Our review of the literature shows that only a minority of youngsters shifts to a more extreme political position because of their experience with unemployment. Unemployment deepens the political apathy of the majority of the youngsters. Unemployment isolates youngsters, so they cannot develop any involvement in polities. The"learned-helplessness" experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy.In 1985, 536 employed and 220 unemployed were surveyed on their political, socio-economical and religious attitudes, and their voting behaviour. Because the majority of the (...) respondents were militants of the Christian Labour Movement, we expected the unemployed to shift to the left, rather than to become politically apathetic. The results confirm this hypothesis : the unemployed described themselves as "center left", were more radical on socio-economical issues and favored a more leftist vote that the employed. Surprisingly, the unemployed were also more sceptical about religion and more permissive in sexual ethics. (shrink)

Internationale vergelijkingen vormen een waardvolle bron van inzicht bij het analyseren van maatschappelijke problemen en het beoordelen van beleidsmatige antwoorden op die problemen. Vergelijkend onderzoek levert vaak interessante of nuttige informatie op doordat er verschillen én overeenkomsten worden geconstrueerd, bijvoorbeeld: hoe ‘leefbaar’ is Toronto vergeleken met Berlijn? Zelfs wanneer de definities verschillen en de gebruikte meeteenheden enigszins onnauwkeurig kunnen zijn – bijvoorbeeld “leefbaar voor wie en ten opzichte van wat?” – zijn vergelijkingen leerrijk en aanleiding voor verdere reflectie. Maar (...) internationale vergelijkingen kunnen op verschillende manieren ook problematisch zijn. (shrink)

Balanceren. Dat is waar sociale ondernemers onderlegd moeten in zijn: balanceren tussen sociale en economische doelstellingen, tussen empathie en zakelijkheid, tussen bedrijfsstabiliteit en sociale meerwaarde, tussen flexibiliteit en rigiditeit, tussen idealisme en realiteitszin. Sociaal ondernemen is dan ook een complexe uitdaging. Dat mag alvast een conclusie zijn van dit boek en het onderzoek waarop het gebaseerd is. Een andere vaststelling is dat sociale ondernemers, ook in moeilijke omstandigheden, bijzonder gedreven blijven om hun sociale missie waar te maken.0Er bestaat onmiskenbaar (...) een groeiende interesse in sociale en maatschappelijk verantwoorde bedrijfsvoering, die zich vertaalt in aandacht voor het welzijn en de ontwikkeling van de medewerkers, milieubewustzijn, duurzame productieketens, en dergelijke. Dit boek tracht inzicht te geven in welke vlag de lading ‘sociaal ondernemerschap’ dekt, zonder in zwart-witdenken te vervallen.0Het boek bouwt voort op wetenschappelijk onderzoek van de Hogeschool Gent, een samenwerkingsproject tussen de Faculteit Bedrijf & Organisatie en de onderzoeksgroep Sociale innovatie en Ondernemerschap van de Geassocieerde Faculteit Handelswetenschappen en Bestuurskunde. (shrink)

In zijn werk uit de jaren voor zijn dood in 1984 verruilt Foucault de nadruk op de ‘macht’ voor een onderzoek naar de ‘zorg voor zichzelf’. Dit artikel geeft een overzicht en interpretatie van dit late werk van Foucault. Bovendien wordt de actuele betekenis ervan geïllustreerd door het in te zetten voor een analyse van maatschappelijke problemen rond nieuwe technologieën. Juist de wending in Foucaults late werk maakt dat zijn benadering blijvende waarde krijgt voor de analyse van actuele problemen, (...) omdat hij meer dan ooit tevoren op positieve wijze zijn eigen gedachten uitwerkt. De ontmanteling van ‘het subject’ uit zijn eerdere werk wordt nu aangevuld met aanknopingspunten om te onderzoeken hoe in onze eigen tijd nieuwe vormen van subjectiviteit worden voortgebracht. (shrink)

This theoretical study starts from the observation that nearly any social problem is hierarchically structured. In order to elucidate the importance of this hierarchical aspect for the eventual solution of the problem, the concepts «problem domain» and «context» are introduced. With respect to each problem the nature of the problem defining instance, the problem definition and the problem experience are considered under a double aspect : the three of them can be individual as well as collective. As for the problem (...) itself a distinction is made between a subjective and an objective component. One also examines the elements that make a problem into a real social problem.Eventually one observes that each problem situation leads to the formation of a «field of power» involving various problem defining instances, each with its particular problem definition and problem experience. A valuable solution to any problem can hardly be reached without taking into account each of the forces in this field of power. (shrink)

