Fénelon may be the most neglected of all the major early modern philosophers. His political masterwork was the most-read book in eighteenth-century France after the Bible, yet today even specialists rarely engage his work directly. This problem is particularly acute in the Anglophone world, for while Fénelon's works have been published in several excellent modern French editions, only the smallest fraction of his vast and influential corpus has appeared in modern English translation. This volume aims to help remedy this by (...) bringing to English-language audiences the first collection of his moral and political writings in translation. By so doing it hopes to make more widely available the riches of one of the leading voices of resistance to the absolutism of Louis XIV. Fénelon's political thought will thus be of particular interest to students and scholars of French history, as well as to those today engaged in questions of political resistance and reform. But Fénelon's reach also extends to fields well beyond politics and ethics. In the Enlightenment, Fénelon came to be celebrated not only as a humanitarian political reformer but also as a pioneering theorist of education, a prescient student of economics and international relations, and a key voice in contemporary philosophical debates-not to mention his fame as one of the seventeenth-century's most preeminent theologians and spiritualists and masters of French prose. As such, his work will be of interest to students and scholars in fields ranging from philosophy and political science to economics, education, literature, French history, and religion. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Adventures of Telemachus [1699] by François de Salignac de la Mothe-FénelonJean–Michel RacaultFrançois de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon. The Adventures of Telemachus [1699]. Translated with an introduction and notes by A. J. B. Cremer. London, Anastasis Books, 2022, 419 pp. Hardbound £24.50. Paperback £15. ISBN: 9781739798314.Fénelon’s 1699 novel The Adventures of Telemachus—or more precisely, the epic poem in prose—was one of (...) the major bestsellers in many European countries for nearly two centuries. The book inspired paintings, operas, fashions, and even wallpaper motifs. It gave birth to a literary subgenre, the “archeological novel,” such as Terrasson’s Sethos (1731) or Bernardin de Saint-Pierre’s L’Arcadie (1788), in which the action is located in an antique setting. Still part of French schools’ syllabi a century ago, this book mainly owes its survival today to highly specialized academic research, stimulated from time to time when an “Agrégation” program generates new publications, papers, and conferences, as happened in 2009–10. The situation is similar in English-speaking countries, if perhaps just a bit worse: new editions are scarce and generally based more or less on revised versions of eighteenth-century translations, such as those editions by John Hawkesworth’s (1768) or Tobias Smollett’s (1776).The publication by A. J. B. Cremer of an entirely new translation, featuring a close rendering of the French text into modern English and preserving the original’s formal dignity without resorting to a pastiche of the classical language, is therefore a landmark in the history of Fénelon’s reception, and in the valuation of Telemachus particularly. This edition, while intended for the general reader, includes most of what is expected of a scholarly edition. In a comparatively short introduction, the editor recalls the essential facts about the author’s background (as a descendent of high nobility) and about his ecclesiastic career, which was compromised by both his involvement in mystical spirituality (the quarrel over Quietism) and his critical attitude toward the absolutism of Louis XIV’s régime. [End Page 140]In fact, Fénelon’s appointment as Archbishop of Cambrai (1695) was a kind of exile. In 1689, however, he was appointed tutor to Louis XIV’s seven-year-old grandson, the young Duke of Burgundy, second in the line of succession to the throne after his father (though both died prematurely). Fénelon wrote for this boy The Adventures of Telemachus as an educative fiction in the tradition of the “mirrors of Princes.” Of course, such a book was not intended for publication, and when it appeared in 1699—strangely enough, in a fully legal manner and with a printing privilege—it was against Fénelon’s will and in a very faulty form, which was corrected in later editions. An editor today therefore faces solving some highly complex textual problems, and choosing between the manuscript traditions. Cremer’s translation is based upon Jacques Le Brun’s authoritative text, published in Fénelon’s Œuvres, tome II (Paris: Gallimard, “Pléiade,” 1997).1After surveying the critical reception of Telemachus, particularly in England, starting at the text’s first publication and reaching the present time, the introduction discreetly hints at an apparent trend, among some interpretations, toward Christian allegory. If the figure of Mentor obviously “represents Fénelon” in his tutorial role, Cremer notes, this character, also