Celem artykułu jest prezentacja filozofii polityki Ernesto Laclau, w szczególności ujęcia możliwości istnienia wspólnoty politycznej w warunkach trwałego, konfliktowego pluralizmu.

Ernesto Laclau's theory of antagonism and political identity has been widely celebrated as one of the most promising attempts to apply the lessons of ‘poststructuralism’ to political theory. This essay argues, however, that this initial promise is not fulfilled. Laclau's attempt to define and analyse ‘the political’ as such operates at such an abstract level that Laclau is forced to make sweeping claims about the nature of politics and identity that he simply cannot support; and his analysis of the (...) decision that he claims defines politics is an unrealistic one that celebrates violence, and could have the wide appeal it has had only in a political culture that understood freedom as the absence of all constraint, rather than the achievement of autonomy. Key Words: antagonism • autonomy • decision • freedom • hegemony • identity • Laclau • ‘the political’ • rule-following • Wittgenstein. (shrink)

Der Band diskutiert ausgewählte Positionen der Theoriebildung Ernesto Laclaus, die in den letzten Jahren im Kontext demokratietheoretischer Debatten zwar in politik-, kultur- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Feldern rezipiert wurde, deren Aufnahme in erziehungswissenschaftlichen Debatten aber eher als 'handverlesen' bezeichnet werden könnte. Die Rezeption beschränkt sich häufig auf spezifische Einsätze rund um die gemeinsam mit Chantal Mouffe in Hegemonie und radikale Demokratie entwickelte und an Antonio Gramsci ansetzende Hegemonietheorie. Dass Laclaus Perspektiven jedoch eine Vielzahl produktiver Anschlüsse und Irritationen für unterschiedliche pädagogische Frage- (...) und Problemstellungen beinhalten, verdeutlichen die hier versammelten Beiträge rund um transdisziplinäre Spannungsverhältnisse von Politik, Bildung und Pädagogik, von Artikulation und Repräsentation, von Ontologie und Identität oder im Kontext aktueller Sichtweisen auf Inklusion, Solidarität, Migration, pädagogische Beziehungen und Professionalität. Die Herausgebenden Dr. Steffen Wittig, Professor Dr. Ralf Mayer und Julia Sperschneider arbeiten und forschen an der Universität Kassel. (shrink)

Purpose of this text is to present some critiques on the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism, in particular way on those present in La ragione populista. The text is divided essentially in three parts, in the first one I will brefly illustrate the recent story of Argentina as it is fundamental to understand the development of the thought of the Latin American philosopher. In the second part of the essay I will present the main theoretical proposals within La (...) ragione populista. The last part of the text will be dedicated to a close examination of two central elements of Laclau's theory; the minimum unit of analysis chosen, and the relation between populism and institutions. Almost the whole texts that I will use, in order to underline some critical issues in the Laclausian's thought, come from the Latin American's framework, which in the last decade could experience merits and limits both on Laclau's thought and on populisms which really exist, or existed, today in Latin America. (shrink)

Toda política contiene una dimensión agonística, por lo cual tiene un rasgo populista; pero es notorio que algunas políticas contienen fuertemente ese rasgo y otras no, por lo cual no toda política podría ser tildada de populista. A su vez, el populismo es deconstructor de las instituciones previas,..

Rousseau's general will is mostly interpreted as promoting social unity at the expense of plurality. Conversely, this article argues that the general will depends on, and preserves, plurality for its formation and legitimacy. The general and the particular are not fixed opposites, for Rousseau, but are interdependent and contextually defined. The Rousseauian universal anticipates Laclau's notion of universality. The absence of any natural foundations for society deprives the universal of any pre-given identity. Likewise, the Laclauian universal names the lack of (...) ultimate ground for society. To prevent either sectarianism or despotism, the universal has to be constructed politically. Rousseau's contingent general will supplements the lack of universality, as diverse groups and individuals construct common values and political objectives that unify them across divisions without suppressing their difference. Due to its originary lack, the general will remains for ever incomplete. That incompleteness conditions the questioning, ambiguity and openness to change characterizing democracy. Key Words: democracy • equality • freedom • general will • Ernesto Laclau • particular • plurality • Jean-Jacques Rousseau • sovereignty • universal. (shrink)