Social, political and commercial organisations are stakeholders in the environmental policy decision making. Their mobilised power and counter power determine to a large extent the content of the decisions taken. Lately, the environmental movement in Flanders has grown stronger in members, professionals, financially,... but it remains relatively weak in comparison with the traditional, strong and aften pillarised intermediary organisations like unions, farmers and employers organisations. Especially its limited informal access tothe policy makers is incomparable with the exclusive and privileged access (...) of those big organisations. Nevertheless the environmental movement is becoming a policy insider instead of an outsider, but this threatens the movements independence and its movement functions. (shrink)

Belgium is generally perceived as being one of the most fervent supporters of European integration. It is supposed that this is equally true for both, the Belgian political elite and the Belgian population. Unlike in other EU member states, no large public discussion on EU integration has taken place. Therefore, it is generally supposed that Lindberg's concept of the permissive consensus applies to the Belgians. This article aims, first, at challenging empirically the existence ofa permissive consensus in Belgium. In 1997 (...) both qualitative and quantitative data on the policy position on EU issues ofabout 130 Belgian social organisations have been collected. Content analysis ofthese positions shows that the existence ofa permissive consensus seems to be dependent on a number of variables and that a general observation of a permissive consensus has to be relaxed. Second, if permissive consensus is declining, why is it, then, that no open political controversy on European integration has emerged? In answering this, thefocus is on two explanatory variables: the resources of those that would liketo mobilise are quite limited and their opinion on European politics is rather heterogeneous and undeveloped. (shrink)

Het zal geen van de aanwezigen verbazen dat we het volgende allemaal tegenkomen in empirisch onderzoek: verborgen aannames, ongegronde conclusies, vreemde analyse-eenheden, een ontbrekende uitsplitsing van gegevens, een ‘post hoc ergo propter hoc’-redenering (een simpele correlatie die leidt tot ongerechtvaardigde gevolgtrekkingen over oorzaak en gevolg), ontbrekende contextuele verklaringen, onjuiste en misleidende vergelijkingen, onthutsend onbetrouwbare steekproeven die leiden tot uiterst dubieuze extrapolaties, en hypotheses die voorspellen of proberen te achterhalen en bevestigen wat de gemiddelde persoon al weet. We beschikken natuurlijk (...) over een overvloed aan gegevens uit pedagogisch en onderwijskundig onderzoek en een haast onbegrensde hoeveelheid grafieken en tabellen met cijfers die pretenderen iets te meten. Deze gegevens komen echter maar al te vaak tot stand op basis van concepten van twijfelachtige waarde. Er ontbreekt vaak een ondersteunend theoretisch kader waarmee bevindingen kunnen worden geïnterpreteerd, verklaard of vertaald naar andere contexten, en waarmee bovendien de betekenis van de resultaten aan niet-specialisten kan worden duidelijk gemaakt. (shrink)

Religie wordt vaak opgevat als een illusionaire macht waarmee onderscheid wordt gemaakt tussen het seculiere en het sacrale en daarmee tussen mensen die wel en mensen die niet uitverkoren zijn. Macht en geweld vallen in een dergelijke opvatting vrijwel samen. Aan de hand van het werk van Pierre Bourdieu laat ik zien dat dit leidt, hetzij tot een positie waarin ieder onderscheidend vermogen tussen wat waar of niet waar is verdwijnt, hetzij tot een positie waarin de criteria zo hoog worden (...) opgeschroefd dat waarheidsvinding nauwelijks mogelijk meer is. Tot slot verdedig ik een positie waarin religie begrepen wordt als een normatieve praktijk, waarin ook aan de uitoefening van macht een eigen plaats toekomt. (shrink)

This article gives a survey of results of research concerning effects of public policy in the Netherlands. This survey is preceded by a summary of some important American projects.The Dutch research reported concerns effects of educational and housing policy on income distribution, effects of sururbanization policy, participation policy, and still other policies.In both countries the dominant conclusion is that the goals of public policy are at least partially realized by the means chosen. However, the conclusion that the welf are state (...) is totally f ailing would go to f ar.Research concerning effects of public policy is still rare. Moreover, it is clear that some goals are realized at least in part by the chosen means.When public policy appears not to be effective, this can be explained from several factors : the contents of policy and the underlying theory, the policy process, the society, the research, and a view which is toonarrow because it takes only short term effects of one particular policy program into account. (shrink)

• Wat wil ik doen/maken/cre¨eren (in het klein, in het groot . . . )? • Welke richting kies ik? • Wat is belangrijk? Wat minder belangrijk? Je kunt helderheid voor jezelf cre¨eren (weer: in het klein, in het groot) door de dingen die je wilt doen te rangschikken in volgorde van belangrijkheid.