an incarnation of Minerva, embodies humanity and divinity simultaneously, and thus may be seen as a “Christ-figure,” with Telemachus as his disciple and Ulysses, with his pursuit of a never-ending quest, as the symbolic form of the Divine. These observations are not entirely new; they have been formulated before by various critics. The editor himself concurs with a well-known article by André Blanc that describes Fénelon’s neo-platonician turn of mind: for Fénelon there is no contradiction between Christian revelation and the pagan fables of classical mythology, which he considers prefigurations or allegories of Christianity.This interpretation is abundantly and convincingly confirmed in the editor’s annotations. While as expected the commentaries point frequently to Greco-Latin mythology or classical literary sources... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Political Philosophy of Fénelon by Ryan Patrick HanleyJohn J. Conley SJRyan Patrick Hanley. The Political Philosophy of Fénelon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. xvi + 306. Hardback, $41.95.In his monograph, Ryan Patrick Hanley offers a revisionist interpretation of the political philosophy of François de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon, archbishop of Cambrai. A series of Enlightenment commentators (Montesquieu, Rousseau, Hume, Jefferson) (...) and their progeny have hailed Fénelon as a political subversive who boldly attacked the injustices of the reign of Louis XIV and who prepared the arrival of an egalitarian society with socialist and pacifist traits. Hanley, however, argues that Fénelon actually defended a more moderate and realistic model of political society than his Enlightenment exegetes have suggested. Like earlier commentators, Hanley attempts to prove his argument primarily through an analysis of Telemachus, the pedagogical novel Fénelon had composed for Louis, duc de Bourgogne, the "petit Dauphin" and grandson of Louis XIV, when Fénelon served as his tutor.Three strong chapters demonstrate Hanley's thesis concerning Fénelon's moderate politics and philosophy. Hanley argues that Fénelon's philosophy of education rests on a distinction between true and false glory. True glory resides in virtue and a humble recognition of divine glory, while false glory is the self-centered glorification of the human agent, which easily deteriorates into vanity. Rather than simply condemn self-interest, in his treatment of the education of the prince Fénelon argues that self-interest must be gradually transformed into a broader interest for the good of one's subjects and a deeper recognition of the glory of God. Earning the praise of his Enlightenment acolytes and later feminist commentators, Fénelon defends a solid education for women, but he clearly wants this education to prepare women for their domestic role as wives and mothers; his celebrated treatise and letters on the education of women are not an exercise in gender equality.The economic theory of Fénelon has often been interpreted as a type of utopian socialism. This is largely based on the central place taken by Bétique in the Telemachus. In this mythical land, the happy citizens practice a communist economics; private property is foreign to them. All their basic needs are provided for through communal cooperation. Luxury is also foreign to them; precious metals like gold and silver are used in practical construction as if they were pieces of iron. But Hanley argues that the prosocialist exegetes ignore the varied economies presented in the passages concerning Egypt, Crete, and Tyre. Bétique does not stand alone as an economic ideal. When Fénelon details how the economy of contemporary France should be reformed, it is far from simple socialism. The state has a strong initial role in the state's economic reform, but it works in tandem with private initiatives that will gradually become the stronger partner. "Fénelon differs from later socialists in insisting that the use of state power is not an end in itself, but necessary only to establish the conditions whereby a free economic system can emerge and flourish—at which point direct intervention of the state into economic affairs will diminish, and a free (though hardly unbridled) pursuit of self-interest will be encouraged" (81).Hanley also attacks the common argument that Fénelon is a pacifist who excoriates all recourse to war. Fénelon does indeed condemn war in the most graphic terms. As Archbishop of Cambrai in northern France, he had witnessed the brutal carnage and attendant famines that had decimated the population in repeated wars in this border area. But his nuanced critique of war rests on a distinction between false and true courage. False courage is found in the warrior who initiates war for the sake of his own false glory. True courage lies in those who defend the innocent out of a proper sense of duty; this courage contrasts with cowardice disguised as pacificism. Hanley argues that the confederation of nations that Fénelon envisions as a mechanism to mediate conflict and reduce the recourse to war is less a species of international government than... (shrink)

