Cesar Chavez (March 31, 1927 – April 23, 1993), who co-founded with Dolores Huerta the United Farm Workers (UFW), organized nonviolent strikes, marches, and national boycotts in service to securing labor rights and better working conditions for farm workers in the USA. His birthday is widely celebrated as a holiday commemorating the movement and its values.

we are called together in indianapolis, under the shadow of the poet Mari Evans, to reflect on the influence and constraints of place, and the transformative and liberatory power of imagination. In her essay, "Ethos and Creativity," Evans looks back on a lifetime spent in Indianapolis. She shares her experiences of uplifting and revelatory art performances, alongside a multitude of spirit-numbing indignities as a result of anti-black racism. The metaphor she chooses to elicit the experience of this racism is that (...) of steel thread encased in luxurious fabric. No matter the beauty and exhilaration of the city, its character has been shaped and framed by an inflexible cord that tethers it to a legacy of white supremacy... (shrink)

The catalyst for much of classical pragmatist political thought was the great waves of migration to the United States in the early 20th century. José-Antonio Orosco examines the work of several pragmatist social thinkers, including John Dewey, W. E. B. Du Bois, Josiah Royce, and Jane Addams, regarding the challenges large-scale immigration brings to American democracy. Orosco argues that the ideas of the classical pragmatists can help us understand the ways in which immigrants might strengthen the cultural (...) foundations of the United States in order to achieve a more deliberative and participatory democracy. Like earlier pragmatists, Orosco begins with a critique of the melting pot in favor of finding new ways to imagine the civic role of our immigrant population. He concludes that by applying the insights of American pragmatism, we can find guidance through controversial contemporary issues such as undocumented immigration, multicultural education, and racialized conceptions of citizenship. (shrink)

After almost two years of armed conflict between Arab militias and African farmers in Sudan, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1556 in July 2004, calling upon the Sudanese government to end the violence or face possible diplomatic and economic sanctions. The militias, known as the Janjiwid, arose after African farmers in the Darfur region formed the Sudanese Liberation Army and attacked the government in February 2003. Human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International, claim that the government gave the (...) militias logistical assistance to attack the farmers. Since 2003, tens of thousands have been killed and more than a million people displaced from their homes, pushed into concentration.. (shrink)

It is sometimes claimed that democracy is a “Western” form of government that can only grow in certain places and under certain conditions. Indeed, in some of his works, Samuel Huntington claims that democracy and the rule of law are social ideals that are rooted in very specific European cultures and may not function well, or at all, outside of those settings. Jared Diamond, author of the popular Guns, Germs, and Steel, goes even further, suggesting that the rise of industrialized (...) democracies had much to do with the geography and the environment in which these social ideals evolved, giving the West distinct advantages over other societies with different terrains and natural resources (see Diamond). Democracy .. (shrink)

In 1971, Chicano activist Armando Réndon began to chart new directions for Chicana/o politics that move away from a narrow emphasis on cultural and ethnic nationalism. He argues that urban Chicana/o neighborhoods ought develop community-based organizations to provide support services for residents and to advocate local concerns to elected officials. In the first part of this essay, I reconstruct Réndon's concept of a 'barrio union' as an example of participatory democracy. I situate his concept of neighborhood democracy within Mexican American (...) and Progressive movement history, and then highlight contemporary experiments with this model that are particularly successful in transforming traditionally marginalized individuals into active democratic participants. I then suggest that the barrio union is a repository of cultural, ethical, and political ideals that might be used by progressive Chicana/o activists to challenge the meaning of dominant institutions and political traditions within the United States, particularly the ways in which we conceive of race and American citizenship. (shrink)

This chapter examines the connection between culture and democracy with an eye toward developing a foundation for American citizenship that is informed by the experiences of Latinos/as in the United States. It begins by surveying arguments from philosophers within the American pragmatist tradition that correlate the stability of a democratic political regime with habits, tastes, and attitudes of a given people. These thinkers, namely Horrace Kallen, Jane Adams, and John Dewey, have developed two models to conceptualize the relationship of immigrant (...) communities to democratic citizenship and governance: cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. The chapter intends to demonstrate that Latino cultural citizenship is a form of cultural pluralism and, as such, does not seek to transform liberal representative democracy in any deep, significant sense. We can see this when we hold up Latino cultural citizenship to the radical challenge posed by progressive thinkers, such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr., who argued that social justice in the United States cannot be achieved unless we move beyond liberal multiculturalism, and the idea of what it means to be an American is altered to reflect the experiences of non-white peoples. (shrink)

