RESUMEN La falta de equidad y justicia en la distribución de alta tecnología no excluye la salud pública en casos donde la disponibilidad es inferior a la demanda. Dentro de la estomatología, la implantología en Cuba dispone de recursos limitados y la valoración multidisciplinaria para rehabilitar mediante implantes dentales al adulto mayor depende de factores objetivos y subjetivos. En el presente artículo, en la medida que se identifican los factores que determinan en la exclusión de adultos mayores para rehabilitarse mediante (...) implantes dentales; se pretende como objetivo exponer consideraciones clínicas y éticas a considerar para una justa y eficaz selección. Se concluyó que los factores subjetivos influyen en los bajos índices de ingresos de adultos mayores para rehabilitarse, y que la consulta multidisciplinaria debe impartir equidad y justicia en la selección considerando la calidad de vida como un factor primordial para alcanzar un envejecimiento saludable. ABSTRACT The lack of justness and justice in the distribution of high technology don't exclude the public health in cases where the readiness is inferior to the demand. Inside of dentistry, the implantology has in our country limited resources, and the multidisciplinary assesment to rehabilitate by means of dental implant to senior adult it depends on objective and subjective factors. In this article, in the measure that the factors which determine an bigger exclusion of senior adult are identified to become rehabilitated by means of dental implant; it is sought as objective to expose clinical and ethical considerations to consider for a fair and effective selection. Was concluded that in spite of having an established systematical diagnoses, subjective factors influence in the low index of senior adult to become rehabilitated, and that the multidisciplinary consultation should impart justness and justice in the selection considering the quality of life like a primordial factor to reach a healthy aging. (shrink)

El objetivo de esta investigación es proponer un instrumento de análisis para las instituciones públicas de Educación Superior que están comenzando con el proceso de incorporar una política institucional de género, considerando los elementos básicos para su puesta en marcha. En un primer momento se contempla el tema de la Política Institucional de Género y como soporte teórico: las políticas públicas, la teoría de género, la perspectiva de género, los principios de equidad e igualdad y, la transversalización. Con este sustento (...) se crea una tabla de variables, dividida en dimensiones y preguntas para el análisis del contexto institucional, la identificación y valoración de los avances institucionales en la materia, así como las percepciones de las y los actores involucrados en las temáticas de género. Es importante que las instituciones de Educación Superior trabajen en la incorporación de estrategias, programas y acciones en perspectiva de género para el avance así una sociedad más igualitaria, justa y libre de discriminación, así como de violencia de género. (shrink)

RESUMEN: Trata este trabajo de la actitud del presidente Barack Obama en relación con las rebeliones de la denominada Primavera Árabe, desvelando si los criterios de la guerra justa por él señalados y defendidos en sus discursos se compaginan con la real política bélica de Estados Unidos. Se insertan ambos planos en el escenario de las rebeliones acaecidas en tres países: Libia, Egipto y Túnez. La conclusión principal es que hay un largo, además de irregular, distanciamiento entre la (...) teoría y la práctica del presidente Obama, prevaleciendo los intereses de Estados Unidos por encima de la protección de los derechos humanos, que es uno de los vectores principales de su concepto de guerra justa.ABSTRACT: This work refers the attitude of the President Barack Obama concerning the rebellions of the so-called Arab Spring, revealing if the criteria of the just war defended in his speeches correspond to the real policy of the United States. Both planes are included in the scene of rebellions occurred in three countries: Libya, Egypt and Tunisia. The main conclusion is that there is a long, as well as irregular, distance between theory and practice of president Obama, prevailing the interests of United States respect to the protection of human rights, which is one of the main vectors of their concept of just war.PALABRAS CLAVE: primavera árabe, guerra justa, rebeliones árabes, Obama y política exterior, Obama y filosofía bélica.KEYWORDS: Arab spring, just war, Arab revolts, Obama and foreign policy, Obama and war philosophy. (shrink)

Ese artículo presenta una síntesis de las teorías normativas de la guerra justa, mostrando los consensos teóricos existentes en las tres categorías de la ius ad bellum (la justicia de la guerra), ius in bello (la justicia en la guerra) y ius postbelum (justicia de la postguerra). Posteriormente, se desarrollan estos conceptos para el caso de una guerra real.