The response of academic intellectuals and political elites to populism is very often characterized by a mixture between outright disgust and helpless perplexity. This cannot come as a surprise, since the one thing that left and right populism have in common is that they consider the elites their enemy. The essay argues that the choice the elites have is either to openly voice their contempt for the uneducated masses, or to help educate them. However, as the contributions of Ernesto (...) Laclau and Jacques Rancière on the topic show, this is more easily said than done. Moreover, to simply discard right-wing populism on the basis of its racist tendencies often simply serves to deflect the focus away from the legitimate grievances of those who follow – or ‘fall for’ – populist parties. (shrink)

This work proposes a reading of Laclau’s theory on populism using concepts from topology applied to dynamical systems. The analogical correspondences are established between the elements used in the reconstruction of a topological structure from data and categories such as discourse, hegemony, demand, empty and floating signifier, antagonism, and heterogeneity.

Combining rigorous theoretical debate with a set of articles exploring Ernesto Laclau’s thinking of politics, leading international scholars of contemporary radical theory demonstrate the relevance of Laclau’s work to conceptualizing the Political and politics. Part 1 situates Laclau’s conceptualisation of the political in the past four decades, both before and after the publication of _Hegemony and Socialist Strategy_. In particular it reviews Laclau’s critique of Marx and Marxism, in order to explore questions not addressed at the time. Part 2 (...) addresses Laclau’s work on _Rhetoric and Affect_ developed in some detail over the past decade. These chapters emphasise the centrality of affect and rhetoric to Laclau’s conceptualisation of hegemony, thinking this in relation to the importance of rhetoric to neo-liberal politics, and arguing that rhetorical tropes are central to any thinking of the political. Part 3 positions Laclau’s work in relation to _Contemporary Political theory_ marking his distance and debt from/to Althussser, Schmitt and Wittgenstein respectively. Part 4 explores Laclau’s account of _Radical Democracy_ in relation to contemporary political concerns. Authors address the recent financial crisis; debt in relation to Greek and European politics; the analysis of contemporary capitalism; the politics of the Occupy movement and Latin American populism. (shrink)

This work tracks the way in which the notion of the political is presented in certain texts of Ernesto Laclau and On Populist reason.). The aim is to detect the signifiers with which this notion is articulated, different status that are awarded and their linkages to the binomial contingency/necessity. It seeks as well, to offer elements that enrich the political discourse theory as analytical corpus for empirical researches on the constitution of political identities.

O populismo contemporâneo tem suscitado profícuos debates entre os teóricos políticos, tais como Ernesto Laclau, com a sua teoria do discurso atrelada à psicanálise, defendendo a ideia de que o populismo representa a lógica da política; e Nadia Urbinati, que compreende o populismo como a desfiguração da democracia. O desdobramento deste embate de ideias levará à análise de uma figura importante para o populismo: o líder populista. Se para Laclau a noção de _significante vazio_ expressa o sujeito coletivo na (...) figura do líder, resultado da lógica da equivalência e da diferença entre as diversas demandas sociais, para Urbinati o líder populista utiliza o regime democrático para atingir fins antidemocráticos, aviltando a parte da população que dele diverge. Pretende-se neste artigo analisar ambas as concepções e, a partir do confronto destas perspectivas sobre o populismo, apresentar uma hipótese de base psicanalítica sobre o que conduz os indivíduos a apoiarem uma representação política autoritária. (shrink)

This essay stages a critical conversation between Stuart Hall and Ernesto Laclau, comparing their different appropriations of Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony. In the 1980s, Hall and Laclau engaged with Gramsci and with one another in order to conceptualize what they regarded as a triangular relation between the rise of Thatcherism, the crisis of the Left, and the emergence of new social movements. While many of their readers emphasize the undeniable similarities and mutual influences that exist between Hall and (...) Laclau, this essay focuses on the differences between their theories of hegemony and locates the starkest contrast between them at the level of theoretical practice. While the main lesson that Hall drew from Gramsci was the privileging of conjunctural analysis, Laclau proceeded to locate the concept of hegemony at a higher level of abstraction, developing a political ontology increasingly indifferent to any specific conjuncture. The essay argues that this difference between conjunctural analysis and political ontology has a significant impact on Hall’s and Laclau’s respective understandings of two key political formations: populism and identity politics. Thus by focusing on these two formations, the essay argues that Hall’s work should not be read as a derivative or even undertheorized version of Laclau’s, for this tendency obscures substantial differences between their interventions as well as the fact that Hall’s theory of hegemony, as a theory of the conjuncture, ultimately possesses stronger explanatory power than Laclau’s political ontology. (shrink)