In this essay, l examine Cesar Chavez’s thoughts on the effects of Mexican immigration on the United States. I argue that neo-nativist authors are wrong in thinking that a growing Latino population will develop into a distinct political bloc that will destabilize the nation. Instead, I maintain that Chavez suggests how a strong Latino presence might occasion a shift of values in the United States toward a culture ofpeace. I argue that Chavez develops a logic of nonviolent practice, drawing on (...) aspects of Mexican culture and political history, that is meant to guide the struggle for social justice in the United States. I explore how Chavez structured the nonviolent campaigns of the United Farm Workers around this logic of nonviolence in hopes of being a model that would revitalize the tradition of American nonviolent protest. (shrink)

This article contains four essays from the Anarres Project, a forum for conversations, ideas, and initiatives that promote a future free of domination, exploitation, oppression, war, and empire. In the spirit of philosophy in the contemporary world, the selection includes recent work on the pandemic and related struggles for justice in the past year. An introduction to the project is included.

In this interview, Lani Roberts provides a philosophical justification for the study of diversity issues and highlights the pedagogical methods needed to prepare students to live and thrive in a diverse society. This article is a partial transcript of a recorded interview.

A discussion of José-Antonio Orosco’s new book, Star Trek’s Philosophy of Peace and Justice: A Global, Anti-Racist Approach. Orosco has been finding wisdom in Star Trek episodes since he watched late night reruns with his mother. Then, recently, in honor of the 50th anniversary of Star Trek’s debut, Orosco began to teach the series as source material for peace philosophy. Philosophical concepts can be brought to bear on Star Trek stories; but Orosco argues that the (...) stories also assert philosophical meanings that are instructive to peace studies. Martin Luther King Jr. was a fan of the first season, famously encouraging the late Nichelle Nichols (1932-2022) to persist in the role of Nyota Uhura after she had decided to resign. In our book discussion, Orosco centers the importance of Critical Race Theory as a tool for exploring Star Trek’s presentation of peace and justice. Andrew Fiala questions Orosco about Star Trek’s militarism. Jennifer Kling asks how the treatment of refugees intersects with Starfleet’s Prime Directive, which commands noninterference with intergalactic populations. (shrink)

This essay argues that Latinx philosophers are not only already providing important and original contributions to standard open-borders debates, but also changing the very nature of the ethics of migration. In making this case, the essay is divided into two parts. The first summarizes some of the important and original contributions of Latinx philosophers to the standard open-borders debate. Among the highlights are Jorge M. Valadez’s “conditional legitimacy of states” argument; José-Antonio Orosco’s communitarian-based argument for a more liberalized (...) admissions policy; Javier S. Hidalgo’s claim that people have a moral right (and often an obligation) to disobey immigration laws; J. Angelo Corlett’s defense of immigration restrictions on grounds that such restrictions serve to protect Indigenous people’s sovereignty and rightful claims to territory; and Amy Reed-Sandoval’s freedom of movement argument based on the collective right of trans-border communities. The second section outlines four ways Latinx philosophers have pushed discussions within the ethics of migration beyond the standard open-borders debate. First, they have made persuasive arguments about why we ought to reject, or at least be suspicious of, approaches to migration justice that begin by assuming the legitimacy of states. Second, they argue that the issue of enforcement has been overlooked in standard open-borders debates. Third, they argue that philosophers must not avoid dealing with the social (as opposed to merely juridical) implications of labeling people “illegal” or “anchor babies.” Fourth, they show how current debates over the ethics of migration are too Euro- or Anglo-centric and therefore could benefit from the inclusion of non-European and non-Anglo voices. (shrink)

v. 1. Edad Media. 4. ed. -- v. 2. La época del Renacimiento. 2. ed. -- v. 3. El siglo del Barroco. 3. ed.

Inserte lugares de la memoria funcionan como marcas significativas de una historia reconstruida desde el presente, que conforman distintos paisajes culturales, que son representaciones simbólicas de territorios como la Ciudad Deportiva Magdalena Mixiuhca y sus geosímbolos deportivos.El objetivo es entender desde el Método de la Hermenéutica Profunda, la Teoría de los Sistemas Complejos y el Pensamiento Complejo, como estos lugares de alta significación del deporte resultan fundamentales en la trasferencia de significados y emociones, que identifican a este espacio apropiado física (...) y simbólicamente, concluyendo que esto es porque detonan recuerdos evocativos de acontecimientos emblemáticos que consolidan diversas identidades colectivas. (shrink)