[1] [Without special title] -- [2] Tekst.

In order to come to grips with Peirce's definition of truth as the ideal limit of inquiry, I give a succinct exposition of Peirce's theory of inquiry and his philosophical logic, paying attention to several types of reasoning and their interrelations. Subsequently, the arguments of a contemporary apologist of Peirce's notion of truth, C.J. Misak, are subjected to a scrutiny and found to be insufficient, as the principle of bivalence is defended improperly and, as a Peircean definition of truth, turns (...) out to be incompatible with a pragmatist epistemology. (shrink)

Language research is currently in a state of flux. The phenomenon of language is not merely the topic of investigation in linguistics, it is examined by a multitude of scholars with different scientific backgrounds. In order to examine how these various disciplines approach language, a think-tank was founded in 2002, called DITO, Dynamisch Inter(-en trans)disciplinair onderzoek, or Dynamic Inter- (and trans)disciplinary Research. The think-tank is located at the Belgian Vrije Universiteit Brussel (Free University of Brussels). This book provides short (...) introductory articles to the language research conducted by some of the think-tank’s most important members, from within the point of view of the following 5 disciplines: philosophy of evolutionary biology, cognitive science, neuroscience, sign language research and artificial intelligence. (shrink)

Antroposofische verkenning naar het begin van alle denken en zijn bij de Griekse wijsgeer.

This article takes the scientific study of conspiracy theories itself as an object of inquiry. It looks at the three main frameworks to look at conspiracy theories: a psychological, epistemological and a sociological approach. These different approaches exist somewhat separately and often do not get along. The central claim that follows from a genealogy of these research programs is that the conflicts between these different approaches should be understood not merely as disagreements about how the world works, but as a (...) fundamental disagreement about the underlying diagnosis of what is at stake in conspiracy theories. In other words, the conflicts stem in part from political differences, not merely empirical ones. The purpose of this article is to bring these different diagnoses back into dialogue with each other and to point out that despite their differences, they also have something in common: a concern about the state of contemporary democratic institutions. Depending on which project one subscribes to, conspiracy thinking will appear either as the cause or the solution of these democratic concerns. (shrink)

An analysis of survey data on membership, pillarisation, voting behaviour and attitudes.Belgian society is traditionally portrayed as heavily pillarised, i.e. having a system of exclusive linkages between voluntary associations and political parties, resulting in the formation of a catholic, a socialist and a liberal 'pillar' within society. Recently, several authors have questioned the validity oft his model. Our survey of the Flemish population, however, shows that pillarisation is an enduring feature of Flemish society. Membership of voluntary associations, trade unions and (...) health insurance organisations remains ideologically motivated, and shows a high degree ofconsistency in this respect. Integration into a 'pillar' exerts a strong influence on voting behaviour, although this effect weakens in younger generations. Pillars also have significant, but weaker effects on attitudes like individualism, trust and solidarity. In the social capital research tradition, these differential effects of membership are often neglected. Although there are signs that pillarisation weakens in Fiemish society, the system certainly has not disappeared. (shrink)

From the analysis of the local and provincial elected people in the province of East-Flanders during the period 1946-1991 one can conclude that there are barriers for women, lower social classes and certain age categories preventing them from moving up the local and provincial political! elites.Clear differences between local and provincial elected people are present when comparing professional backgrounds with the composition of the total working population in East-Flanders. Workers are neither on the local, nor on the provincial level very (...) numerous. However the large absence with the provincial elected people bhs to be emphazised. Secondly farmers, intellectual and free professions, employees, self-employed and employers are on both levels constantly overrepresented. However the overrepresentation of farmers can mainly be situated on the local level until the mergers of 1976. For intellectual and free professions, till the mid-sixties the overrepresentation can mainly be situated on the provincial level, from then onwards on the local level. The employees' overrepresentation has always been most important on the provincial level white the self-employed and employers are mainly overrepresented on the local level from 1970 onwards. Finally till about 1970 teaching personnel was underrepresented on both levels white from then onwards there is an overrepresentation. (shrink)