The relationship between John the Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth is defined by most New Testament scholars and historians of Christianity in terms such as “contrast”, “radical difference” or “parting of the ways”. This article aims at reviewing in a detailed way the many phenomenological parallels that the sources permit to establish between these Palestinian preachers of the first half of the 1st century c.e. (a task which has virtually not been made before). i will also reconsider some supposed differences (...) which, according to most scholars, imply the existence of a contrast between them, and i will argue that these differences do not exist or are not important enough to build a contrastive image. in this way, i aim at showing that the idea of a sharp opposition between John and Jesus is an untenable view and the result of a distortion of the available data due to ideological (more specifically, theological) prejudices. (shrink)

Hartmut Rosa advances an account of the temporal structure of society from the perspective of critical theory. He identifies three categories of change in the tempo of modern social life: technological acceleration, evident in transportation, communication, and production; the acceleration of social change, reflected in cultural knowledge, social institutions, and personal relationships; and acceleration in the pace of life, which happens despite the expectation that technological change should increase an individual's free time. According to Rosa, both the structural and (...) cultural aspects of our institutions and practices are marked by the "shrinking of the present," a decreasing time period during which expectations based on past experience reliably match the future. When this phenomenon combines with technological acceleration and the increasing pace of life, time seems to flow ever faster, making our relationships to each other and the world fluid and problematic. It is as if we are standing on "slipping slopes," a steep social terrain that is itself in motion and in turn demands faster lives and technology. As Rosa deftly shows, this self-reinforcing feedback loop fundamentally determines the character of modern life. (shrink)

In the past, only norms and rules developed for other types of illegal activities could be applied to misconduct in science in Germany. But only particularly blatant cases of misconduct can be dealt with efficiently in this way. Nowadays, a couple of very important funding agencies and research institutions have enacted special procedures that apply in cases of suspected scientific misconduct. A strongly decentralised system of dealing with misconduct in science is being established in Germany.

Democratic conceptions of politics are tacitly or explicitly predicated upon a functioning arena for the formation of public opinion in an associated media-space. Policy-making thus requires a reliable connection to processes of ‘public’ will formation. These processes formed the focus for Habermas’s influential study on the public sphere. This contribution presents a look at more recent ‘structural transformation’, the causes of which are by no means limited to social media communication, and examines its consequences. It proceeds in three steps: 1) (...) in some proximity to Habermas, but also by means of the theory of resonance, it seeks to determine the kind of public sphere that a democratic polity requires; 2) an analysis of problems within the contemporary public sphere will feed into 3) a discussion of the conditions for the restoration of a ‘functioning political public sphere’. These include changes in the realms of participation, representation and spaces of encounter. (shrink)

(1993). Perfect and workable rationality: A comment on Raymond Boudon's paper. International Studies in the Philosophy of Science: Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 41-43.

Everywhere, life seems to be speeding up: we talk of “fast food” and “speed dating.” But what does the phenomenon of social acceleration really entail, and how new is it? While much has been written about our high-speed society in the popular media, serious academic analysis has lagged behind, and what literature there is comes more from Europe than from America. This collection of essays is a first step toward exposing readers on this side of the Atlantic to the importance (...) of this phenomenon and toward developing some preliminary conceptual categories for better understanding it. Among the major questions the volume addresses are these: Is acceleration occurring across all sectors of society and all dimensions of life, or is it affecting some more than others? Where is life not speeding up, and what results from this disparity? What are the fundamental causes of acceleration, as well as its consequences for everyday experience? How does it affect our political and legal institutions? How much speed can we tolerate? The volume tackles these questions in three sections. Part 1 offers a selection of astute early analyses of acceleration as experienced in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Part 2 samples recent attempts at analyzing social acceleration, including translations of the work of leading European thinkers. Part 3 explores acceleration’s political implications. (shrink)

"Examines the processes of acceleration in politics, economic, culture, and society at large.