O texto analisa a presença da família Sousa na literatura nobiliárquica portuguesa nos anos imediatamente posteriores à Restauração. Trata-se de ver a permeabilidade de certos valores nobiliárquicos na configuração da memória de um apelido e a sua implicação com a dimensão política da família Sousa. Em Portugal, o peso do genealógico foi um ponto essencial na configuração de uma definição-tipo de nobreza. Por isso a proliferação, desde a baixa Idade Média, de textos sobre famílias à sombra do Nobiliário do conde (...) D. Pedro foi uma das constantes. Esta fecunda e prolífera produção permite-nos perceber as variantes discursivas em torno da honra, da virtude e da preeminência nobiliárquica em Portugal e contextualizar a nobreza portuguesa no espaço ibérico e europeu, pois comprovamos a presença constante de valores transversais a todas as nobrezas católicas do continente. Além disso, a conjuntura de 1640 soma um novo elemento de interpretação como é o da ideia de fidelidade ao novo projecto monárquico encabeçado pelos Braganças. Partindo da análise das formas do discurso em torno da nobreza, este trabalho de História cultural, e do mesmo modo social, é uma mostra evidente do papel que o escrito teve na modernidade no momento de estabelecer formas de comunicação dos valores sociais dominantes. (shrink)

Under the influence of naturalistic approaches, contemporary philosophy of science tends to characterize scientific objectivity not by virtue of the individualistic following of rules or satisfying epistemic utilities, but as a property arising from the organisational features of groups. This paper presents a critical review of one such proposal, that of Helen Longino, probing some of its main features against the debate between Pasteur and Pouchet in mid-nineteenth-century France regarding the spontaneous generation of life. After considering some weaknesses and strengths, (...) it is argued that Longino’s social epistemology is only able to generate normativity by implicitly assuming a classic procedural notion of epistemic acceptability. The paper also aims to use this historical case to shed light on the complex, multidimensional nature of the dynamics of actual science, arguing both against purely epistemic and exclusively social approaches in a satisfactory meta-scientific explanation of controversies. (shrink)

This book clarifies the meaning of the most important and pervasive concepts and tools in bioethical argumentation and assesses the methodological suitability of the main methods for clinical decision-making and argumentation. The first part of the book is devoted to the most developed or promising approaches regarding bioethical argumentation, namely those based on principles, values and human rights. The authors then continue to deal with the contributions and shortcomings of these approaches and suggest further developments by means of substantive and (...) procedural elements and concepts from practical philosophy, normative systems theory, theory of action, human rights and legal argumentation. Furthermore, new models of biomedical and health care decision-making, which overcome the aforementioned criticism and stress the relevance of the argumentative responsibility, are included. (shrink)

José-Antonio Orosco’s Toppling the Melting Pot: Immigration and Multiculturalism in American Pragmatism carefully documents an expansive history of US anti-immigrant rhetoric dating back to the late nineteenth century. Along with its historical tracing, this work contributes great depth to current debates on immigration.The book focuses on writers described as US American philosophers including Horace Kallen, Louis Adamic, W. E. B. Du Bois, Josiah Royce, Jane Addams, and Cesar Chavez. Their works are meant to deliver a pragmatic conceptual framework (...) on US immigration and interculturalism, a term Orosco favors against popular assimilatory values. Following this frame of analysis, Orosco explains the ways in which... (shrink)

La autonomía es parte esencial de la fundamentación moral de la sociedad contemporánea y ha dado lugar en el ámbito asistencial a un nuevo modelo de relación y de toma de decisiones clínicas. El objetivo de este artículo es exponer el significado de la autonomía del paciente a través de la distinción de tres dimensiones: autonomía decisoria, autonomía informativa y autonomía funcional o ejecutiva, la periodización de su evolución normativa a lo largo de tres etapas, y la propuesta de cuestiones (...) o desafíos que merecen ser objeto de estudio y aplicación en el futuro. (shrink)

In 1946 there were three democracies in the world with constitutions that, on the one hand, required the government to obtain the support of a legislative majority in order to come to and remain in power and, on the other hand, established a popularly elected president. In 2002, this number had grown to 25. Constitutions with this feature are often considered to be problematic, and, given the number of new democracies that have adopted them, have received considerable attention from political (...) scientists. The primary concern has to do with the potential for conflict between the assembly supported government and the popularly elected president, which may lead to unstable governments, policy paralysis, and the eventual undermining of the democratic regime. Concern has also been raised regarding the negative role a popularly elected president may have on party development and the that in a pure parliamentary democracy runs from voters to government through political parties. In this paper, we examine the effect the combination of assembly confidence with a popularly elected president has on government instability, accountability, legislative effectiveness, and democratic survival. We also examine the impact on these outcomes of different combinations of presidential powers. We find that the introduction of a popularly elected president in parliamentary constitutions is of little significant impact and that the preoccupation with the specific powers of the president is mostly overblown. (shrink)