This article discusses the character of hegemonic subjectification as it is seen by Ernesto Laclau. By explaining the concepts of the constitutive features and form of a hegemonically acquired political identity, such as antagonism, undecidability, overdetermination and decision, I define the social fields and dynamics of subjectification. At the same time, I adopt that such subjectification occurs within the boundaries of the particular –universal, i.e., the ideologically assigned view of identity as totality. Besides, in contrast to Laclau, I juxtapose (...) the dialectically conceived form of the particular–universal relation with its poststructuralist Laclau’s version, and I try to prove that—contrary to Laclau—the idea of hegemony enjoys its vitality thanks to Theodor W. Adorno’s concept of negative dialectics. To determine the points of similarity of the two methods of constructing and deconstructing identity and subjectivity, I reject Elmar Flatschart’s incomparability argument. Lastly, I point out the earlier mentioned points of convergence: on Adorno’s part—the concept of proper names and the concept of constellation; on Laclau’s part—the concept of undecidability and decision which keep discourse ontologically and epistemologically open. (shrink)

Ernesto Laclau’s Marxist and post-Marxist works are best understood when they are embedded in the history of Argentina’s National Left. This socialist-populist current underpinned his strategic horizons onward of at least 1963. While purely theoretical interpretations of Laclau can sometimes be enlightening, they tend to lose sight of the historical density of the Argentine’s thought. Over the course of his working life, Laclau’s theories presented the Argentinean Left with a challenge concerning how to engage with Peronism: specifically, how to (...) develop a leftist hegemonic project in an era when the working class remained stubbornly linked to a Peronist political identity. Laclau’s political trajectory and his understanding of Marxism are analysed here in order to explain the nature of his post-Marxism. (shrink)

Ernesto Laclau (1935-2014) est reconnu aujourd'hui comme l'un des philosophes politiques principaux pour le XXIe siècle. Cet ouvrage poursuit les débats entrepris avec lui, et réunit quelques-uns de ses principaux interlocuteurs en France (Étienne Balibar, Toni Negri, Jacques Rancière), aux États-Unis (Judith Butler, Nancy Fraser) et en Argentine (Horacio González, Leonor Arfuch, Emilio de Ipola, Senda Sferco). Laclau a écrit des ouvrages devenus des références sur l'hégémonie, le populisme et l'émancipation. Longtemps ignorées par la philosophie institutionnelle et méconnues du (...) grand public, ses thèses originales ont su perturber la scène contemporaine de la pensée politique. Son activité citoyenne en Argentine a fait de lui un intellectuel familier du public hispanophone. Ce que disent ici les penseurs argentins éclaire d'un jour nouveau la contribution des épistémologies du Sud aux débats politiques français et européens, mais aussi au-delà, portant sur la question d'un populisme de gauche que Laclau appelait de ses voeux et qu'il nous laisse en héritage."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

La teoría post-marxista y post-estructuralista de Ernesto Laclau representa, actualmente, una de las perspectivas más relevantes para el análisis filosófico de la política. Sin embargo, mantiene un elevado nivel de abstracción y de complejidad conceptual, promoviendo una multiplicidad de interpretaciones divergentes. Sin asumir la defensa de un objetivismo, el presente trabajo se propone analizar algunos mitos y creencias vinculados a la obra laclausiana. De este modo, se busca contribuir a estimular el debate y la crítica sobre sus principales postulados.