The paper starts by identifying dynamic stabilization as a defining feature of modern societies. This term refers to the fact that such a society requires growth, augmentation and high rates of innovation in order to reproduce its structure and to preserve the socioeconomic and political status quo. The subsequent sections explore the mechanisms and consequences of this mode of social reproduction, proceeding in three steps. First, three key aspects or ‘motors’ of dynamization are identified, namely the mechanisms of appropriation, acceleration (...) and activation. In the second step, we argue that this ‘Triple-A-Mode’ of dynamic stabilization necessarily entails a logic of incessant escalation which eventually threatens to undermine itself, leading to a multifaceted process of destabilization. Unmistakable signs of this can be seen in the current financial, democratic, ecological and psychosocial crises. The third and last part briefly and very preliminarily sketches out the possible contours of a ‘post-growth’ society which could move beyond the current mode of dynamic stabilization. (shrink)

If we are to find the criteria for critical analyses of social arrangements and processes not in some abstract, universalist framework, but from the guiding ‘self-interpretations’ of the societies in question, as contemporary contextualist and ‘communitarian’ approaches to social philosophy suggest, the vexing question arises as to where these self-interpretations can be found and how they are identified. The paper presents a model according to which there are four interdependent as well as partially autonomous spheres or ‘levels’ of socially relevant (...) self-interpretation that have to be taken into account equally in order to provide a sound basis for social and political criticism. Thus, it is from the tensions and incoherences between (A) social ideas and doctrines, (B) social institutions and practices, (C) individual beliefs and convictions, and (D) body-practices and habits that social pathologies can be identified and possible solutions can be envisaged. (shrink)

Contemporary theory of international politics faces a twofold problem: the critical engagement with legacies of national power politics in connection to 20th Century International Relations and the regeneration of notions of humanity. This book contributes to this engagement by a genealogy of thoughts on war, peace, and ethics"--Provided by publisher.

Vitruvius’ technical text De architectura and Horace’s poetic letter 2.1 are both directed at Augustus. Within the corpus of Augustan literature they alone contain two anecdotes in which Alexander the Great clearly functions as a role model for the princeps. It is striking that in both cases the ruler’s relationship to the arts - architecture and poetry respectively - is addressed. In the following article I shall give a close reading of both passages and place them in their literary and (...) historical context. Although both texts belong to very different genres, remarkable similarities can be observed. Alexander turns out to be an ambivalent figure, to whom Augustus and his artistic advisors cannot but refer back. (shrink)

A German writer's aphoristic, poetic, and difficult reflections on Heidegger's Being and Time. There is a beyond of reason and unreason. It is the human psyche. —Positive Nihilism Like many German intellectuals, Hartmut Lange has long grappled with Heidegger. Positive Nihilism is the result of a lifetime of reading Being and Time and offers a series of reflections that are aphoristic, poetic, and (appropriately, considering his object of study) difficult. Lange begins with an abyss (“There is an abyss of (...) the finite. It is temporality”) and proceeds almost immediately to extremity: “The twentieth century was governed by psychopaths. They collapsed the boundaries of moral reason and refuted Kant's analysis of consciousness.” He reflects further: “But who shall punish whom? One man's virtue is another man's crime. Thus Hitler could feel unwaveringly, as he wiped out entire populations, the starry sky above him and the moral law within him, as stipulated by Kant.” He considers the concept of civilization (“misleading”; “how should one oppose the remedies of civilization to the egomania, the murderous appetites of such outright psychopaths as Stalin or Pol Pot?”), the act of thinking (a fata morgana), the psyche, and Heidegger's Dasein. Positive Nihilism can be considered a pocket companion to Being and Time. “Heidegger's understanding of Being is nihilistic,” Lange writes, and then explains his assertion. He draws on Kant, Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, and Shakespeare's Othello for supporting arguments and illustrations. “Everyone is possessed of the courage to have angst about death. The question is whether this courage necessarily secures those vital advantages Heidegger alleges”–that “self-understanding [is] the mental anticipation of death.” Lange wrestles with Heidegger's position, calling on Tolstoy, Georg Trakl, Herman Bang, and Heinrich von Kleist to argue against it. (shrink)