In his monograph, Ryan Patrick Hanley offers a revisionist interpretation of the political philosophy of François de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon, archbishop of Cambrai. A series of Enlightenment commentators and their progeny have hailed Fénelon as a political subversive who boldly attacked the injustices of the reign of Louis XIV and who prepared the arrival of an egalitarian society with socialist and pacifist traits. Hanley, however, argues that Fénelon actually defended a more moderate and (...) realistic model of political society than his Enlightenment exegetes have suggested. Like earlier commentators, Hanley attempts to prove his argument primarily through an analysis of... (shrink)

Excerpt from Spinoza Et Ses Contemporains La premiere partie de cet ouvrage est la troisieme édition du Spinoza, que nous avions publié en 1894 d'après un Mémoire auquel l'académie des Sciences morales et politiques avait accordé le prix Bordin (rapport de M. Charles Waddington, Séances' et Travaux, sept. - oct. 1891, pp. 386 La seconde partie est formée d'articles qui ont paru dans la Revue de Métaphysique et de Morale, de 1904 à 1906; ils devaient, dans notre pensée, accompagner-la deuxième (...) édition du Spinoza; mais ils n'avaient pu ètre achevés en temps utile, ils prennent aujourd'hui la place à laquelle ils étaient destinés. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works. (shrink)

Summary In his novel The Adventures of Telemachus, François de la Mothe-Fénelon (1651–1715) presents a utopian society, Boetica, in which the role of luxury, war and trade is extremely limited. In unreformed Salentum, on the other hand, Fénelon shows the opposite image, one in which the three elements reinforce each other in a fatal feedback-loop. I analyse the relationship between luxury, war and trade in the Telemachus and I sketch the background to Fénelon's views, with (...) special attention to the military expansion and the mercantilism of Louis XIV, Fénelon's quietist spirituality, and the development of the concept of self-interest in seventeenth-century philosophy by mechanicist philosophers and economic thinkers. (shrink)

The importance of knowledge ingovernance presents increasing pressures on thescience-society contract. A re-thinking of thenature of `knowledge policy' is required. Byexamining the changing context and processes ofthe production of knowledge, this articleexamines whether and how policy organizationscan learn to adapt to complex knowledgeenvironments.

Bernard Salignac et Lazare Schôner ont chacun publié un traité inspiré de l’Algebra de La Ramée. Pourquoi jugent-ils bon de donner suite à l'algèbre ramiste? Quelles modifications y apportent-ils? Ils font de l’algèbre une discipline d'enseignement quand le ramisme s’impose dans certains établissements d’Europe du Nord. Le premier pousse plus loin que La Ramée sa réflexion sur le langage de l’algèbre et offre une contribution originale et précoce à ce qu'on peut appeler le tournant« scripturaire » des mathématiques à (...) la fin du XVIe siècle. (shrink)

A partir de la correspondance entre Fénelon et le bénédictin dom François Lamy et des lettres de l'archevêque publiées sous les titres de Lettres sur divers sujets concernant la religion et la métaphysique et de Lettres sur l'autorité de l'Église, on étudie le passage de textes épistolaires à des opuscules et à des traités de portée générale, c'est-à-dire le passage au « public » du « privé » de l'échange entre deux correspondants. Starting from the correspondence between (...) class='Hi'>Fénelon and the Benedictine dom François Lamy and afew lettersfrom the archbishop published under the title Letters on several topics dealing with religion of metaphysics and Letters on the Church authority, hère the author studies the passage from true letters to both opuscules and treaties with a wider range, i.e. the passage from the « private » to the « public » ofthe exchange between two correspondents. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain (...) in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