El presente artículo toma como objeto de análisis las implicancias políticas de la categoría psicoanalítica de identificación en la obra de Ernesto Laclau, a partir del establecimiento de un vínculo epistemológico entre teoría política y psicoanálisis. A tales efectos, abordaré la apropiación laclausiana de las contribuciones de Sigmund Freud y de Jacques Lacan sobre este fenómeno, para señalar la especificidad de la identificación en tanto mecanismo habilitante de toda constitución subjetiva, en general, así como de toda subjetividad política, en (...) particular. (shrink)

Ernesto Laclau es un reconocido teórico político precursor del postmarxismo. Si bien reside en Inglaterra hace varios lustros, su vinculación con Argentina y América Latina sigue siendo muy importante. Su libro Hegemony and Socialist Strategy de 1985 (aparecido en español en 1987 con el título Hegemonía y Estrategia Socialista) co-escrito con Chantal Mouffe tuvo un gran impacto en el pensamiento de la intelectualidad de izquierda identificada con un proyecto de radicalización de los ideales ..

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:This Universalism Which Is Not OneLinda M. G. Zerilli (bio)Ernesto Laclau. Emancipation(s). London: Verso, 1996.Judging from the recent spate of publications devoted to the question of the universal, it appears that, in the view of some critics, we are witnessing a reevaluation of its dismantling in twentieth-century thought. One of the many oddities about this “return of the universal” 1 is the idea that contemporary engagements with it (...) are more or less of a piece, and that they reflect a growing consensus that poststructuralist political theories are incapable of generating a viable alternative to the collective fragmentation that characterizes late modernity. 2 The putative return to the universal marks, on this view, both a homecoming to Enlightenment ideals—purified of their more poisonous elements, of course—and a reconciliation of sorts between those who refuted these ideals and those who sought to realize them. Now that “we” all know and agree that poststructuralism is critically valuable but politically bankrupt; now that we all know and agree that the “old universal” was indeed a “pseudo-universal,” so the homecoming narrative goes; we can get on with the project of constructing a “new universal.” 3 This authentic universal would really be inclusive of all people, regardless of race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nationality, and whatever else attaches to the “embarrassing etcetera” that, as Judith [End Page 3] Butler reminds us, inevitably accompanies such gestures of acknowledging human diversity.Before signing on to this felicitous agreement about “the necessity of universalism,” we may wish to know whether we have anything like a minimal agreement in language, that is, whether we who speak of this universal are even speaking about the same thing. Apart from the not insignificant problem of translating from a philosophical to a political idiom, the whole question of this agreement is virtually occluded by the rush to rescue politics from the virulent particularisms that admit no common ground or sense of collective belonging. Presented in terms of the familiar binary couple, the choice between universalism and particularism seems settled by merely pointing to global and domestic political realities. Universalism is the only alternative to social fragmentation, wild child of the collapse of communism, the rise of deadly nationalisms, and the multiculturalist romance with particularism. To invoke the name of the universal in any affirmative sense is already to sign on to the political diagnosis and its solution.One of the many virtues of Ernesto Laclau’s Emancipation(s) is that it offers both an alternative to the binarisms spawned by the “return” to the universal (for example, false universalism/true universalism) and a trenchant critique of the original binary couple itself (universalism/ particularism). Demonstrating the imbrication of the universal and the particular, Laclau shows why it is a matter not of choosing one over the other but of articulating, in a scrupulously political sense, the relation between the two. He thus explicitly rejects the notion that this relation is one of mutual exclusion, and shows that the tendency to see it as just that has led to the impasse of the contemporary debate, an impasse that is glossed over in some highly visible academic cases by proclaiming the necessary return to the universal. Although the language of universalism as spoken by Laclau searches for some common ground between particularists and universalists, it is more by way of articulating their mutual contamination, that is, how each is rendered impure by the irreducible presence of the other.The Problem of UniversalsLaclau situates his collection of essays in the context of the increasingly polarized debate over multiculturalism, a debate in which the classical universalism of the philosophical tradition has come under serious question. Reading his essays, one comes to see the deep dependence of the entire contemporary discussion on this tradition, even when its metaphysical assumptions are explicitly rejected (as, say, in the work of Seyla Benhabib) or insufficiently comprehended (as in most of the popularized political discourse). Laclau’s book can help us to see that the political question of universalism cannot be posed properly as long as it remains tethered to the classical philosophical “problem of universals.” At stake in sorting out the affinities and... (shrink)