Ese artículo presenta una síntesis de las teorías normativas de la guerra justa, mostrando los consensos teóricos existentes en las tres categorías de la ius ad bellum (la justicia de la guerra), ius in bello (la justicia en la guerra) y ius postbelum (justicia de la postguerra). Posteriormente, se desarrollan estos conceptos para el caso de una guerra real.

El artículo estudia la teoría de la guerra justa, en san Agustín, considerándolo como el fundador de esta teoría, ya que fue el primero en articular los criterios perennes dentro del marco de "ethos" cristiano del amor e igualdad como seres humanos creados a imagen y semejanza del Creador. Trata también del influjo de Agustín en el desarrollo de esta teoría de la guerra justa.

In the 17th and 18th centuries, the doctrine of just war was one of the most popular theories in international law. According to this doctrine, the right to war is an integral part of natural law and, under specific circumstances, morally justified. To my mind, Kant was a fervent critic of the theory of just war. He critically reformulates the rational and normative principles of right in a way that leaves no place for war as a legitimate procedure to resolve (...) a conflict between states. In section, I shall analyze the fundamental principles of ius gentium, in particular, the duty to leave the state of nature at the international level and the juridical form that the association between states must adopt. The exit of the state of nature between nations must generate an international legal framework that not only protects human rights but also safeguards the sovereignty of the peoples. In section, I shall examine Kant’s critique of the doctrine of just war in Zum ewigen Frieden and in the Rechtslehre, exploring why the idea of an ius ad bellum is incompatible with the critical reformulation of the right of nations proposed there. (shrink)

El presente artículo busca aportar un criterio de categorización que permita plantear una diferenciación en función de la legitimación al recurso a la guerra como medio de resolución de conflictos entre Estados, para así poder distinguir los principales enfoques de la teoría de la guerra justa. De esta manera se diferencian en primer lugar el pacifismo, que rechaza cualquier tipo de respuesta violenta por parte de un Estado; la autodefensa, que limita esa actuación a la defensa frente (...) a una agresión previa; el intervencionismo, que defiende las acciones militares en supuestos de violaciones de derechos humanos; y el belicismo, que rechaza cualquier limitación a la capacidad bélica de los Estados. El artículo concluye mostrando cómo esta propuesta de clasificación aporta una aproximación sencilla con el potencial de resumir las posturas de los distintos autores, así como de mostrar los posicionamientos de estos sobre conflictos actuales. (shrink)

Tomando la interpretación de Richard Tuck como un ejemplo paradigmático de las (hiper)críticas realistas al pensamiento kantiano, en este artículo presento cuatro grupos de razones por las cuales resulta que la lectura que Tuck realiza de la filosofía política kantiana del derecho de gentes es errónea. In this article I put forward four series of reasons to rebut Richard Tuck's construction of Kant's political philosophy of the law of peoples. Tuck's interpretation is taken here as a paradigmatic model of the (...) realistic (hyper)criticism against Kant's thought. (shrink)

O presente artigo é um estudo de escolástica barroca colonial que combina elementos lógicos, raciocínios práticos e probabilismo, para compreender o movimento processual das deliberações jurídico-políticas sobre “guerra e paz” no pensamento de Juan de Solorzano Pereira. Pensador escolástico do período barroco ibero-americano que residiu por mais de duas décadas nas Índias ocidentais, que elaborou e sistematizou o Direito Indiano, De Indiarum iure. Corpo sistemático e erudito no qual se encontram compiladas cédulas reais, leis, disposições ou mandatos régios; os (...) quais eram destinados a guiar os assuntos próprios de governo nas Índias ocidentais, fundamentados na guerra justa e na paz republicana. Na Filosofia do Direito Indiano de Solórzano Pereira, a opinião provável sobre fatos e direitos não se restringe aos atos perfeitos e os absolutos que se acreditam ter em opiniões mais prováveis do passado e do presente, porque a probabilidade nessa filosofia do direito está aberta ao futuro condicional, onde novas opiniões podem produzir dúvidas nos fatos e no direito, podendo se tornar em opiniões mais coerentes, seguras e mais prováveis que as anteriores, pela aceitabilidade racional sobre o direito em questão. Erros abrem brechas e podem ser motivos suficientes para modificar direitos por usucapião, retenção, prescrição, restituição. (shrink)