Este artículo se propone examinar el posicionamiento de Émilie Du Châtelet (1706-1749) respecto del tema de la defensa de la educación de las mujeres. Nos concentraremos en dos de sus obras: su adaptación al francés de La fábula de las abejas de Bernard Mandeville y su Discurso sobre la felicidad. Estudiaremos cómo Du Châtelet dialoga con distintos referentes de este debate, como François Fénelon, el abad de Saint-Pierre y Anna Maria van Schurman. Nuestro fin es demostrar la radicalidad (...) de la posición de Du Châtelet, en oposición a aquellas interpretaciones que tienden a desacreditar o a subestimar el compromiso de esta pensadora con la causa de la defensa de la educación de las mujeres. (shrink)

Numismatique François de Callatay et Caroline Mattheeuws, À propos d'une série exceptionnelle de grands bronzes thasiens (fin ive- début me siècle) p. 481-490 L'acquisition par le Cabinet des Médailles de Bruxelles d'un lot de trente-cinq grands bronzes thasiens aux types «Tête de Déméter/Bustes des Dioscures» permet d'affiner la connaissance de cette émission exceptionnelle. Tous les exemplaires sont contremarques et beaucoup présentent des traces de surfrappe. L'étude du style combinée à celle des poids permet de déceler une manipulation monétaire qui (...) avait échappé jusqu'à présent. Avant de réaliser cette émission en surfrappant une émission existante au type de l'Héraclès imberbe, on s'était d'abord servi de nouveaux flans d'un poids lourd (ca 13 g). L'étude du contexte archéologique confirme d'autre part pour ces bronzes, sans toutefois qu'il soit permis de les situer à l'année près, une datation à l'extrême fin du ive s. av. J.-C. (shrink)

Jean-Francois Lyotard's essay `Adorno as the Devil' had argued that Theodor Adorno's Philosophy of Modern Music was a `diabolic' work of `negative theology' which attributed to Schoenberg's music a secret redemptive power. However, in his later writings, such as the essays in The Inhuman, Lyotard has himself moved close to a `negative theological' position with respect to modernity, time, aesthetics and music. The paper uses the occasion of Lyotard's own theologically inspired essays on music, `God and Puppet' and `Obedience', to (...) re-evaluate the following: Adorno's claims that music transcends mere language and `reaches' for the theological; and more general claims within modern western culture on behalf of music's ability to express the inexpressible. The argument is that the music as negative theology position is not inherently metaphysical but rather that it reflects the importance of the `unsayable' to modern conceptions of reason. In resisting the `closure' of the modern narrative of reason, music, as a temporal art, has often given expression to the more radical forms of alterity present within modern forms of time. In other words, negative theology is not the discourse of the devil; it is the impossible discourse of western reason and its internal fracturing. (shrink)

As Leibniz had hoped, the publication of his ‘Système nouveau de la nature et de la communication des substances...’ in 1695 provoked discussion of his metaphysics. Amongst the reactions was that of the French Benedictine, François Lamy, in his De la Connaissance de soi-même. It is not unusual to find the different editions of this work being confused, to the detriment of a proper understanding of the relation between Lamy’s texts and Leibniz’s. No doubt the rarity of copies of (...) De la Connaissance is at least partly responsible for this confusion, and it is because of that rarity that Lamy’s discussion of Leibniz is made available and reprinted here. (shrink)

As Leibniz had hoped, the publication of his ‘Système nouveau de la nature et de la communication des substances...’ in 1695 provoked discussion of his metaphysics. Amongst the reactions was that of the French Benedictine, François Lamy, in his De la Connaissance de soi-même. It is not unusual to find the different editions of this work being confused, to the detriment of a proper understanding of the relation between Lamy’s texts and Leibniz’s. No doubt the rarity of copies of (...) De la Connaissance is at least partly responsible for this confusion, and it is because of that rarity that Lamy’s discussion of Leibniz is made available and reprinted here. (shrink)

As Leibniz had hoped, the publication of his ‘Système nouveau de la nature et de la communication des substances...’ in 1695 provoked discussion of his metaphysics. Amongst the reactions was that of the French Benedictine, François Lamy, in his De la Connaissance de soi-même. It is not unusual to find the different editions of this work being confused, to the detriment of a proper understanding of the relation between Lamy’s texts and Leibniz’s. No doubt the rarity of copies of (...) De la Connaissance is at least partly responsible for this confusion, and it is because of that rarity that Lamy’s discussion of Leibniz is made available and reprinted here. (shrink)