En el presente artículo se revisan aspectos puntuales de las teorías de Enrique Dussel y Ernesto Laclau, poniéndose especial énfasis en la relevancia de la dimensión ética para la comprensión de la distancia entre una y otra posición teórica. El desarrollo de la argumentación procura demostrar una hipótesis que puede sintetizarse en tres núcleos específicos: la importancia de la relación entre ética y política en las respectivas producciones teóricas, la prioridad de la ética en el caso de Dussel y (...) la incidencia de esta diferencia relacionada a dicha prioridad en la consideración teórica de los conceptos de “pueblo” y “populismo” por parte de ambos autores. (shrink)

A phenomenological hermeneutical approach to Ernesto Laclau’s philosophical discourse allows to put under suspicion the presumed “critical” character of his Theory of the Hegemony. This article sustains this thesis through the deconstruction of some of his fundamental conceptual polarities that reveals the structural faults of Laclau’s theoretical building to guarantee his own critical statute. According to this reading, the connection between “the ethical” and “the political” results problematic for a conception defined by an exclusive ontological and descriptive perspective of (...) the political. Hence, the ethical-political question is raised as the vector of the internal fissures to the Laclau’s theoretical building, exposing to the light the limits of his thought horizon. (shrink)

Ernesto Laclau’s theory of hegemony interprets in a peculiar way two central concepts of Lacanian psychoanalysis: the signifier and the real. Laclau maintains that signifiers are per se tendentially empty and that there is some constituting impossibility in every social system, that is, some real in the Lacanian sense. This paper levels two criticisms at this interpretation. Firstly, Lacan never employs the concept “empty signifier”: His definition of the signifier as that which represents a subject—and his enjoyment—for another signifier (...) contradicts this emptiness. Secondly, in the place of the impossible, Lacan puts enjoyment. The main political consequence of these two considerations is that the theory of hegemony is mistaken when focusing on the rhetorical debate and forgets that individual political inclinations are based mainly on their enjoyment. (shrink)

Perhaps nowhere better than, "On the Names of God," can readers discern Laclau's appreciation of theology, specifically, negative theology, and the radical potencies of political theology. // It is Laclau's close attention to Eckhart and Dionysius in this essay that reveals a core theological strategy to be learned by populist reasons or social logics and applied in politics or democracies to come. // This mode of algorithmically informed negative political theology is not mathematically inert. It aspires to relate a fraction (...) or ratio to a series ... It strains to reduce the decided determinateness of such seriality ever condemned to the naive metaphysics of bad infinity. // It is worth considering that it is the specific 'number' of Dionysius in differential identification with an ineffable god (and, as such, a singular becoming between theology and numbers) that is floating in at least two dimensions [of signification] (be it political Demand on the horizontal dimension or theological Desire on [a] floating dimension) that cannot but *perform the link that relinks* names of god with any political life, populist reason, social justice, or radical democracy straining toward peace. (shrink)