Este artículo se enfoca en la concepción kantiana de un derecho de guerra, en particular en la controversial figura del enemigo injusto del apartado “Derecho de gentes” de la Rechtslehre, que ha dado pie a que se considere a Kant un teórico de la guerra justa (e. g. Carl Schmitt y B. Orend). Rechazo dicha interpretación y defiendo que al filósofo alemán no se le puede colocar esta etiqueta sin desvirtuar su visión crítica de la guerra, (...) lo que supone comprender, por una parte, la función de esta en el progreso de la humanidad, y, por otra, aceptar el veto de la razón práctica que la prohíbe. Con ese propósito retomo la defensa que hace Howard Williams frente a B. Orend e intento imprimir mayor fuerza a su argumento incorporando la noción de “ley permisiva” al derecho de guerra que se emprende contra el enemigo injusto. (shrink)

Este ensaio examina quatro tradições sobre guerra e paz que se desenvolveram na história cristã. São elas: Pacifismo, Guerra Justa, Guerra Total, e Comunidade Mundial. O Pacifismo caracterizou os primeiros cristãos; a Guerra Justa apareceu no fim do quarto século e no quinto século; a Guerra Total, no século 11; e a Comunidade Mundial começou no século 16. Todas as quatro posições continuam hoje e são sustentadas por pessoas que sinceramente se chamam a (...) si mesmas de cristãs. (shrink)

Esta dissertação, apoiada na análise bibliográfica, descreve a Religião Tradicional Tsonga-Changana e o Cristianismo Católico no Sul de Moçambique, território acentuadamente marcado pela injustiça social contra a mulher e a criança. No passado, a afiliação religiosa servia para estimular e justificar guerras, homicídios e crueldades. Para erradicar essa atitude desumana no âmbito do fenômeno religioso, na segunda metade do século XX, alguns autores cristãos passaram a ponderar sobre a cultura do diálogo inter-religioso. Neste contexto, em face da convivência inter-religiosa e (...) das condições de injustiça social prevalecentes na sociedade Tsonga-Changana, esta pesquisa examina a possibilidade de o diálogo inter-religioso, no nível ético, entre as duas tradições religiosas – Igreja Católica e Religião Tradicional Tsonga-Changana – contribuir para o aprimoramento de suas identidades e atuações. A dissertação compõe-se, basicamente, de Introdução; Descrição da experiência religiosa no Sul de Moçambique: Religião Tradicional Tsonga-Changana e Cristianismo Católico; Diálogo Inter-Religioso: uma necessidade; Tradições religiosas Tsonga-Changana e Cristã Católica ante a necessidade de humanizar a sociedade tsonga-changana; e Considerações finais. (shrink)

The question of how we should engage with a philosopher’s racial thought is of particular importance when considering Kant, who can be viewed as particularly representative of Enlightenment philosophy. In this article I argue that we should take a stance of deep acknowledgment when considering Kant’s work both inside and outside the classroom. Taking a stance of deep acknowledgment should be understood as 1) taking Kant’s racial thought to be reflective of his moral character, 2) Kant being accountable for his (...) racial thought and 3) being willing to consider the possibility that Kant’s racial thought is consistent with and inextricable from his moral philosophy. Alternative forms of engaging with Kant’s racial work have either moral or pedagogical failings, which range from simply teaching the history of philosophy uncritically to outright deception. A stance of deep acknowledgement will allow philosophers to understand how Kant’s racial thought interacts with his moral philosophy and allow instructors to teach philosophy in a historically contextualized approach so as to not alienate students whose demographic was disparaged by Kant. (shrink)

Daujotytė, V., 2021. Arvydas Šliogeris: „Mano elementorius buvo Homeras“. Vilnius: Odilė, 320 p. ISBN 9786098222432.