Eschatological beliefs have matured alongside both biblical composition and Christian history. This evolution can be traced using cultural evolutionary studies. The process reflects attempts to adapt to new conditions and challenges—sometimes giving place to more focused views, but also sometimes to failures and dysfunctional forms or fruitless variations. It becomes a theological duty to assess this evolution better. The key element is the reception of these eschatological beliefs, to discern what expressions of them are more helpful in encouraging Christian fidelity, (...) coping with distress, and engaging with individual and societal challenges. In this article, we outline a research programme that links eschatology to anthropology, and that tries to analyse beliefs according to state‐of‐the‐art methods, such as evolutionary cultural studies and research on the believing process. We also contribute a case study based on the concept of hell to test the proposed approach. (shrink)

O presente texto visa analisar de maneira introdutória como se constrói no decurso do pensamento filosófico ocidental a relação de interdependência entre democracia e educação, os argumentos que lhe dão sustentação, bem como as possíveis controvérsias de significação nela existentes. Para esse fim, examinamos obras fundamentais da filosofia e em específico da filosofia da educação, buscando compreender asserções de autores que implícita ou explicitamente tratam dessa articulação.

Este articulo analiza el proceso de integración del Mercosur en el que participan Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay y sus efectos sobre la ciudadanía política y social. En la primera parte del mismo los autores examinan los rasgos, el contexto de nacimiento y la filos ofía del proceso de integración mercosureño. La segunda parte analiza la evoluciónde la democracia y de la justicia social durante el proceso de integración. Los autores llegan a la conclusión de que el modelo de integración (...) mercosureño no puede contrarrestar la crisis de la democracia y de la justicia social que tienen lugar especialmente en Argentina y Brasil. (shrink)

Este trabajo es continuador de la línea de investigación sobre la filosofía del derecho alemana contemporánea llevada a cabo por el autor, a través del análisis de cuestiones clásicas de la filosofía del derecho. Para ello, se aborda la concepción de la pena de muerte en el pensamiento jurídico-filosófico de Arthur Kaufmann, el cual abordó esta problemática en relación con el contenido esencial del derecho a la vida y el debate doctrinal de posguerra. El artículo está dividido en las siguientes (...) partes: en primer lugar, se analiza, desde un punto de vista jurídico-filosófico, la evolución histórica de la pena de muerte a la centrando la atención en los fundamentos para su abolición y las posiciones a favor de su mantenimiento. En segundo lugar, se establecen similitudes y diferencias, en el entendimiento de la pena capital, entre la teología moral contemporánea, el pensamiento de Aquino y la obra de Arthur Kaufmann. A continuación, en base a una visión comparativa, se expone cómo el autor alemán, a la vez que mantiene una concepción católica ante la pena de muerte y la culpa sin pena, sigue la senda dejada por su maestro Radbruch, siendo en este tema no necesariamente incoherente. Por último, se establecen algunas conclusiones. (shrink)

Mostramos el valor de los estudios biográficos para comprender los modos de ser sujetos en comunidades de diversa tolerancia hacia las prácticas homoeróticas. El texto reflexiona sobre la constitución de comunidades imaginarias a partir de trabajos etnográficos en comunidades indígenas; la participación de medios de comunicación; las injerencias de ONG sobre la comunidad zapoteca, en especial en Juchitán, tierra de tolerancias sexual hacia los muxes. Los muxes cumplen diversas tares sociales y culturales, son hombres con prácticas homoeróticas con otros hombres (...) que ni ellos ni el grupo social considera homosexuales. Los zapotecas forman parte de los grupos originarios del sur de México, tienen fuerte presencia en el país en su conjunto, desarrollan prácticas de amplia participación de la mujer, tanto así que algunos científicos sociales la han denominado cultura matriarcal. En el presente documento se discuten seis asuntos sobre la región a partir de argumentos generados por un miembro de amplio reconocimiento en la región de Juchitán: 1) la valoración del rol de la mujer al considerar que es un grupo con prácticas matriarcales; 2) el mito del paraíso de la izquierda; 3) el mito del paraíso gay; 4) la idea de un tercer sexo; 5) la idea de aceptación generalizada de los muxes; 6) la generalización del travestismo. Finalmente, se plantean algunos efectos de la intervención de los científicos sociales, de los medios de difusión masiva y de las ONG sobre la profesionalización del pueblo para dar respuesta a la diversidad de intereses de los externos a la comunidad. (shrink)