Resumen: Este artículo analiza cómo se encadenan los planos de lo ontológico y lo óntico en la Teoría Política del Discurso de Ernesto Laclau. Se concluye que, desde el plano ontológico, la hegemonía constituye una forma político-discursiva de articulación y universalización relativa, precaria, contingente y parcial de los particularismos en significantes vacíos que actúan como puntos nodales. Desde el nivel fenoménico-político, Laclau pone en juego estos conceptos para mostrar el desplazamiento y contaminación discursiva entre lo particular y lo universal (...) en la operación hegemónica, que transforma las identidades políticas y construye un orden comunitario y un nuevo sentido común. Desde el nivel ético-político, la conceptualización de la hegemonía se articula a la construcción discursiva de una estrategia socialista y a una democracia radical. Este proyecto político lucha contra los esencialismos y las formas de explotación y opresión social y por un horizonte de liberación que amalgame las luchas de los grupos subordinados y reconozca las diferencias y particularidades como constitutivas y deseables. La teoría formal del populismo presenta algunas inconsistencias óntico-ontológicas en este esquema. Sin embargo, su sobredeterminación simbólica disuelve las disyunciones tajantes entre la lógica y el análisis histórico-político y entre la forma y el contenido. Ello pone de manifiesto el mutuo anudamiento entre lo óntico y lo ontológico y la centralidad de la noción gramsciana de hegemonía para el análisis político y crítico de fenómenos y procesos históricos contemporáneos.: This article analyzes how the ontological and ontic planes are interconnected in Laclau’s political discourse theory. It is concluded that, on the ontological level, hegemony constitutes a political-discursive form of relative, precarious, contingent and partial universalization and articulation of particularities in empty signifiers that act as nodal points. On the phenomenological-political level, Laclau shows the displacement and discursive contamination between the particular and the universal in the hegemonic operation which transforms political identities and builds a communitarian order and a new commonality. On the ethical-political level, the conceptualization of hegemony is articulated as the discursive construction of a socialist strategy and a radical democracy. This political project fights against essentialisms and forms of exploitation and social oppression of subordinate groups, and in favor of a horizon of liberation that recognizes conflicts and differences as constitutive and desirable. The formal theory of populism presents some ontic-ontological inconsistencies in this scheme. However, its symbolic overdetermination dissolves the disjunctions between logic and historical-political analysis and between form and content. This reveals the mutual interconnection between the ontic and the ontological, and the central relevance of the Gramscian notion of hegemony for the political and critical analysis of contemporary historical phenomena and processes. (shrink)

The paper elucidates the author's conception of finitude and the logic of survival, which involves a deconstruction of the opposition between mortality and immortality. Returning to Laclau's deployment of a psychoanalytic conception of lack in his thinking of politics, the paper concludes with a discussion of democracy. Radical atheism does not seek to replace Laclau's approach to politics, as a struggle through articulation for a hegemonic position, but to demonstrate through immanent critique that it requires a different conception of desire.

Constellations, Volume 28, Issue 4, Page 511-521, December 2021.

Tomando como ponto de partida a noção de “psicologia das multidões”, desenvolvida inicialmente por Gustave Le Bon (1841-1931), este trabalho procura refletir, num sentido amplo, sobre a dinâmica entre a política e as relações intersubjetivas, afetivas e imaginárias da vida coletiva. Além disso, buscamos estabelecer o confronto entre dois filósofos pós-marxistas contemporâneos, Antonio Negri e Ernesto Laclau, os quais, afastando-se da perspectiva de Le Bon, fazem leituras distintas das noções de povo, massa e multidão, propondo, cada qual a seu (...) modo, estratégias diferentes de atuação política, sem desconsiderar a dinâmica dos afetos que estruturam a vida social e política na atual fase do capitalismo. Frente a estas perspectivas, pretendemos mostrar que o conceito de multidão, de Le Bon, bem como as técnicas de propaganda e manipulação de massa por ele indicada, é uma ferramenta útil para compreender os fenômenos políticos contemporâneos, como é o caso do neofascismo, que surge em meio à crise da democracia representativa. (shrink)

Este artículo investiga los vínculos entre el sujeto y la estructura en el transcurso de la teoría política de Ernesto Laclau, integrando sus aspectos teóricos, onto-epistemológicos y axiológico-normativos. A través de la sistematización de sus principales trabajos escritos durante el período 1977-2014, se indaga en sus contribuciones al debate Agente-Estructura y se propone una periodización compleja de su obra. Mediante una articulación pragmática de conceptos del (pos)estructuralismo, el psicoanálisis, la deconstrucción, la fenomenología, el marxismo y la filosofía posanalítica, a (...) partir de su ruptura onto-epistemológica con el esencialismo de los años 80 Laclau construyó una innovadora teoría discursiva del sujeto, superadora tanto del subjetivismo como del objetivismo, y convergente con una estrategia socialista y radicalmente democrática. La razón populista aportó nuevas herramientas que destacaron la capacidad del agente de articular (parcialmente) lo social. Sin embargo, este trabajo marcó un quiebre en su obra, que dejó de lado el análisis retroductivo de las transformaciones históricas más recientes en la estructura social y en las identidades y su conexión con la creciente fragmentación y proliferación de las luchas sociales. Al mismo tiempo, relegó la centralidad de la categoría de articulación para amalgamar la pluralidad de luchas sociales en el capitalismo complejo actual, para priorizar la construcción (tendencial) de un antagonismo binario y una lógica de simplificación y reducción conceptual del espacio social. Desde el plano axiológico, la teoría formal del populismo Laclau abandonó la iniciativa socialista y el desarrollo de los contenidos ético-políticos críticos, inherentes a la teoría posgramsciana de la hegemonía. Se concluye que ―más allá de estas inconsistencias― la teoría posfundacional del sujeto de Laclau realizó aportes innovadores, relevantes y valiosos que contribuyen a superar la falsa disyunción sujeto-estructura, a complejizar el análisis político y social, y a fortalecer la lucha hegemónica, desde una perspectiva antiesencialista. (shrink)