The denial of voting rights to certain types of persons continues to be a moral problem of practical significance. The disenfranchisement of persons with mental impairments, minors, noncitizen residents, nonresident citizens, and criminal offenders is a matter of controversy. This book makes a contribution to this largely neglected yet key topic.

Over the last 20 years, biopolitics has become an established research field within the humanities and the social sciences. However, scholars agree that the academic status of biopolitics remains problematic due to the latter’s conceptual fuzziness, unmanageable scope and weak foundations. To address these issues, biopolitics theorists have engaged in reflexive efforts to convert biopolitics into a respectable discipline with a clear definition, research agenda and canon. In this article, I examine the reflexive biopolitics scholarship that has emerged in the (...) last decade and conclude that while biopolitics may not satisfy the criteria for achieving disciplinary respectability due to the chief aporia that both underpins and undermines the academic biopolitics project – namely, its seemingly infinite reach – the structure of biopolitics matches that of experimental knowledge, also known as counterscience, the university without condition and nomad science. (shrink)

Over the last 20 years, biopolitics has become an established research field within the humanities and the social sciences. However, scholars agree that the academic status of biopolitics remains problematic due to the latter’s conceptual fuzziness, unmanageable scope and weak foundations. To address these issues, biopolitics theorists have engaged in reflexive efforts to convert biopolitics into a respectable discipline with a clear definition, research agenda and canon. In this article, I examine the reflexive biopolitics scholarship that has emerged in the (...) last decade and conclude that while biopolitics may not satisfy the criteria for achieving disciplinary respectability due to the chief aporia that both underpins and undermines the academic biopolitics project – namely, its seemingly infinite reach – the structure of biopolitics matches that of experimental knowledge, also known as counterscience, the university without condition and nomad science. (shrink)

Over the last 20 years, biopolitics has become an established research field within the humanities and the social sciences. However, scholars agree that the academic status of biopolitics remains problematic due to the latter’s conceptual fuzziness, unmanageable scope and weak foundations. To address these issues, biopolitics theorists have engaged in reflexive efforts to convert biopolitics into a respectable discipline with a clear definition, research agenda and canon. In this article, I examine the reflexive biopolitics scholarship that has emerged in the (...) last decade and conclude that while biopolitics may not satisfy the criteria for achieving disciplinary respectability due to the chief aporia that both underpins and undermines the academic biopolitics project – namely, its seemingly infinite reach – the structure of biopolitics matches that of experimental knowledge, also known as counterscience, the university without condition and nomad science. (shrink)

Mientras Carole Pateman (1988) afirma que «para las feministas la democracia no ha existido jamás», Julieta Kirkwood (1986) sostiene que «no hay democracia sin feminismo». Ambas aluden a la deuda del ideal democrático con la emancipación de las mujeres, e incluso a la función estructural de la exclusión de las mujeres en la democracia liberal. A partir de los encuentros y desencuentros entre democracia y feminismo, el presente artículo pretende ofrecer una definición de la democracia feminista que vaya más allá (...) de la inclusión a través de la acción afirmativa, abordando las tensiones que esta genera en el debate feminista de las últimas décadas y los nuevos desafíos en torno a las políticas de redistribución y de reconocimiento. ¿Es posible superar la opresión y la dominación a partir de políticas centradas en el interés de grupo? ¿Cómo se define ese interés sin esencializar la diferencia? Responder a estas preguntas resulta clave para plantear un concepto eficaz de democracia feminista. (shrink)

This article compares the ‘enfranchisement lottery’, a novel method for allocating the right to vote, with universal suffrage. The comparison is conducted exclusively on the basis of the expected consequences of the two systems. Each scheme seems to have a relative advantage. On the one hand, the enfranchisement lottery would create a better informed electorate and thus improve the quality of electoral outcomes. On the other hand, universal suffrage is more likely to ensure that elections are seen to be fair, (...) which is important for political stability. This article concludes that, on balance, universal suffrage is prima facie superior to the enfranchisement lottery. Yet the analysis shows that the instrumental case for the ‘one person, one vote’ principle is less conclusive than democratic theorists usually suppose. (shrink)