Cette analyse critique se propose, dans un premier temps, de reconstituer le raisonnement apologétique de l'auteur et, dans un second temps, de l'évaluer critiquement. Ce raisonnement nous semble pouvoir se synthétiser comme suit. L’Église, qui tenait que «tout ce qui est contenu dans l’Écriture doit être cru» tant que des raisons contraignantes n’ont pas été avancées, a démontré, contrairement au seul exemple de condamnation portée au nom de convictions religieuses qui est le fait de l’antiquité païenne, qu’elle a été capable (...) de renoncer à la lettre de l’Écriture, avant l’«affaire Galilée», en acceptant la sphéricité de la Terre et, après cette «affaire», en abandonnant le géo­cen­trisme, qui n’était pas seulement la façon de parler du «vul­gaire», mais celle de tous, au profit de l’héliocentrisme en 1757. Mais elle l’a fait, dans un cas comme dans l’autre, à condition que lui soit donnée une preuve valable, ce qui n’était pas le cas lors des événements de 1616 et 1633, comme en témoigne d’ailleurs le fait que les Coperniciens n’ont pas cessé d’avoir recours à la Bible et à des arguments de convenance. En revanche, en présence de tels arguments, l’Église n’aurait pas hésité à réviser son exégèse. Alors que le conflit entre l’astro­nomie nouvelle et l’Écriture sainte était potentiellement inévi­table dès l’apparition de l’héliocentrisme, car le nouveau sys­tème cosmologique touche indirectement une question aussi essentielle que le géocentrisme anthropocentrique chrétien, l’Église, malgré une première hésitation, a pu laisser libre cours à la nouvelle théorie durant une septantaine d’années. Sa condamnation de l’héliocentrisme copernicien en 1616, qui n’est donc nullement la conséquence ni d’une acte précipité et irréfléchi de la part des Consulteurs du Saint-Office, ni d’une méconnaissance de leur part des connaissances scientifiques de l’époque, ni d’un durcissement consécutif au Concile de Trente et à la Réforme, ni la conséquence d’une attaque de Galilée portée sur le terrain de la Bible à défaut de pouvoir être menée avec efficacité au niveau astronomique, a été rendue nécessaire par l’attitude de Galilée et témoigne du souci de l’Église de sauver «les “tout-petits du Christ” qui pouvaient être atteints dans leur foi». Une telle condamnation, aujourd’hui inimaginable en raison d’une séparation des savoirs dont il faut bien se rappeler qu’elle n’était aucunement de mise lors de ces événements, aurait sans doute pu être évitée si l’Église avait tiré les leçons du premier conflit (celui de la sphéricité de la Terre), en prenant conscience de l’historicité du texte biblique, au lieu d’occulter quelle était la véritable cosmologie biblique. (shrink)

Dans cet article sont identifiés les principaux défis que la théorie darwinienne de l'évolution pose à la théologie chrétienne: défi à la théologie naturelle, l'action divine n'étant plus nécessaire pour rendre compte de l'origine des vivants; défi à la théodicée, le prix exorbitant payé par des individus et des espèces au fil de l'évolution rendant difficilement pensables la bienveillance et la toute-puissance de Dieu; défi à l'omniscience divine, puisque le processus évolutif obéit à un mécanisme aléatoire apparemment dépourvu de toute (...) finalité. Les ressources de la théologie contemporaine pour relever ces défis au coeur d'une conversation avec le récit scientifique sont ensuite explorées. (shrink)