RESUMEN La cuestión de la constitución del sujeto político ha sido uno de los ejes centrales del pensamiento de Ernesto Laclau. En el presente trabajo nos centramos en un período específico de su reflexión teórica en torno a esta problemática: entre los años posteriores a la publicación de Hegemonía y estrategia socialista y la aparición de La razón populista. Consideramos que esta etapa de su pensamiento puede ser interpretada como el intento por elaborar una teoría deconstructiva del sujeto político, (...) la cual se sostiene sobre dos nociones que cobran vital importancia en este período: la decisión y la dislocación. ABSTRACT The constitution of the political subject has been one of the main issues in Ermesto Laclau's thinking. In this paper, we will focus on a specific period of his theoretical reflection regarding this issue: the one developed between the publication of Hegemony and socialist strategy and the appearance of On populist Reason. We intend to show how this period may be interpreted as an attempt to elaborate a de-constructivist theory of political subject, based on the notions of decision and dislocation. (shrink)

Según Oliver Marchart, autores como Badiou, Lefort, Rancière o Laclau son parte de una misma corriente: el pensamiento político posfundacionalista. Su caracte-rística central no es el rechazo de todo fundamento del orden político, sino de todo fundamento que pretenda ser necesario. En oposición a esta postura y, a partir de un análisis del concepto de hegemonía, se busca mostrar cómo el pensamiento de Laclau no se libra de la metafísica, sino que, por el contrario, desarrolla políticamente la que es -según (...) Heidegger, el padre espiritual del posfundacionalismo- su forma consumada: la metafísica nietzscheana de la voluntad de poder. According to Oliver Marchart, authors such as Badiou, Lefort, Rancière or Laclau are representatives of postfoundationalist political thought, which does not reject all foundations of the political order, but rather those that claim to be necessary. In opposition to this viewpoint and on the basis of an analysis of the concept of hegemony, the paper seeks to show how Laclau's thought fails to free itself of metaphysics. Rather, it develops politically that which according to Heidegger, the "spiritual father" of postfoundationalism, is its consummated form: Nietzsche's metaphysics of the will to power. (shrink)

Laclau and Mouffe: The Radical Democratic Imaginary is the first full-length overview of the important work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Anna Marie Smith clearly shows how Laclau and Mouffe's work has brought Gramscian, poststructuralist and psychoanalytic perspectives to revitalize traditional political theory. With clarity and insight, she shows how they have constructed a highly effective theory of identity formation and power relations that carefully draws from the criticism of political theory from postmodern anti-foundationalist political theory.

_Laclau and Mouffe: The Radical Democratic Imaginary_ is the first full-length overview of the important work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Anna Marie Smith clearly shows how Laclau and Mouffe's work has brought Gramscian, poststructuralist and psychoanalytic perspectives to revitalize traditional political theory. With clarity and insight, she shows how they have constructed a highly effective theory of identity formation and power relations that carefully draws from the criticism of political theory from postmodern anti-foundationalist political theory.

El autor pretende analizar la relación que existe entre la formación de la identidad social y el concepto de la hegemonía política en el pensamiento de Laclau. Al mismo tiempo se plantea el concepto �democracia radical� como un estado de equilibrio inestable entre las demandas de mayor igualdad y las demandas de mayor libertad.