Western music that repeat throughout the symphony in baroque style, there are universal principles in al-Māturīdī’s metaphysics that cut all particular debates vertically. The basic principle of the al-Māturīdī’s metaphysics is based on this idea: God is a wise being, he does not do anything wise. Accordingly, it is absurd to create something to destroy; God did not create man to perish. The love of life and the fear of death are the deepest existential problems facing man as a finite being that goes towards death. Religion can be regarded as a powerful alternative to other worldviews to the extent that it provides a reasonable explanation for man’s deep concern about finitude. For al-Māturīdī, neither pessimistic understandings that emphasize only the fear of death nor hedonistic understandings that ignore death offer a reasonable solution. God created death as something that people fear the most and avoid, and life as something they love and desire. The testing of man is about being between the fear of death and the desire to live in the world. According to al-Māturīdī, this dilemma that man is facing also shows him the way out. If people do good and useful deeds because of their love for life, and avoid nonsense and ugly deeds because of their afraid of death, they can make their life eternal with their own efforts and escape from eternal/permanent death. The other Hanafī thinker, a philosopher of law Abū Zayd al-Dabūsī’s views on the meaning of death and life are parallel to Māturīdī's. According to al-Dabūsī, to test man, what God has placed in human nature is not only the soul and reason but also the spirit (al-nafs) and whim (al-hawa). While the spirit and whim invites man to the temporary by ignorance, it calls the soul and reason to the permanent by knowledge. The test for human beings is to choose between the temporary and the eternal life. For al-Dabūsī, man’s saving himself from falling into nothingness and gaining the eternal life depends on his use of reason. In other words, the reason binds human beings to life, and the whim leads them to nothingness. Drawing a parallel between reasoning and existence, ignorance and absence, Dabūsī defines the terms divine command and divine prohibition in a very original way. For him, the divine command is the things that must exist, and the divine prohibition is the things that must not exist. If the man helps exist the things that God wills to exist, he can make his own existence eternal. If the man helps exist the things that God does not will to exist, he puts himself into nothingness. Lastly, both for al-Māturīdī and al-Dabūsī, life is a divine grace bestowed on human being to gain eternal life through the good deeds he does at any moment. In short, reason is necessary in religion because its use is a preference of existence to non-existence. This metaphysical system, which sees goodness as a bridge from this finite world to heaven and eternity and makes a connection between faith and deeds on the ontological and ethical level is the essence of the worldview of the Hanafī-Māturīdī tradition. (shrink)

In the post-Single European Act period, debates around European identity have intensified, particularly in the context of EU enlargement. The EU’s move to being a supranational political entity in the past two decades has caused serious concerns in some sections of the elite and people across the EU member states. While French and Dutch rejections of the constitutional treaty set an important milestone, Turkey’s quest for the EU membership has complicated to a great extent controversies on European identity. The reviewed (...) books here contribute to efforts to understand the extent to which European identity and Turkey’s bid for the EU membership has entangled. It is more likely to witness debates around both European identity and Turkey’s candidacy for the Union for many years to come; therefore, these books will more likely remain relevant for the academic and policy circles. (shrink)

In this work, it has been mainly aimed to make a research on origin, meaning and context of two terms [Apophasis and Aphairesis]. These two terms which have an important place within the negative theology that has been thought explicitly appeared first with Pseudo-Dionysos Areopagita –but if required, it can be started in Plotinus, Aristotle, Plato or Parmenides– in history of philosophy [terms which also have been a subject to a misunderstanding, to a problem due to their being understood as (...) synonymous with each other], are tried to be traced back within Greek thinking, culture and especially in Aristotle. With putting forth which sense and context these two terms were used and understood in Aristotle, the meaning and context changes these two terms had historically have been tried to be revealed. (shrink)