This book develops a notion of differences and "otherness" beyond hegemonic and hierarchical thinking as represented by the legacies of Western philosophical and political thinking. In doing so, it relates to the 20th Century phenomenological discourse, especially to Georg Simmel, Alfred Schütz, Emmanual Lévinas, and Jacques Derrida, and drafts our understanding of difference as a genuine human experience of a social and political world that is in motion and transformative, rather than static and predictable. On this basis of temporalized ontology (...) and its normative consequences, differences are drafted as a positive social and political force and as powerful capacities of transformation and change. In practical terms, this understanding is most important for our theorizing and acting upon peace, peace-building, and conflict solution. Differences appear now not as obstacle to peace and reconciliation, but as lively and constructive articulation of "otherness" and as a positive power of transformation, emancipation, and change.This book will be of interest to students of international relations, philosophy, and political theory. (shrink)

Fichtes Verhältnis zum Judentum und seine Rolle als Wegbereiter des Nationalismus in Deutschland sind umstritten. Für diejenigen, die Fichte eine extrem deutsch-nationale Gesinnung unterstellen wollen, gibt es in den Werken des Philosophen, etwa in den Reden an die deutsche Nation, genügend Hinweise; und auch für den ihm unterstellten Anti-Judaismus lässt sich auf manche Stelle in seinen Schriften verweisen. Der brisanteste und immer wieder zitierte Beleg hierzu findet sich in der 1793 anonym erschienenen Schrift Beitrag zur Berichtigung der Urtheile des Publicums (...) über die französische Revolution. Dortheißtesineiner Fußnote: DenJuden»Bürgerrechte zu geben, dazu sehe ich wenigstens kein Mittel, als das, in einer Nacht ihnen allen die Köpfe abzuschneiden, und andere aufzusetzen, in denen auch nicht eine jüdische Idee sey.« Nach der Erfahrung von Auschwitz sind solche oder ähnliche Äußerungen unerträglich und jede Apologetik erscheint hier unangebracht, ja peinlich. In seinem Buch: Fichtes Idee der Nation und das Judentum hat H. J. Becker allerdings darauf aufmerksam gemacht, wie bemerkenswert wenig Kritik diese Äußerung Fichtes zu ihrer Zeit bei den Betroffenen hervorgerufen hat. »Was heute vielfach im Zentrum steht bei der Betrachtung [von] Fichtes Judentumskritik, war in den neunziger Jahren des 18. Jahrhunderts eher ein Phänomen am Rande.« Die Gründe für die verhaltene Kritik sind vielfältig. Zum einen ist es sicherlich der sachliche Kontext, in dem das Zitat steht, der die Zuschreibung einer spezifisch antijüdischen Gesinnung bei Fichte erschwert. Im wesentlichen geht es an dieser Stelle des Beitrags um zwei Überlegungen. Zunächst steht ein rechts- und staatsphilosophischer Gedanke im Vordergrund, der auch für diejenigen einleuchtend erscheinen kann, denen die provokante Formulierung unerträglich ist. Fichtes Argument lautet: Staatliche Autorität und deren Aufrechterhaltung sind begründet im Prinzip der Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Die Idee allgemeiner Rechtsstaatlichkeit schließt Privilegien und Exklusivitätsansprüche nichtstaatlicher Organisationen und gesellschaftlicher Gruppen aus. Als solche »Staaten im Staat« hatte Fichte neben dem Judentum vor allem das Militär, den Adel, die Geistlichkeit, die Zünfte und später auch die studentischen Verbindungen im Auge. Gesellschaftliche Verbände also, die sich, jeder auf seine Weise, dem Geltungsanspruch einer rechtsstaatlichen Verfassung zu entziehen suchte und auf überkommenen Traditionen und Vorrechten bestand. (shrink)