Les considérations physiologiques sont étrangères, en tant que telles, au projet de l'Ethique, et sans doute, à l'ensemble des préoccupations philosophiques de Spinoza. Au début de Ia seconde partie de l'Ethique, Spinoza précise clairement: “j'expliquerai seulement ce qui peut nous conduire comme par la main à la connaissance de l’ Arne humaine et de sa béatitude suprême”. Pourtant, le livre ne laisse pas de contenir une révision intéressante du modèle mécaniste que Descartes appliquait à l'explication du corps humain; il contient (...) surtout une hypothèse sur Ia structure organique, qui, nous le croyons, a joué un rôle de modèle pour un certain type de théorie de l'être vivant. Ce type de conception se trouve d'abord dans l'iatromécanisme de Boerhaave et de ses disciples au XVIIIe siècle, mais les séquelles en sont identifiables jusque dans Ia philosophie biologique contemporaine. (shrink)

Dans son Algebra de 1560, Pierre de La Ramée emploie une manière originale de poser les opérations de l’algèbre sous la forme de ce que j’appellerai des « schémas de calcul ». Ces schémas constituent un aspect singulier de l’écriture mathématique de Pierre de La Ramée par rapport à celle de ses contemporains. Avec ses « schémas de calcul », La Ramée contribue à l’invention, pour les mathématiques de la modernité, d’une langue propre. Leur étude conduit donc à réfléchir sur (...) les prémisses de ce que les philosophes des mathématiques appellent parfois la « révolution symbolique » du xviie siècle. Mon but est de montrer en quoi cette révolution est liée pour une part aux possibilités offertes par l’imprimerie. Je m’appuierai pour cela sur les travaux de Walter J. Ong. (shrink)

On reproche fréquemment aux plaidoiries de ralentir le temps du procès et de ne pas avoir de vraie utilité. En réalité, conclusions écrites et observations orales sont complémentaires. Une justice accessible et à l’écoute suppose un temps d’échange adapté à la nature du procès, à la complexité de l’affaire et aux enjeux du dossier. Un juge actif pendant la phase orale permet aussi de rassurer le justiciable sur la prise en considération de son dossier. Dans le souci d’une bonne administration (...) de la justice, il existe différentes manières de rétablir une forme d’harmonie entre l’écrit et l’oral. À toutes les étapes du procès, en première instance, en appel et devant le juge de cassation, la boîte à outils est, désormais, bien achalandée pour faire du sur-mesure. ll reste à en faire la promotion et se saisir pleinement de ces outils. (shrink)

Georg Misch, auteur d'une monumentale histoire de l'autobiographie, met en oeuvre les principes de Dilthey: le récit de la vie est aussi vieux que l'histoire, mais il se modifie selon les époques, et les détenninations qu'il reçoit à la Renaissance et à I' Âge classique l'orientent vers la description des lois de développement de l'individu.

First recorded in the 14th century, the analogy of spit-roast meat argues that expecting the Sun to rotate around a strictly immobile Earth would be just as ludicrous as trying to move the fire around the roasting meat. On the contrary, it should be the Earth that spins upon itself in order to glean, from all possible angles, all the benefits of the Sun, just as it is the meat’s responsibility to turn on the spit before the motionless fire for (...) it to be perfectly cooked on all sides. Aimed at demonstrating, in geocentricism, the plausibility of the rotation of the Earth and, in heliocentrism, at supporting the physical reality of this terrestrial rotation, nowadays this analogy barely elicits more than an amused, or even condescending, smile. However, its continued long-term existence and its frequency of use — from the 14th to the 19th century, we found it mentioned by no less than 45 different authors — incited us to finally pay attention to it. We then noticed that beyond its explicitly cosmological scope, it raises, in its own way, the question of the purpose of the natural world: had the latter been conceived based upon humankind, then it is normal, despite what this analogy advocates, that the Sun is at the service of something more important than itself by rotating, to the profit of humankind, around the Earth; conversely, since such an infringement of the rule of common sense, as illustrated by this analogy, can neither be justified nor tolerated, it is up to the Earth to move around the Sun. Tracing the vicissitudes of this analogy, over 6 centuries, is thus not only about reconstructing the largely forgotten history of a presently obsolete analogy, but also about discovering the deeper meaning, henceforth incomprehensible, behind it. In describing how this meaning became progressively lost, one can finally pro­vide an understanding of why, in the present day, we are no longer capable of more than an amused smile when happening upon it! (shrink)