Section 1. Introduction. The prophet of non-violence -- section 2. Women in Islam. Women in the light of hadith -- Violence against women and religion -- section 3. War and peace in Islam. Theory of war and peace in Islam -- Centrality of jihad in post Qurʼanic period -- Jihad? But what about other verses in the Qurʼan? -- Islam, democracy and violence -- A critical look at Qurʼanic verses on war and violence -- section 4. Justice and compassion in (...) Islam. Concept of justice in Islam -- Love in Sufi poetry: Maulana Rum, the poet of love -- Compassion in Islam: theology and history -- Islam and compassion: scriptural, historical and contemporary perspective -- section 5. Social issues. Science, West and Islamic origin of science -- Opening chapter of the Qurʼan and its ecological interpretation -- Islam and contemporary issues -- Religion or secularism? -- Modernity, discontent and religion -- Hindu-Muslim unity through religion? -- Religion and conflict. (shrink)

This article deals with Ibn Sīnā’s criticisms of Aristotle regarding what the place of God should be in the science of metaphysics. From Aristotle’s point of view, the existence of God is proved by the proof of motion in physics and is held as a subject matter in a science that comes after physics, which is metaphysics. According to him, metaphysics is the most sublime science because God is its subject matter. The most striking criticism against Aristotle’s conception of metaphysics (...) was put forward by Ibn Sīnā. From Ibn Sīnā’s point of view, the most important problem encountered in Aristotle’s understanding of metaphysics is that ontology and theology are intertwined. According to him, God cannot be a subject matter in metaphysics, rather, proving the existence of God is the aim of metaphysics. The subject matter of metaphysics is being qua being, and its aim is to prove the Necessary Existent that is the principle of existence. Accordingly, for Ibn Sīnā, metaphysics is an ontological science in terms of its subject and a theological science in terms of its aim. This new conception of metaphysics, developed by Ibn Sīnā, had a profound effect not only on Islamic thought but also on Western philosophy. In a way, the ontotheological notes of Islamic and Western thought from the Middle Ages to the present have progressed through the metaphysical symphony composed by Ibn Sīnā. (shrink)

Bu makalede en temelde dil üzerine bir düşünme denenmiştir. Dilin evrimsel ve tarihsel gelişimine, oluşumuna dair farklı görüşler incelenmiştir. Bu görüşler üzerinden, konuşmanın ve bir söz söylemenin -herhangi bir şey söylemekten farklı olarak- felsefi anlamı düşünülmüştür. Dil ve düşünme arasındaki ilişkinin ne kadar derine gittiği ya da gitmediği araştırılmıştır. Heidegger‘in dile, konuşmaya ve söze ilişkin görüşleri sunularak günlük konuşmanın sıradanlığı ve dilin şiirselliğinin özsel önemi arasındaki karşıtlık bir nebze de olsa giderilmeye çalışılmıştır.

Avrupa felsefe tarihinin en ünlü mistik düşünürlerinden olan Meister Eckhart‘ın burada çevirisi sunulan vaaz Kitab-ı Mukaddes‘te İsa ile Mecdelli Meryem arasındaki bir anlatının Meister Eckhart tarafından yapılan yorumuna dayanır. Bu yorum, daha sonra 20. Yüzyıl felsefesi içinde özellikle Derrida, Heidegger, Jean-Luc Nancy gibi düşünürler arasında fenomenoloji açısından sorunsallaştırılan ten, beden, dokunma gibi öğeleri merkeze alan güncel felsefi tartışmalara yeni bir bakış açısı getirme olasılığı açısından önemlidir.

The commentary raises political questions about the ways in which data has been constituted as an object vested with certain powers, influence, and rationalities. We place the emergence and transformation of professional practices such as ‘data science’, ‘data journalism’, ‘data brokerage’, ‘data mining’, ‘data storage’, and ‘data analysis’ as part of the reconfiguration of a series of fields of power and knowledge in the public and private accumulation of data. Data politics asks questions about the ways in which data has (...) become such an object of power and explores how to critically intervene in its deployment as an object of knowledge. It is concerned with the conditions of possibility of data that involve things, language, and people that together create new worlds. We define ‘data politics’ as both the articulation of political questions about these worlds and the ways in which they provoke subjects to govern themselves and others by making rights claims. We contend that without understanding these conditions of possibility – of worlds, subjects and rights – it would be difficult to intervene in or shape data politics if by that it is meant the transformation of data subjects into data citizens. (shrink)