¿Toda regla social es una convención aceptada por un acuerdo de voluntades? A esta pregunta, Ramón Ortega responde negativamente en su libro Compromiso mutuo y derecho: un enfoque convencionalista. Según el autor, el carácter normativo del derecho no estaría justificado por la "vaga, oscura y controvertida noción de aceptación" de Hart, sino por otra, más general: el compromiso mutuo, tomada de la metafísica social de Margaret Gilbert. Pero ¿cuál es la diferencia entre el hecho de que dos o más personas (...) acepten una convención y que exista entre ellas un compromiso mutuo? Pensemos en un famoso y sutil ejemplo tomado de la propia Gilbert: Ana y Miguel caminan uno cerca del otro al salir de un curso. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the description and analysis of three codices from Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid with the aim of redefining their origin, dating, authorship, and content. Connecting their production to the environment of the Sacromonte affair and identifying Pedro de Castro’s hand allows to expand what was known so far about his attempts to learn Arabic and delve into the most controversial aspects of the Lead Books. The grammatical and religious contents, in addition to the copious marginal notes linked (...) to the sources he used, provide valuable information on his selection of works. Grammatical materials such as al-Āŷurrūmiyya, of which different versions are preserved in these codices, were being published in Rome and Leiden and would be widely disseminated. The building up of his library, to which these codices must have belonged, runs in parallel to the construction of an orientalist knowledge in modern Europe. (shrink)

This article compares the ‘enfranchisement lottery’, a novel method for allocating the right to vote, with universal suffrage. The comparison is conducted exclusively on the basis of the expected consequences of the two systems. Each scheme seems to have a relative advantage. On the one hand, the enfranchisement lottery would create a better informed electorate and thus improve the quality of electoral outcomes. On the other hand, universal suffrage is more likely to ensure that elections are seen to be fair, (...) which is important for political stability. This article concludes that, on balance, universal suffrage is prima facie superior to the enfranchisement lottery. Yet the analysis shows that the instrumental case for the ‘one person, one vote’ principle is less conclusive than democratic theorists usually suppose. (shrink)

This article advances three claims. The first is that the standard instrumentalist case for minimal age and sanity requirements for voting is weak and inconclusive in such a way that the evaluation of such requirements should be made exclusively on the basis of procedural fairness considerations. The second claim is that fairness requires the inclusion of all and only those persons who have the franchise capacity: the minimum necessary cognitive and moral powers to experience the benefits of enfranchisement. The third (...) and final claim is that current age and sanity prerequisites for voting in most places fail to comply with the demands of fairness and ought to be revised. (shrink)

Schools in the United States have often been tasked with cultivating a political identity that is connected to the nation-state. In the civics classroom, this often means teaching a nation-state centered civic education, which can create a sense of disjuncture for some students. This year-long ethnographic study explores disenfranchised students living in the Virgin Islands’ political identities and interests and how their teachers responded to them. The findings suggest that students entered the classroom with developed and varied political interests and (...) identities that would not necessarily be recognized in a traditional nation-state centered civics class. Teachers responded by providing a culturally sustaining and humanizing civic education that honored their students’ diverse political and cultural identities and interests. (shrink)

Este artículo describe un estudio realizado con docentes de primaria y secundaria en varias comunidades españolas. El estudio se centra en la percepción del profesorado sobre el uso del Aprendizaje Basado en Juegos (ABJ) en el aula, tratando de averiguar en qué medidas los docentes implementan el uso de esta metodología en sus aulas. Un cuestionario fue creado ad hoc para este propósito y fue debidamente validado. Los resultados de este estudio muestran que la mayoría de los docentes son proclives (...) a la utilización del ABJ, y que lo perciben como algo positivo para el aprendizaje significativo del alumnado. (shrink)